ARMED AMERICA NEEDS A SOLDIER.
The Second Continental Congress convened on the tenth day of May, 1775.
On the same day, Ethan Allen captured Ticonderoga, also securing two
hundred cannon which were afterwards used in the siege of Boston. Prompt
measures were at once taken by Congress for the purchase and manufacture
of both cannon and powder. The emission of two millions of Spanish
milled dollars was authorized, and twelve Colonies were pledged for the
redemption of Bills of Credit, then directed to be issued. At the later,
September, session, the Georgia delegates took their seats, and made the
action of the Colonies unanimous.
A formal system of “Rules and Articles of War” was adopted, and
provision was made for organizing a military force fully adequate to
meet such additional troops as England might despatch to the support of
General Gage. Further than this, all proposed enforcement by the British
crown of the offensive Acts of Parliament, was declared to be
“unconstitutional, oppressive, and cruel.”
Meanwhile, the various New England armies were scattered in separate
groups, or cantonments, about the City of Boston, with all the daily
incidents of petty warfare which attach to opposing armies within
striking distance, when battle action has not yet reached its desirable
opportunity. And yet, a state of war had been so far recognized that an
exchange of prisoners was effected as early as the sixth day of June.
General Howe made the first move toward open hostilities by a tender of
pardon to all offenders against the Crown except Samuel Adams and John
Hancock; and followed up this ostentatious and absurd proclamation by a
formal declaration of Martial Law.
The Continental Congress as promptly responded, by adopting the militia
about Boston, as “The American Continental Army.”
On the fourteenth day of June, a Light Infantry organization of expert
riflemen was authorized, and its companies were assigned to various
Colonies for enlistment and immediate detail for service about Boston.
On the fifteenth day of June, 1775, Congress authorized the
appointment, and then appointed George Washington, of Virginia, as
“Commander-in-Chief of the forces raised, or to be raised, in defence
of American Liberties.” On presenting their commission to Washington
it was accompanied by a copy of a Resolution unanimously adopted by
that body, “That they would maintain and assist him, and adhere to
him, with their lives and fortunes, in the cause of American Liberty.”
It is certain from the events above outlined, which preceded the
Revolutionary struggle, that when Washington received this spontaneous
and unanimous appointment, he understood definitely that the Colonies
were substantially united in the prosecution of war, at whatever cost of
men and money; that military men of early service and large experience
could be placed in the field; that the cause was one of intrinsic right;
and that the best intellects, as well as the most patriotic statesmen,
of all sections, were ready, unreservedly, to submit their destinies to
the fate of the impending struggle. He had been upon committees on the
State of Public Affairs; was constantly consulted as to developments, at
home and abroad; was familiar with the dissensions among British
statesmen; and had substantial reasons for that sublime faith in
ultimate victory which never for one hour failed him in the darkness of
the protracted struggle. He also understood that not statesmen alone,
preëminently Lord Dartmouth, but the best soldiers of Great Britain had
regarded the military occupation of Boston, where the Revolutionary
sentiment was most pronounced, and the population more dense as well as
more enlightened, to be a grave military as well as political error. And
yet, as the issue had been forced, it must be met as proffered; and the
one immediate and paramount objective must be the expulsion of the
British garrison and the deliverance of Boston. It will appear, however,
as the narrative develops its incidents, that he never lost sight of the
exposed sea-coast cities to the southward, nor of that royalist element
which so largely controlled certain aristocratic portions of New York,
New Jersey, and the southern cities, which largely depended upon trade
with Great Britain and the West Indies for their independent fortunes
and their right royal style of living. Neither did he fail to realize
that delay in the siege of Boston, however unavoidable, was dangerous to
the rapid prosecution of general war upon a truly military plan of
speedy accomplishment.
His first duty was therefore with his immediate command, and the hour
had arrived for the consolidation of the various Colonial armies into
one compact, disciplined, and effective force, to battle with the best
troops of Great Britain which now garrisoned Boston and controlled its
waters.
Reënforcements under Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne had already increased
the strength of that garrison to nearly ten thousand men. It had become
impatient of confinement, and restive under the presence of increasing
but ill-armed adversaries who eagerly challenged every picket post, and
begrudged every market product smuggled, or snatched, by the purveyors
or officers and soldiers of the Crown. Besides all this, the garrison
began to realize the fate which afterwards befell that of Clinton in
Philadelphia, in the demoralization and loss of discipline which ever
attach to an idle army when enclosed within city limits. When Burgoyne
landed at Boston, to support Gage, he contemptuously spoke of “ten
thousand _peasants_ who kept the King’s troops shut up.” Gradually, the
_peasants_ encroached upon the outposts. An offensive movement to occupy
Charlestown Heights and menace the Colonial headquarters at Cambridge,
with a view to more decisive action against their maturing strength, had
been planned and was ready for execution. It was postponed, as of easy
accomplishment at leisure; but the breaking morning of June 17, 1775,
revealed the same Heights to be in possession of the “peasant” militia
of America.
The Battle of Bunker Hill followed. Each force engaged lost one-third of
its numbers, but the aggregate of the British loss was more than double
that of the Colonies. It made a plain issue between the Colonists and
the British army, and was no longer a controversy of citizens with the
civil authority. The impatience of the two armies to have a fight had
been gratified, and when Franklin was advised of the facts, and of the
nerve with which so small a detachment of American militia had faced and
almost vanquished three times their number of British veterans, he
exclaimed, “The King has lost his Colonies.”
Many of the officers who bore part in that determining action gained new
laurels in later years. Prescott, who led his thousand men to that
achievement, served with no less gallantry in New York. Stark, so plucky
and persistent along the Mystic river, was afterwards as brave and
dashing at Trenton, Bennington, and Springfield. And Seth Warner, a
volunteer at Bunker Hill, and comrade of Allen in the capture of
Ticonderoga, participated in the battles of Hubbardton and Bennington,
and the Saratoga campaign, during the invasion of Burgoyne in 1777.
Of the British participants, or spectators, a word is due. Clinton,
destined to be Washington’s chief antagonist, had urged General Howe to
attack Washington’s army at Cambridge, before it could mature into a
well equipped and well disciplined force. He was overruled by General
Howe, who with all his scientific qualities as a soldier, never, in his
entire military career, was quick to follow up an advantage once
acquired; and soon after, the junior officer was transferred to another
field of service.
Percy, gallant in the action of June 17th, was destined to serve with
credit at Long Island, White Plains, Brandywine, and Newport.
Rawdon, then a lieutenant, who gallantly stormed the redoubt on Breed’s
Hill, and received in his arms the body of his captain, Harris, of the
British 5th Infantry, was destined to win reputation at Camden and
Hobkirk’s Hill, but close his military career in America as a prisoner
of war to the French.
The British retained and fortified Bunker Hill, and the time had arrived
for more systematic American operations, and the presence of the
Commander-in-Chief.
Congress had appointed the following general officers as Washington’s
associates in conduct of the war.
_Major-Generals._
Some of these have been already noticed.
ARTEMAS WARD.
CHARLES LEE, a retired officer of the British Army, a military
adventurer under many flags, a resident of Virginia, an acquaintance of
Washington, and ambitious to be first in command.
PHILIP SCHUYLER, then a member of Congress; a man of rare excellence of
character, who had served in the French and Indian War, and took part in
Abercrombie’s Ticonderoga campaign.
ISRAEL PUTNAM.
_Brigadier-Generals._
SETH POMEROY.
RICHARD MONTGOMERY, who served gallantly under Wolfe before Quebec, in
1759, and in the West Indies, in 1762.
DAVID WOOSTER.
WILLIAM HEATH, who, previous to the war, was a vigorous writer upon the
necessity of military discipline and a thoroughly organized militia.
JOSEPH SPENCER, of Connecticut, also a soldier of the French and Indian
War, both as Major and Lieutenant-Colonel.
JOHN THOMAS, also a soldier of the French and Indian War, and in command
of a regiment at Cambridge, recruited by himself.
JOHN SULLIVAN, a lawyer of New Hampshire, of Irish blood; a member of
the First Continental Congress, and quick in sympathy with the first
movement for armed resistance to British rule.
NATHANIEL GREENE, already in command of the Rhode Island troops.
Congress had also selected as Adjutant-General of the Army, HORATIO
GATES, of Virginia, who, like Lee, had served in the British regular
army; commanded a company in the Braddock campaign, and gained some
credit for bravery at the capture of Martinique, in the West Indies. He
was also known to Washington, and shared with Lee in aspiration to the
chief command.
If Washington had possessed prophetic vision, even his sublime faith
might have wavered in view of that unfolding future which would leave
none of these general officers by his side at the last conflict of the
opening war.
Ward, somewhat feeble in body, would prove unequal to active service;
lack the military acuteness and discernment which the crisis would
demand, and retire from view with the occupation of Boston.
Lee, so like Arnold in volcanic temper, would be early detached for
other service, in Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and South Carolina;
would become a prisoner of war at New York; would propose to the British
authorities a plan for destroying the American army; would escape
execution as a British deserter, on exchange; and afterwards, at the
Battle of Monmouth, so nearly realize his suggestion to General Howe, as
to show that his habitual abuse of Congress and his jealousy of his
Commander-in-Chief were insufficiently atoned for by dismissal from the
army, and the privilege of dying in his own bed, unhonored and
unlamented.
Schuyler, devoted to his country, with rare qualities as a gentleman and
with a polish of manner and elegance of carriage that for the time made
him severely unpopular with the staid stock of New England, would serve
with credit in Canada; organize the army which Gates would command at
Saratoga; be supplanted by that officer; retire from service because of
poor health; but ever prove worthy of the confidence and love of his
commander-in-chief. Of him, Chief Justice Kent would draw a pen-picture
of “unselfish devotion, wonderful energy, and executive ability.” Of
him, Daniel Webster would speak, in an august presence, in these terms:
“I was brought up with New England prejudices against him; but I
consider him second only to Washington in the service he rendered to his
country in the War of the Revolution.”
Putnam, who had been conspicuously useful at Bunker Hill, would, because
of Greene’s illness, suddenly succeed that officer in command on Long
Island, without previous knowledge of the works and the surrounding
country; would, feebly and without system, attempt to defend the lines
against Howe’s advance; would serve elsewhere, trusted indeed, but
without battle command, and be remembered as a brave soldier and a good
citizen, but, as a general officer, unequal to the emergencies of field
service.
Pomeroy, brave at Bunker Hill, realizing the responsibilities attending
the consolidation of the army for active campaign duty, would decline
the proffered commission.
Montgomery, would accompany Schuyler to Canada, full of high hope, and
yet discover in the assembled militia such utter want of discipline and
preparation to meet British veterans, as to withhold his resignation
only when his Commander-in-Chief pleaded his own greater disappointments
before Cambridge.
The perspective-glass will catch its final glimpse of Montgomery, when,
after the last bold dash of his life, under the walls of Quebec, his
body is borne to the grave and buried with military honors, by his old
comrade in arms, Sir Guy Carleton, the British general in command.
Wooster, then sixty-four years of age, would join Montgomery at
Montreal; waive his Connecticut rank; serve under his gallant leader; be
recalled from service because unequal to the duties of active command;
would prove faithful and noble wherever he served, and fall, defending
the soil of his native State from Tryon’s invasion, in 1777.
Heath, would supplement his service on the Massachusetts Committee of
Safety by efficient duty at New York, White Plains, and along the
Hudson, ever true as patriot and soldier; but fail to realize in active
service that discipline of men and that perception of the value of
campaign experience which had prompted his literary efforts before he
faced an enemy in battle.
Spencer, would discharge many trusts early in the war, with fidelity,
but without signal ability or success, and transfer his sphere of
patriotic duty to the halls of Congress.
Thomas, would prove efficient in the siege of Boston, and serve in
Canada.
Sullivan, would also enter Canada; become a prisoner of war at Long
Island; be with Washington at White Plains; succeed to the command of
Lee’s division after the capture of that officer; distinguish himself at
Trenton; serve at Brandywine; do gallant service at Germantown; attempt
the capture of Staten Island and of Newport; chastise the Indians of New
York, and resign, to take a seat in Congress.
Greene, would attend his chief in the siege of Boston; fortify Brooklyn
Heights; engage in operations about Forts Washington and Lee; take part
in the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, Germantown, Monmouth,
Newport, and Springfield; would then succeed Gates at the south, fight
the battles of Guilford Court-House, Hobkirk Hill, and Eutaw Springs,
and close his life in Georgia, the adopted home of his declining years.
But, during the midsummer of 1775, the beleaguered City of Boston,
astounded by the stolid and bloody resistance to its guardian garrison,
began to measure the cost of loyalty to the King, in preference to
loyalty to country and duty; while the enclosed patriots began to assure
themselves that deliverance was drawing near. Burgoyne, after watching
the battle from Copp’s Hill, in writing to England of this “great
catastrophe,” prepared the Crown for that large demand for troops upon
which he afterwards conditioned his acceptance of a command in America.
The days of waiting for a distinct battle-issue had been fulfilled. The
days of waiting for the consolidation of the armies about Boston, under
one competent guide and master, also passed. Washington had left
Philadelphia and was journeying toward Cambridge.
[Illustration:
WASHINGTON AT FOUR PERIODS OF HIS MILITARY CAREER.
[Etching from H. H. Hall’s Sons’ engraving.]
]