CHAPTER XXIX

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN PRACTICE

In the year 1918 women were first granted complete suffrage by the great

State of New York. The result has not been such as to surprise any

thinking man, but it must have astonished the many credulous ones who

expected political progress and reform from the fair hands of women, for

it has been merely to strengthen the power of the bosses and political

rings everywhere throughout the state. In New York City, where the

dominant political machine is the Tammany Democratic organization, the

Tammany vote which in 1917 under manhood suffrage was 314,000 sprang in

1918 to 547,000 and the Tammany majority was increased by over 100,000,

reaching the high figure of 258,000. Fools build houses and wise men

live in them. The female suffrage edifice, so toilfully erected day by

day for the past fifty years by the feverish and ambitious hands of

shrill-voiced lady agitators, is now occupied by the Tammany Ring,

composed of hard-headed and experienced men. When they vacate the

premises it will be to give place to a rival machine. True, it is, that

women are now received into the political party fold; but as servants,

not as masters. There is a female organization attachment, but it is

strictly of the old orthodox Tammany brand; the vociferous new women are

sent to the rear, their voices must not be too loud, there is no place

in party ranks for skirted faddists, nor for women who want to lead in a

“cause” or “movement.” Silence and discipline are the rules in machine

organizations. Tammany and the New York Republican organization have had

published a list of female associate leaders for each assembly district,

about thirty-five in all. The names of great female uplifters, the

leaders, as they foolishly thought themselves, are absent from these

rolls, where may be read the names of those whose husbands and brothers

will carefully transmit to them the orders from headquarters. Thus ends

the pipe dream of the suffragette “leaders” that they would some day

walk in, and take possession of the comfortable seats of the mighty. The

arrogant conceit of a bunch of foolish women, who imagined themselves to

be all-conquering, has received its quietus, and let us be grateful

accordingly. Far better submit to the plunderings of the old rings, than

to suffer from the antics and Bolshevism of the socialist suffragette

combination.

Passing New York, where the evil results of woman suffrage are only just

beginning to show themselves, let us look at Colorado, where it was

adopted in 1892. In 1908 Helen Sumner went to that State to investigate

the results of fifteen years of female voting. She was favorable to the

cause and her inquisition was backed by women. The results were

published by her in a book where she plainly endeavors to be impartial,

notwithstanding her evident suffragette affiliations. In the hope of

learning something of the moral effect of the franchise, she made

thousands of inquiries, without eliciting anything favorable, except

that voting made women take more interest in politics than before. Miss

Sumner considered this an advantage and she puts it thus:

“Thousands vote; and to every one of these thousands the ballot means a

little broadening in the outlook, a little glimpse of wider interest

than pots and kettles, trivial scandal and bridge whist.” ... “A closer

companionship and understanding between men and women.”

And so the government of the country must be entrusted to people whose

chief interests in life are pots and kettles, scandal, and bridge whist.

“Poor things,” muses Miss Sumner, “they are so lonesome, and they take

no interest in cooking; let them vote, it will divert their minds.”

Apparently she has no pity for the poor men folk, who must pay in high

taxes and indigestion the price of this diversion. But why stop at this

point; the merely going to vote will only give a woman a temporary jolt,

scarcely equal to matching a ribbon at the store; why not give her

something more exciting; why not pass a law permitting all women to

practise medicine or to drive a locomotive, or to shoe horses? Only a

comparatively few would suffer, and it would give the dear women “a

little glimpse of wider interest.” Or to be fair to both sexes, why not

let schoolboys vote; they too might like interesting “glimpses”; and

they would thus become accustomed to talk politics with mamma and

sister; never mind the harm to the country, it is big and long

suffering. Now, when we consider that Miss Sumner is probably a very

superior woman, and that as this extract shows, she has no idea whatever

of the significance or dignity of the franchise, we may judge how far

her less developed sisters are from being qualified for the exercise of

the vote.

Let us consider for a moment what kind of “glimpses of interest and

companionship” the Colorado women get by going into politics. Miss

Sumner’s inquiries did not lead her to believe that woman’s morals were

injured, or her affairs neglected as a consequence of the mere act of

voting. Perhaps not; that large class of either very docile or shrewd

women, who march to the polls with husband or father, vote as he

directs, and quickly return with him, cannot be said to have suffered

much direct harm in the process; nor indeed on the other hand to have

got many “glimpses of wider interest.” And yet, what of the indirect

results? Is it degrading or not to act a lie publicly and solemnly, to

deliberately trifle with country and conscience, as one does by voting

for people of whom he knows nothing, and for legislation which he does

not thoroughly understand? Is it nothing to trifle with a weighty

obligation? When a citizen goes to the polls and votes, does he, or does

he not, in effect represent and declare, before God and his country,

that he has investigated the matter, and that his ballot represents his

solemn and true conviction? And if that declaration be false, if he has

no solemn or true conviction on the subject, is he, or is he not,

acting the part of a perjured rascal and traitor, and can his conscience

pass through that ordeal unscathed? Here is food for thought for many a

male voter and for nearly all the female voters.

Miss Sumner learned out there, some interesting particulars of the

“broadening in the outlook” and the new “companionship” which Colorado

women get from exercising the suffrage; and the experience must have

astonished some of the decent ones among them till they got used to it.

Her book fairly reeks with the tainted atmosphere of female corruption;

the whole woman’s movement there was steeped in moral filth. Here are

her own words (p. 258):

“Politics in Colorado are at least as corrupt as in other states,

and the woman of ideals who goes into political life for reform

soon finds, not merely that she is working in the mire, but that

she is _persona non grata_ with the habitual denizens of the mire

and with those persons who profit by its existence.”

Among the first fruits of woman suffrage in Colorado seems to have been

the development of a big batch of female criminals. In Arapahoe County

in 1900 there were 5284 fraudulent registrations of voters of which 3512

were men and 1772 women. Seventeen hundred female criminals in one

county! There must have been a considerable “broadening in the outlook”

for women theretofore accustomed to decent homes; and a “closer

companionship” with rogues, and understanding of their devices was no

doubt arrived at. In fact Colorado has been said to be the most corrupt

electorate in the United States. Of its effects there United States

Judge Hailett, a resident of the state, said, “if it were to be done

over again the people of Colorado would defeat woman suffrage by an

overwhelming majority.” It stands because politicians are cowards and

unscrupulous, and Colorado like other states is ruled by politicians. It

has increased political corruption in the state. In 1905 about thirty

men were sent to jail in Denver and fined, and in Pueblo there were 257

indictments, all for election frauds. It has not diminished political

rowdyism. In an article in the _Outlook_ in January 1906, Lawrence

Lewis, who studied the subject for several years in Colorado, says that

since woman suffrage went into effect, there has been a continuation of

the former frauds, drunkenness, fights and arrests for crimes. Referring

to the notorious election knaveries committed by both parties in

November 1904, the second year of female voting, he says:

“In Denver neither in November 1904 nor for twenty years has there

been an election that decent citizens of either party would

unhesitatingly assert was anywhere near on the square.”

He further says, that in the cities such as Denver, Pueblo, etc., a

great number of fallen women vote under the control of the bosses, often

under compulsion.

“It is safe to say that under ordinary conditions and under

ordinary police administration, ninety per cent of the fallen women

in our cities are compelled to register and to vote at least once

for the candidates favored by the police or sheriff officers. But

in ordinary times these women are also compelled to repeat.... A

former city detective or fine collector in Pueblo has been tried,

convicted and sentenced to a term of years in the penitentiary for

compelling an unfortunate woman to repeat her registration. He is

under further indictments for compelling the same woman to forge

fictitious names by the hundreds to district registration sheets,

all of which names were to be voted on election day by other fallen

women from whom the fellow collected fines.”

Other similar instances are given by the writer in this same article.

And he adds that:

“It would indeed appear that the average character of the actual

voting body has either remained unchanged or has been slightly

lowered as regards actual political intelligence and

discrimination.”

Also this:

“We have practically (in Colorado) all the forms of graft and

misgovernment found elsewhere. Woman’s suffrage seems to have been

neither a preventive, an alleviator, nor a cure for any of our

political ills.”

Only about one-third of the Colorado women actually vote, and a great

many of them flatly and indignantly refuse to do so. Referring to an

election in Colorado, 1910, Miss Seawell says:

“At the election in May, 1910, the sale of women’s votes was open

and shameless. At each of the 211 voting precincts in Denver, there

were four women working in the interests of the saloon-keepers.

These women had previously visited the headquarters of the

saloon-keepers and openly accepted each a ten dollar bill for her

services. In this and other ways Mr. Barry says he saw about

$17,000 paid to women voters, who apparently made no effort to

conceal it, as indeed it would have been useless.... Such wholesale

corruption has probably never been approximated in any city in the

United States.”

Robert H. Fuller says that:

“Some of the worst election frauds ever perpetrated in this country

marked the Colorado election of 1904. The character and average

intelligence of the voting population, as a whole, have not

improved in the states where women vote; there has been no

improvement in the fitness or capacity of the elected public

officials.” (_Government by the People._)

Miss Seawell says that in the election case of _Bonynge_ vs. _Shafroth_,

in the First Congressional District of Colorado, containing the City of

Denver (_Second Session of the Fifty-eighth Congress, H. R. report_ No.

2705), it appeared that out of 9000 ballots in the boxes there were 6000

fraudulent ones which had been prepared by three men and by one woman.

One woman poll clerk voted three times; forgeries were committed by the

women; two women arranged to have a fight started so as to distract the

attention of the watchers at the polls, while a third woman stuffed the

ballot-boxes. Because of this exposure, Shafroth resigned.

Moral stimulus there certainly could be none in contact with this fraud

organization which goes by the name of politics in Colorado. Of mental

stimulus and “broadening in the outlook” thus to be miraculously

achieved by the mere process of selecting one out of two scamps for

public office, Miss Sumner was reluctantly compelled to admit, that

after all in actual result she found but little. Few people were able to

give her any clear reason why they favored woman suffrage nor why they

opposed it. It seems likely that all the mental stimulus the Colorado

women ever got by entering the mire of politics, they could have

obtained at less expense to their delicacy and good manners, by taking

part in church fairs, golfing, gardening, playing base-ball, walking,

lawn tennis, singing schools, literary societies, spelling bees,

horseback riding or dancing. And if some of the precious creatures must

at any rate be kept amused while the rest of us work, it would be less

expensive to the state to provide these amusements at state charge than

to permit them to divert their minds by playing with our national

welfare, and using poor old Uncle Sam as the object on which to try

their various experiments in political quackery.

Glancing over the New York _Evening Post_ of August 27, 1919, the writer

was interested to read that a young lady politician, convicted in 1916

of a murder during a political quarrel at Thompson Falls, the victim

being one Thomas, also a politician, had been paroled from the Montana

State Penitentiary. It is reassuring to know that a suffragette

murderess actually risks three years confinement (softened no doubt by

sympathy) in Montana, the first woman suffrage state, and the one who

gave us our first lady “congressman.”

The plain truth is, that the entry of women into politics has brought no

promise to the American people of any practical help in any of their

real problems. The whole movement bears the stamp of crudeness and

mediocrity. Its ideals and operations have been low and its leaders

lacking in every quality of greatness. Part of its success is no doubt

due to the love of novelty, and the inability in most minds to

distinguish what is really progress from what is merely blind or foolish

experiment. To many superficial people there is a fascination attached

to everything which smacks of revolution; because in the past an

occasional revolt has been justified, they think it is heroic and noble

to take part in any political rumpus. But nothing either noble or heroic

was ever in or behind the woman suffrage movement, or has ever come out

of it. The really great political agitations have all produced something

worth while, in orators, leaders or authorship; see, for example, the

chronicles of the American Revolution or the abolition movement; even

the French Revolution, in its compass from Rousseau to Napoleon, evolved

some greatness to offset the mass of rubbish and infamy which it vomited

forth. Its political incapables though unfit for any good constructive

work were at least able to talk and write with effect; they drew

attractive political pictures and proposals, and could promise and

speculate in a way to arouse interest. Not so the suffragists. Among

political agitators they stand supreme for dullness and stupidity.

Looking at their literature one is immediately struck by its cheapness,

by its utter lack of noble and patriotic sentiments, by the lack of

appeal to broad and elevating motives. We have had thousands of

suffragist speeches, and tons of printed literature, and after all, what

have they or what has their movement offered to the nation or to the

world? Nothing, absolutely nothing. The movement has not produced one

idea worthy of the consideration of a well-educated and sensible man; it

has apparently been motived by vanity, love of notoriety and power, and

characterized by hysteria; the proposals advanced have been pilfered

from socialists and other fanatics; the oratory and literature of the

suffragists is characterized by flippant insincerity and

unscrupulousness; progressive legislation in which they had no

perceptible part is boldly claimed as their work; their leaders often

display dense ignorance of the political history of the country, and a

sad lack of capacity to understand sound political principles or to

sympathize with anything beyond the popular smartness of the hour. The

personnel of their leaders has been commonplace and uninteresting. Some

of them have been sincere fanatics; most of them are political

adventuresses. Dr. C. L. Dana says of the movement: “It is adopted as a

kind of religion, a holy cult of self and sex, expressed by a passion to

get what they want. There is no program, no promise, only ecstatic

assertions that they ought to have it and must have it, and of the

wonders that will follow its possession.... Measured by fair rules of

intelligence testing, I should say that the average zealot in the cause

has about the mental age of eleven.” (_Letter to Miss Chittenden._)

During the war with Germany the patriotism of many of the leaders was

doubtful, and their associates suspicious. And during the progress of

the whole agitation, there has been no suggestion of any effort to be

made by those women or their followers to stop political graft or

corruption, or to raise the standard of politics or of legislation. They

have had the vote at two annual elections in the great state of New

York; what do they offer there? Nothing. Who are their standard bearers

and who has benefited by their vote? The most notorious boss and the

most noted and powerful political machine in the world.

The strongest proof, however, of the utter unworthiness of the cause of

female suffrage and the meanness of its motives is furnished by the

public declarations of its female advocates. Many of these addresses are

flavored with half contemptuous, half vicious and altogether impudent

and vile sneers at men, and assertions of masculine inferiority, which

could not have been readily displayed but by those familiar with

households whose men habitually receive at home but scant respect. Those

scoffs at men are accompanied by a great show of half hysterical, all

gushing, admiration for the mystic excellences of contemporary women,

and of contempt for those of the last generation; in fact these female

reform leaders usually assume a top-lofty attitude of disdain for our

ancestors generally, their work and their ideals. Each of them is of

course filled with wonder at her own superior wisdom. One cannot help

suspecting that most of this display of crudity and egotism is due to

the fact that much of the suffragist work was done by newly fledged

graduates of female colleges, where uppish young women, largely of the

type who dislike home duties, or sometimes it is feared work of any

kind, are sent by their parents either to get rid of them for a while,

or because it is the thing to do, or to fit them for teaching. As from

the college president down, nothing of actual life is known, or ever was

known, within the college walls, where everything needed, buildings,

endowments, salaries, books, instruments and sustenance, is provided by

someone else, one can readily imagine the quality of the stuff expounded

in these places under the pretence of instruction in sociology, politics

and economics, and greedily swallowed by the extremely silly and

conceited undergraduates. On leaving college, the best or most fortunate

of these girls, aided by good luck or guided by wise parents, go to work

at some useful occupation, and begin to get real lessons in life

followed usually by still higher instruction as wives and mothers later

on. Of the lazy, rattle-brained, and otherwise good for nothing, a

certain percentage find their way every year into the field of female

suffrage agitation. Some scraps of knowledge they have picked up in the

class-room, the value of which they enormously exaggerate in their own

minds, and give themselves intellectual airs in consequence. Many of

them lack sense or judgment sufficient to enable them to appreciate the

immense importance of the business world, the great mental capacity

required in dealing with problems of commerce, manufacturing and

finance, and feel a certain contempt for business people who take no

part in the literary and artistic patter of the day, or who lack taste

for trashy new poetry and rubbishy modern novels. The participation of

this class in the “movement” is prompted partly by morbid desire to

associate with men; and partly by vanity and a longing for notoriety,

and for opportunity to display their own imagined powers. Fools, being

afraid of no social or political problems, walk in where angels fear to

tread; and it is no unusual thing to see charming and prudent women

reduced to meek silence by these female blatherskites, with their

irrelevant harangues about primitive men, cave dwellers, man-made law,

dual-sexed insects and female spiders who devour their mates. If the

reader doubts that such have been of the class of female suffrage

deliverances it will be because he has been fortunate enough not to have

heard many of them.

Part of the success of the woman suffrage agitation is due to the use of

money. Just as the accumulations of the rich are often poured by their

sons into channels of profligate folly, so by their widows and daughters

they are often turned into ditches of political folly. In countries like

England and the United States, where large and small fortunes are

constantly being accumulated by hard-working men, and large portions

thereof bequeathed to female relatives, there will always be found a

certain proportion of the latter who lack the wisdom to properly use

their surplus cash; some waste it shamefully; some lose it to sharpers;

some bestow it upon worthless and sham benevolences; some squander it to

gain notoriety. One can scarcely imagine any “cause” or “movement” so

absurd that, people cannot be found to believe in it, or to pretend to

do so, and to subscribe to it if properly approached and tempted by

visions of celebrity. For the woman suffrage agitation sums aggregating

very considerable have been thus secured in England and America. With

this cash a number of poorer women can be employed to do propaganda work

and to perpetrate acts of lawlessness. In England they assaulted cabinet

officials and others; they used dynamite, they smashed windows, they

broke up public meetings by violence, they practised rowdyism and

blackguardism, they attempted even murder. Here, they have allied

themselves with anarchists and socialists, enemies of the republic; they

have lawlessly interrupted public meetings; they publicly affronted the

President at the Arlington Hotel on April 15th, 1910, a thing never

before done in the history of the country; and they subsequently

insulted another President, by picketing the White House in an offensive

manner for weeks together. They justify this by saying that they were in

earnest, and ready to suffer for the cause; and the same has been said

by other fanatical criminals. Their course has been such as would have

discredited even a good cause in any field but that of politics, where

vile and dastardly methods are customary and considered appropriate.

Up to a few years ago the politicians were accustomed to ridicule the

woman suffrage agitation, and for years made it a standing joke at the

various state capitols; thus it was formerly the well known practice of

the New York state legislators to deceive and humbug the woman suffrage

managers by passing one of their measures in one house, with the

understanding that it would be defeated in the other. But as soon as the

movement began to make real headway, the politicians began to favor it,

seeing the chance of advantage to themselves from that course. The only

opinion those gentry fear or respect is that backed by organized force

or easy money. The suffragists organized and raised immense amounts of

cash; their opponents failed to do either and almost ignored the

movement. Now, reasoned the politicians, should the suffrage proposals

fail nothing will be lost by having supported them; and should they

succeed we will have a still more credulous, corrupt and easily managed

constituency than before, and may hope for the gratitude and friendship

of the suffrage leaders. And now that in sixteen states women have the

vote, the politicians on both sides strongly favor woman suffrage, and

are one and all ready to swear everlasting devotion to the cause of

woman. The presidential aspirants dare no longer oppose it. So that

judging the future by the past, the cause of woman suffrage has a fair

chance of winning in all or most of the states of the Union. It

certainly will do so unless there be a strong organized effort to defeat

its progress, of which at present no signs are visible. In the political

world the most powerful forces are money and fanaticism. The effect of

money is familiar to us all every day. The effect of fanaticism is

equally familiar to readers of history. It produced the Mohammedan

Empire, the Crusades, and the Spanish Inquisition, and assisted in the

downfall of Spain; it furthered the Mormon political sway; the violent

abolition of slavery; the prohibition movement; the woman suffrage

agitation and Bolshevism. That female suffrage is the last important

step in the downward march of the American democracy is the belief of

the writer of this book. If at this point the reaction does not begin,

the democratic régime in this country is doomed to final failure, and

even to possible overthrow at the hands of red radicalism.

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