DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS TERMINATE.
Grave Responsibilities Bravely Met--The Ultimatum to Spain--The
Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sends Minister Woodford His
Transports--Our Consuls in Cuba Leave the Island--Fate of
Americans Left Behind--Spanish Spies at Work--Playing a Desperate
Game.
None but those who were close to the men at the head of our
Government just prior to the commencement of the war with Spain
can realize with what solicitude they watched the development of
the preliminary proceedings.
With full appreciation of their grave responsibilities, knowing
the power inherent in their positions to effect results, and yet
cognizant as the days went by of their inability to prevent the
fulfillment of fate, they endeavored to guide events so far as
they could in a course which will hold them and the people
blameless in the sight of the world for whatever might follow.
That they withstood the strain so well bears testimony to their
mental poise and strength of character.
The President's demeanor underwent a noticeable change. The
affable, cheery mood which formerly characterized him, gave way to
a sternness of manner which befits a humane but just judge called
upon to execute a righteous sentence. A curious illustration of
Mr. McKinley's temperament was shown in the difference in his
bearing after the passage of the resolutions which made war
inevitable. So long as there was the slightest chance for peace
the pressure of uncertainty bore heavily upon him, and his face
assumed a wan and haggard look. That look did not entirely
disappear, but it was no longer marked by anxiety. From the moment
the decision was reached which imposed upon him the leadership of
a nation at war, he seemed to have experienced a sense of relief,
for he saw his pathway straight before him, no matter how rough it
might be.
Immediately after signing the resolutions declaring for
intervention by our Government, the President sent an ultimatum to
Spain, quoting the act of Congress, and notifying her that her
army and navy must be withdrawn from Cuba by noon of April 23.
The Spanish Minister, Polo y Bernabe, at once applied for his
passports, and left the country. The Spanish Government, without
waiting for Minister Woodford to deliver the ultimatum of the
United States Government, sent him his transports, thus taking the
initiative and practically declaring war against this government.
The official notification to General Woodford, from the Spanish
Minister of Foreign Affairs, was as follows:
Dear Sir:
In compliance with a painful duty, I have the honor to inform you
that there has been sanctioned by the President of the Republic a
resolution of both chambers of the United States which denies the
legitimate sovereignty of Spain, and threatens immediate armed
intervention in Cuba, which is equivalent to a declaration of war.
The Government of Her Majesty has ordered her Minister at
Washington to retire without loss of time from the territory of
North America with all of the personality of the Legation. By this
act the diplomatic relations which formerly existed between the
two countries, and all official communications between their
respective representatives cease. I am obliged to inform you, so
that on your part you can make such arrangements as you believe
convenient.
I beg that at a suitable time Your Excellency will acknowledge
receipt of this and take this opportunity to reiterate the
assurance of my most distinguished consideration.
PIO GULLON.
General Woodford then turned over the Legation to the care of the
British Government, and ordered all American Consuls in Spain to
cease their offices and leave the country at once. He then made
his own preparations to leave and started for Paris without delay.
CONSULS IN CUBA LEAVE THE ISLAND.
Anticipating the action taken by Congress, a peculiar form of
notice had been agreed upon between Consul-General Lee and the
Consuls some weeks previously. The telegram notifying them to
leave the island was to be in these words: "Appropriation for
relief of American citizens is exhausted." This form was devised
for a reason which had its bearing upon the unhappy fate of the
Americans left on the island. Spaniards of the vindictive class
never got over the action of the United States in undertaking the
support of its citizens in Cuba. That action was in striking
contrast "with the course of the Spanish Government. The Spaniards
lost no opportunity to show their resentment toward the Americans.
When local measures of relief were planned, the Americans were
taunted, and told to look to the United States for help and
protection. The charity extended by the United States brought upon
the beneficiaries persecution at the hands of the Spaniards.
General Lee, realizing the strength of this unworthy sentiment,
thought that a message in the language quoted would be so grateful
to Spanish eyes that it would be put through to the Consuls
without delay. He was right about that. The government attempted
to make provision for the removal of the Americans on the island
at the same time that the Consuls were notified to withdraw.
Results showed that only a comparatively small number availed
themselves of the opportunities to go. A ship made its way along
the south coast of Cuba and removed from Santiago, Manzanillo and
Cienfuegos between 200 and 300 refugees, conveying them to
Jamaica. This was hardly one-half. From the northern coast the
number taken off the island was much smaller. At Havana there were
on the rolls of the Consulate over 600 Americans, of whom perhaps
200 elected to take passage on the ships sent by the United
States. At Matanzas, Consul Brice had about 400 Americans. Consul
Barker, at Sagua, had about the same number, while Consul Hance,
at Cardenas, had about 100. Very few of these wanted to leave
their interests and relatives. All of them were utterly destitute.
They did not know what they could do if they landed in the United
States without friends. Many of them were Cubans, who had lived in
the United States only long enough to obtain American citizenship.
All their ties were in Cuba. They believed that the warships would
come quickly with provisions. And so they chose to stay. When the
Consuls left they put food enough in the possession of these
Americans to last them from ten days to two weeks. The fate of
these unfortunates can only be imagined. From the prejudice which
existed toward the American reconcentrados the Consuls know that
they would be the last to receive any consideration when the
blockade began to bear heavily.
SPANISH SPIES AT WORK.
Just prior to the breaking out of actual hostilities between this
country and Spain the military attache of the Spanish legation at
Washington was compelled to leave this country, because it was
known he had been seeking to learn certain facts relative to the
strength of our forts and their defensive equipment. This man was
Lieutenant Sobral, and in plain and uncompromising English, he was
a spy, or member of the Spanish secret service, which implies the
same thing.
Before he left this country he had been ejected from several forts
along the South Atlantic coast, where he had been found
endeavoring to gain access to those mysteries which no man, unless
he wears the blue of the United States army, can righteously know
aught of, even in times of peace. This was the first intimation
this country had that Spain would introduce here the same system
of espionage she employs at home. Following Sobrap's expulsion
from the country came the knowledge that Spanish spies were
working in Washington, watching every move made there; that they
swarmed in Key West and in New York city, where they maintained a
strict surveillance over the members of the Cuban Junta.
Many of these spies were American citizens, or at least nominally
so, for their work was done under the direction of a well-known
detective agency, acting, of course, with the Spanish
representatives here. These men were principally engaged in
preventing the shipment of stores and arms to Cuba. At one time it
was impossible to enter or leave the building where the Junta had
its headquarters without observing one or more men hanging about
the place, apparently with nothing to do and making a vain effort
to do it as gracefully as possible. These were thrilling times in
the annals of the Junta, when Rubens, Palma and Captain O'Brien
were regularly followed to and from their homes to their
headquarters. These were good times, too, for the American
detective agency. But all this was mere clumsy work, more of an
annoyance than anything else, and scarcely any hindrance to the
shipping of arms and stores when the Junta was fortunate enough to
have the arms and stores to ship.
But after the declaration of war, the spy question assumed an
aspect as serious as it was unlocked for. Spain worked silently,
secretly and through one of the best-handled branches of her
government and with all the Latins' natural love of intrigue. She
no longer paid much heed to Palma or Rubens, or to Captain
O'Brien. She was playing a bigger game. American detectives no
longer represented her interests here--an impossibility under
existing conditions, of course. Under Polo was established a most
complete department of espionage, which he controlled from the
refuge Canada offered him.
The gathering together of information and those facts which
usually concern the operation of secret service of civilized
countries seemed to be a side issue with this particular
department. The scope of its operations was along different lines
from those usually followed by the mere spy.
Polo's intention appeared to be to carry the war into America in a
new and startling manner--startling, because his movements could
not be seen or foretold until the blow was struck. He made use of
the corps under his control to place the bomb of the anarchist and
apply the torch of the incendiary under our arsenals and to those
buildings where the government stored its supplies for the army
and navy.
For a time he was successful in his cowardly scheming and his
emissaries celebrated his success with many tons of good American
gunpowder, and at the cost of some good American lives. Bombs were
found in the coal reserved for use aboard our men-of-war. They
were even taken from the coal bunkers of our ships and they were
found in certain of the government buildings at Washington.
Indeed, the situation became so serious that finally strangers
were not allowed to visit a man-of-war or enter a fort.
It must be remembered that there are in America thousands of
Spaniards who, unless they commit some overt act of violence, can
enjoy all the privileges accorded to a citizen. This, together
with our mixed population, in many quarters made up largely of the
peoples of Southern Europe, all more or less of one type, all
speaking languages which, to untrained ears at least, are almost
identical one with the other, gave the Spanish spy in America a
protection and freedom from suspicion and surveillance he would
hardly meet with in any other country, and which, by the inverse,
offered no opportunity for the American spy in Spain, had we
chosen to make use of the same methods.
PLAYING A DESPERATE GAME.
These Spaniards were playing a desperate game, however. It was
literally at the peril of their necks, for should a man be
apprehended, there would be no possibility of escaping the
ignominious death that usually awaits on such services. Sobral was
allowed to go, though there was no question but that his conduct
was so incriminating that he was liable to arrest, trial, and, if
convicted, death, had this country cared to hold him. His fate
abroad would be easy to foretell. His guilt was almost as great as
that which brought Major Andre to his death in the times of the
Revolution.