EVENTS IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS.
Cuba's Friends in Congress--Senator Proctor's Address to His
Colleagues--A Notable Exhibition of Patriotism--An Appropriation
for the National Defense--Relief for the Survivors and Victims of
the Maine--The Recognition of Cuban Independence.
From the date of the first attempt of the people of Cuba to
secure their independence from Spain, they have had advocates in
the American Congress who have worked with voice and vote in their
behalf. After the commencement of the revolution in 1895 these
champions gradually increased in numbers and influence, until at
the time of Mr. McKinley's inauguration they included in their
ranks many of the leaders in both houses.
In February, 1898, several Senators and Representatives went to
Cuba for the purpose of studying the conditions on the island, and
to gain a personal knowledge of the results of Spain's policy of
rule or ruin.
Senator Proctor was one of this committee, and after their return
to the United States, in a speech to his colleagues, he made the
strongest argument in favor of intervention in behalf of Cuba that
was ever made in the Senate of the United States. He had carefully
prepared his address, and he delivered it as an official report of
what he had observed on the island. He gave no opinion of what
action should be taken by the government. He said the settlement
"may well be left to an American President and the American
people." But while he did not make a recommendation in so many
words, he left the impression with all who heard him that he
favored a declaration by our government of the independence of
Cuba. He declared that he was opposed to annexation, and, while
many Cubans advocated the establishment of a protectorate by the
United States, he could not make up his mind that this would be
the best way out of the difficulty. He told his associates that he
believed the Cubans capable of governing themselves, and
reinforced this statement by the assertion that the Cuban
population would never be satisfied with any government under
Spanish rule. The senator's remarkable speech undoubtedly had a
powerful effect, both in influencing congressional action, and in
swaying public opinion. As an able and responsible member of
Congress and an ex-secretary of war, his words would carry weight
under any circumstances, but apart from these considerations, the
speech was notable because of its evident fidelity to facts, and
its restraint from everything resembling sensationalism.
A NOTABLE EXHIBITION OF PATRIOTISM.
There was never a more notable exhibiton of harmony and
patriotism in any legislative body in the world than occurred in
the House of Representatives when Congressman Cannon presented a
bill appropriating $50,000,000 for the national defense and
placing this amount in President McKinley's hands, to be expended
at his discretion.
Party lines were swept away, and with a unanimous voice Congress
voted its confidence in the administration. Many members who were
paired with absent colleagues took the responsibility of breaking
their pairs, an unprecedented thing in legislative annals, in
order that they might go on record in support of this vast
appropriation to maintain the dignity and honor of their country.
Speaker Reed, who as the presiding officer, seldom voted, except
in case of a tie, had his name called and voted in his capacity as
representative. The scene of enthusiasm which greeted the
announcement of the vote--yeas, 311; nays, none--has seldom been
paralleled in the House. The bill passed the Senate without a
dissenting vote, and, on March 9, the President signed the
measure, thus making it a law.
RELIEF FOR THE SURVIVORS OF THE MAINE.
On March 21, the House unanimously passed the bill for the relief
of the survivors and victims of the Maine disaster. The bill
reimbursed the surviving officers and men for the losses they
sustained to an amount not to exceed a year's sea pay, and
directed the payment of a sum equal to a year's pay to the legal
heirs of those who perished.
When the President sent to Congress the report of the Naval Board
of Examiners the feeling of that body at once found open
expression in resolutions proposing a declaration of war,
recognition of the independence of Cuba, armed intervention, and
other decisive and warlike steps against Spain. Every group of
senators talked of Cuba. Constant and continual conferences were
held, and all recognized the seriousness of the occasion. On the
House side it was apparent that the majority could no longer be
controlled by what was known as the conservative element, led by
the speaker. Groups of members in a state of excitement were to be
seen on every hand. It was generally acknowledged that a serious
condition had arisen, that a crisis was at hand.
On April 11 the long expected message was received. In it the
President asked Congress to authorize him to take measures to
secure a termination of hostilities in Cuba, and to secure in the
island the establishment of a stable form of government, and to
use the military and naval forces of the United States as might be
necessary. The message was received in silence. The most notable
criticism made was the entire absence of any reference to Cuban
independence. The admission in the message that the President had
proposed an armistice to Spain until October provoked vigorous
comment. But conservative members were highly pleased with the
position taken by the President, and many still hoped that war
might be prevented.
However, this did not prevent the purchase of a number of armed
cruisers from foreign powers, which were transferred to the United
States flag. The ships of several passenger and mail lines were
also purchased, or leased as auxiliary cruisers, and were at once
remanned and put in commission. The most notable examples were the
two American built ships, St. Patil and St. Louis of the American
line. The new purchases were fitted for their new uses at once,
and the preparations for war went on without delay.
Congress, taking its cue from the President, united upon the
following resolutions which were signed by the President on April
20:
Joint resolutions for the recognition of the independence of the
people of Cuba demanding that the government of Spain relinquish
its authority and government in the island of Cuba, and to
withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and
directing the President of the United States to use the land and
naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into
effect.
Whereas, The abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than
three years in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have
shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, have
been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating, as they
have, in the destruction of a United States battleship, with 260
of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor
of Havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by
the President of the United States in his message to Congress of
April 11, 1898, upon which the action of Congress was invited;
therefore, be it resolved;
First--That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent.
Second--That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and
the government of the United States does hereby demand, that the
government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and
government in the island of Cuba and Cuban waters.
Third--That the President of the United States be, and hereby is,
directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of
the United States, and to call into the actual service of the
United States the militia of the several States to such an extent
as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.
Fourth--That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over
said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its
determination when that is accomplished to leave the government
and control of the island to its people.
The Spanish government was deluded by the belief that in the event
of war our country would not be able to present a united front,
and that sectional animosities would weaken our strength. The
action of Congress from the time of the first rumors of war to the
end of the session snowed how little ground there was for this
belief. The representatives of the people from all sections of our
broad land gave President McKinley loyal support in every
undertaking, and the South vied with the North, the East with the
West, in expressions of devotion to our nation and our flag.