the same light he had before, and could not send it to Congress as a
law, or to that effect; adding, that if the House would signify their
desire of having it, the Secretary would be directed to lay it before
them. The House stated the matter, and sent it to the Senate with the
Governor's message and a vote to join a committee to consider them, and
the Senate concurred; the result of which is that the two houses have
resolved, that the Governor did not return the bill to the late House
of Representatives, where it had originated, within five days after it
was presented to him by the late General Court, and therefore that it
had passed all the forms prescribed by the Constitution to constitute
it a law of the Commonwealth. What the next step will be, may, I think,
be easily foreseen, that those who are against the law upon principle,
or those who would wish to gratify the Govr, will move for a repeal of
it, and have a new bill brought in. But it is difficult for me to
conceive how a bill can be framed which will remove his doubts, and
answer the end of Congress. You remember that matter was once tried. I
must break off abruptly.
Your affectionate,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 229, 230.1]
BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR,--In the late session of our general court, and in the hurry
of important business, a petition was presented signed William Burgess,
praying to be naturalized. This gentleman very lately arrived from
England, by way of Holland. The senate declined sustaining his
petition, and gave him leave to withdraw it. A few days after, an
authenticated resolution of congress came to hand, recommending it to
the states not to admit any British subject whatever. Yet this man has
had interest enough to prevail on the assembly to permit him to go to
congress, to have it decided there whether he comes within the meaning
of their resolution, because his arrival here was prior to the
reception of the resolution by this government. If it should be thought
there was in this instance a want of attention, it must be imputed to
the circumstance I first mentioned. The general court had before
directed his departure from the state; requesting the governor however,
to allow him convenient time to prepare for his voyage, which appeared
to me a sufficient indulgence. Some of our good citizens are disgusted
at the favour shown to Mr. B. They say that being a partner with
Messrs. Champion and Dickinson, the latter of whom is reported to have
been always inimical to America by his residence here, he will probably
be instrumental in the importation of as many English goods as he will
be able to vend; or in other words, that the new house in Boston will
be nearly if not quite as convenient in the time of war, as the old
house in London was in time of peace. Whether there will be any danger,
congress will judge. Jealousy is a necessary political virtue,
especially in times like these. Such a plan would gratify those among
us who are still hankering after the onions of Egypt, and would
sacrifice our great cause to the desire of gain. What need is there of
our admitting (to use the language of congress) any British subject
whatever? Congress surely had some good reason when they so earnestly
cautioned us against it. Our citizens are in more danger of being
seduced by art, than subjugated by arms. I give you this notice that
you may have an opportunity of conversing on the subject in your
patriotic circles (if you think it worth while) in season. Mr. B. will
set off next week in company with one of our new delegates, who I am
satisfied will favour his cause. My friendly regards to Dr. Shippen,
and my old friends in congress, if any such are there. Adieu.
Believe me to be very affectionately your friend,
1 A short note to Lee, also dated November 21, is in Ibid., p. 231.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 231, 232.]
BOSTON, Dec 2d, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR,--A friend of mine to whom I give entire credit, who lived
many years in Canada, and was well acquainted with the bearer of this
letter, requests me to introduce him to you. After a long confinement
in prison in Quebec, where he was used with great severity, he found
means to make his escape, and came to this town. He is a Frenchman by
birth, and was a very respectable merchant in Canada. When the attempt
was made to gain that country in 1775, he privately aided our forces;
the suspicion of which rendered him obnoxious to the British
government, and was the real cause of his suffering. He will inform you
of the state and circumstances of British affairs there, and will tell
you it is an easy thing to unite that province with these states.
Possibly he may be influenced in some degree by a just resentment of
the ill-treatment he has received; but other intelligent persons
acquainted with the people of Canada, have zealously affirmed the same
to me. If it be so, it is hoped that a favourable opportunity to effect
it will be embraced, if any such should offer. I need not hint to you
the importance of that object. Adieu,
Your friend,
1783
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 232-234, a draft is in
the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Feb. 10th, 1783.
MY DEAR SIR,--It is a long time since I had the pleasure of a letter from
you. I hope you have not struck my name from the list of your
correspondents. Mr. Stephen Higginson, who will deliver you this
letter, is appointed a delegate of this state. He is a sensible and
very worthy man, and I think entertains sentiments like yours. I am
persuaded you will find him a valuable member, if his great modesty and
diffidence of himself will allow him to step forward as far as his good
understanding would lead him.
I feel myself constrained to mention to you the present situation of
Capt. Landais, though not at his request, or the smallest intimation
from him. He resides in this town, and sometimes calls to see me. As he
appears to be an injured man, I wish that justice may be done to him;
and I am the more solicitous about it, as I was, with your worthy
brother Mr. R. H. instrumental in his first appointment in the American
navy. Congress granted him 12,000 livres as a compensation for services
he had performed, and ordered that he should be paid by Dr. F. in
France; but for some reason which is or ought to be known, he has never
received that sum. Much the greater part of his wages as commander of
the Alliance remains unpaid. A large sum due to him for prize-money is
stopped in the hands of some person or persons in France; which indeed
is too common a complaint among those continental officers and seamen
who have carried prizes into ports in Europe. He made a journey to
Philadelphia to obtain a settlement of his accounts, and was offered by
Mr M.1 three months' pay, and a certificate for the balance, which he
would not accept, because he really wanted the whole of his wages to
supply him with the necessaries of life. I am sure that your own
feelings of justice and humanity will plead an excuse for my troubling
you with this detail. Perhaps his court-martial, by whose decree he was
broken, were too severe. If his conduct in his last passage from France
was blameable was not his mind to the greatest degree irritated by the
treatment he met with there? and should not reasonable allowances have
been made? He thinks it was an unrighteous decree. He may judge
partially; I know nothing of the matter. If it was, is not the wound
given to his honour sufficiently severe? But even if it was just,
should not a discarded officer be immediately paid? Should not congress
demand the reason why the prize-money has not been paid to those to
whom it has been long due? Complaints of this kind have to my knowledge
spread from Philadelphia to Boston. I am concerned for the honour of
congress. These complaints may appear of little consequence; but I am
afraid if they continue unattended to, they will cast a dark shade over
the public character. The state of Landais' affairs will appear in his
own memorial to congress, which was rejected, and perhaps may be on the
files. You will oblige me if you will interest yourself (if leisure
will admit of it) as far as you may think just, in his favour.
I have been applied to by some of the inhabitants of the island of
Nantucket, and have promised them to write to my friend respecting the
whale fishery. These people have been usually employed in that branch
of business chiefly. They have greatly reduced the number of their
vessels, since the commencement of the war, by which means they say
they are reduced to great distress and wish for some indulgence from
congress. Whether this can be consistently granted, and in what manner,
you will judge. The delegates of this state, I believe, can inform you
more particularly of this matter. You are sensible of the absolute
dependence of this state upon the fishery for its trade, and how great
an advantage will accrue from it to the United States, if they intend
ever to have a navy. I hope our peacemakers are instructed by all means
to secure a common right in it.
My respects to the Hon. Mr. Izard, if at Philadelphia, and other
friends. Adieu, and believe me very affectionately yours,
1 Morns.
TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.
[MS., Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.]
MARCH 10 1783
GENTLEMEN
Having been just now made acquainted by your Messenger that the
Freeholders and Inhabitants of Boston assembled in Town Meeting,1 have
chosen me their Moderator, I beg the Favor of you to inform them, that
I esteem my self greatly honourd by their Choice; but my Engagements in
the Senate, which it is not in my Power to dispense with, lay me under
a Necessity of praying that I may be excusd by the Town.----
With the warmest Wishes for their Prosperity, I am
Gentlemen
Your obedient hbl Servt
1 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xxvi., p. 292.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Apr 21 1783
DR SR
I am indebted to you for several Letters which I have not acknowledged.
The Anecdote you gave me in one of them relating to a Mr Mercer & Colo
Griffin in Virginia was very diverting to me. The People in this part
of the Continent would never have fixed upon the Names of La Le or A1
to hold up to a publick Assembly as the Heads of a British Interest in
America. It would not have been sooner believed here than another Story
I have heard, that a certain french Politician of Consideration in
America had expressd his high Displeasure with Mr S A for stiring up
his Countrymen to attend to the Importance of our retaining a Common
Right to the Newfd Ld fishery. Many wonderful Tales are & will be told,
some of which a Sight of the secret Journals of Congress would unravel.
I think the sooner those Journals are publishd the better. The People
at large ought to know what that illustrious Body has been doing for
them and the Part each Member has acted. We are now at Peace, God be
thanked, with all the World--and I hope we shall never intermeddle with
the Quarrels of other Nations. Let the U S continue in peace & Union, &
in order to this Let them do Justice to each other. Let there be no
longer secret Journals or secret Comtees. Let the Debates in Congress
be open and the whole of their transactions publishd weekly--this will
tend to the speedy rectifying Mistakes & preserving mutual Confidence
between the People & their Representatives. And let Care be taken to
prevent Factions in America, foreign or domestick.
Will you suffer me to recommend to you my good friends & excellent
fellow Citizens Mr Appleton the Bearer of this Letter & his fellow
Traveller Mr Wendel. My Regards.
Adieu.
1 Laurens, Lee, Adams.
TO BENJAMIN LINCOLN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 1 1783
MY DEAR SIR
Collo John Allan will deliver you this Letter. This Gentleman soon
after the Commencement of the late Hostilities, left his Connections in
Nova Scotia which were respectable there & took a decided part with us
against Great Britain. In the Winter of 77 Congress appointed him
Superintendent or Agent for the Indians in Nova Scotia & the Tribes to
the Northward & Eastward thereof, with a Salary of 900 Dollars p Annum,
& afterwards requested this State to furnish him from time to time with
needful Supplies. The State raised an Artillery Company for the Defence
of the Post of Machias & gave him the Command with a Cols Commission.
Congress in Feb 81 if I mistake not, empowerd our supreme Executive to
enlarge that Compy to the Number of 65, officers included, & to officer
the same with the express Nomination of Colo Allan to the Command. This
Compy was by the Resolve to be raisd cloathed subsisted & paid as other
officers & Soldiers of the US. I believe Colo A has executed the trusts
reposed in him with Fidelity & to the Advantage of the Publick. As this
State has supplied him at the Expence of the U S, I suppose that his
Accots which remain to be settled, will as his former Accts have been,
be settled in the first Instance by our Assembly when it meets. He
takes the Oppty in the Interval (the War being finishd) to wait on
Congress for their further Direction. Your Notice of him & Care that he
may receive such Emoluments as he may be intitled to as an officer will
oblige me. I think he has too much Republican Pride to expect more than
is reasonable from Congress, & he is too much the Gentleman to be
troublesome to you. I write this without his knowledge.
Another calls upon me. You will think me a Man of Importance! But this
is one of my Days of Business. Is it not strange that an officer of the
American Army should apply to the Friendship of one whom they have been
led to look upon as their Enemy? But--I am informd that Colo Badlam was
among the first who flew to Arms, that he has sustained the Character
of a meritorious officer. If he has been unfortunate rather than faulty
or if guilty of a Fault it was attended with Circumstances very
alleviating why should an officer of Merit at the very close of the War
be deprivd of the Benefits which are allotted to others? I think I know
your feelings for that officer and perhaps your private Judgment of his
Case from your Letter to him which I have seen. What Advantage can he
expect from an Application to this State? Would not a Recommendation to
Congress from Head Quarters in his favor answer a much better Purpose?
This is only a Hint to you. Perhaps I am out of my Line. I will
conclude this Epistle with congratulating you most heartily on the
return of Peace with Liberty and Independence & assuring you that I am
affectionately
Yours
TO HORATIO GATES.
[MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 2 1783
MY DEAR SIR
Our Friend Colo John Allan takes the Care of this Letter and will
deliver it to you. The War being finishd, he is going to Philadelphia
to receive such Directions as Congress shall think proper to give to
him. You remember he was appointed in 77, Agent of the St Johns & Nova
Scotia Indians, and he has since commanded an Artillery Company raised
by this State for the Defence of the Post at Machias, adopted by
Congress in Feb. 81 and cloathd subsisted & paid as other Officers &
Soldiers of the United States. He has I doubt not, executed the Trusts
reposed in him with Fidelity, and I think is entitled to the Emoluments
given to Officers of his Rank. I have given him a Letter to the
Secretary at War &c.
Your Recommendation first gaind him the Confidence of Congress and your
repeated Favor will still be a substantial Advantage to him.
I most heartily congratulate you on the Return of Peace with Liberty &
Independence.--Blessings for which Patriots have toiled & Heroes fought &
bled. Our Country may now be happy if she is not wanting to her self.
We have done our Duty. Future Generations can never curse the present
for carelessly surrendering their Rights.
I beg you, my Friend, not to impute my long Silence to a faulty Cause.
If you believe me to be a Man of Truth, be assured that I have
constantly participated with you in good & ill Fortune. I shall ever
rejoice that you was honord by Providence, in captivating Burgoyne &
his whole Army--An Event which wrought the most happy Change in the Face
of our Affairs in Europe, and which alone, in Spite of Envy, will give
you a brilliant Page in History.
Mr Yancey is gone to South Carolina. I have written by him to my old
Patriotick friend Gadsden and the stronger to enforce my Recommendation
of Mr Yancey have mentiond him as one whom you regard.
Oblige me with your Letters for I am sincerely and affectionately
Your Friend
& very humble Servant,
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.1
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 408-410; a draft is
in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Sept. 9, 1783.
MY DEAR SIR,
This is the first letter I have been able to write since I had the
pleasure of seeing you, excepting a short one to our delegates,
informing them that the general court had appointed a committee to
correspond with them. Mr. Appleton and Mr. Rowe are my colleagues in
this business. The correspondence is to be very extensive. "Any other
important matter which relates to the being and welfare of the United
States!" My bodily illness has prevented my engaging in it. I wish the
delegates would begin. The welfare, and perhaps the being of the United
States, in my opinion, depends much upon congress possessing the
confidence of the people at large; that upon the administration of
public affairs being manifestly grounded upon principles of equality
and justice, or upon the people being assured that congress merit their
confidence. The war is now over, and the people turn their eyes to the
disposition of their money, a subject, which I hope congress will
always have so clear a knowledge of, as to be able at any time to
satisfy the rational enquiries of the people. To prevent groundless
jealousies, it seems necessary not only that the principal in that
department should himself be immaculate, but that care should be taken
that no persons be admitted to his confidence but such as have the
entire confidence of the people. Should a suspicion prevail that our
high treasurer suffers men of bad principles or of no principles to be
about him and employed by him, the fidelity of congress itself would be
suspected, and a total loss of confidence would follow. I am much
concerned for the reputation of congress, and have laboured to support
it because that body is and must be the cement of the union of the
states. I hope, therefore, they will always make it evident to
reasonable men that their administration merits the public applause.
Will they be able to do this, if they should cease to be very watchful
over men whom they trust in great departments, especially those who
have the disposition of the public moneys? Power will follow the
possession of money, even when it is known that it is not the
possessor's property. So fascinating are riches in the eyes of mankind!
Were our financier, I was going to say, even an angel from heaven, I
hope he will never have so much influence as to gain the ascendency
over congress, which the first lord of the treasury has long had over
the parliament of Britain; long enough to effect the ruin of that
nation. These are the fears which I expressed in congress when the
department was first instituted. I was told, that the breath of
congress could annihilate the financier; but I replied, that the time
might come, and if they were not careful it certainly would, when even
congress would not dare to blow that breath. Whether these fears are
the mere creatures of the imagination you will judge.
My regards to Dr. Holten and Mr. Higgenson, if he is still in Congress.
Pray write to me often.
Adieu.
1 For a facsimile note by Adams to Gerry, dated September 11, 1783, see
Brotherhead, Signers of the Declaration of Independence (1872), p. 172.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; the text is also in John Adams, Works, vol.
ix., pp. 519-521.]
BOSTON Novr 4 1783.
MY DEAR SIR
Colo John Trumbull, the Son of the worthy Governor of Connecticutt is
the Bearer of this Letter. I give the Governor this Epithet, because I
think his faithful Services to our Country entitle him to it. Yet even
he has undergone the Suspicions of some, unsupported by any solid
Reasons that I have heard of. We live in an Age of Jealousy, and it is
well enough. I was led to believe in early Life, that Jealousy is a
political Virtue. It has long been an Aphorism with me, that it is one
of the greatest Securities of publick Liberty. Let the People keep a
watchful Eye over the Conduct of their Rulers; for we are told that
Great Men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a Wonder if in
any Age or Country they were always honest. There are however some Men
among us, who under the Guise of watchful Patriots, are finding Fault
with every publick Measure, with a Design to destroy that just
Confidence in Government, which is necessary for the Support of those
Liberties which we have so dearly purchas'd. Many of your Countrymen
besides myself, feel very grateful to you and those of our Negociators
who joyned you, in preventing the Tory Refugees from being obtruded
upon us. These would certainly have increasd the Number of such Kind of
Patriots as I have mentiond, and besides, their Return would have been
attended with other mischievous Effects. Mutual Hatred and Revenge
would have occasiond perpetual Quarrels between them & the people &
perhaps frequent Bloodshed. Some of them, by Art and Address might
gradually recover a Character & in time an Influence, and so become the
fittest Instruments in forming Factions either for one foreign Nation
or another. We may be in Danger of such Factions, and should prudently
expect them. One might venture to predict that they will sooner or
later happen. We should therefore guard against the evil Effects of
them. I deprecate the most favord Nation predominating in the Councils
of America, for I do not believe there is a Nation on Earth that wishes
we should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with their
Ideas of their own Interest. Such a disinterested Spirit is not to be
found in National Bodies; The World would be more happy if it prevaild
more in individual Persons. I will say it for my Countrymen, they are,
or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge our
Obligations to France for the Part she took in our late Contest. There
are a few who consider the Advantage derivd to her, by a total
Seperation of Britain & the Colonies, which so sagacious a Court
doubtless foresaw & probably never lost Sight of. This Advantage was so
glaring in the first Stages of our Controversy, that those who then ran
the Risque of exciting even an Appeal to Heaven rather than a
Submission to British tyranny, were well perswaded that the Prospect of
such a Seperation would induce France to interpose, and do more than
she has done if necessary. America with the Assistance of her faithful
Ally has secured and establishd her Liberty & Independence. God be
praisd! And some would think it too bold to assert, that France has
thereby saved the Being of her great Importance.--But if it be true why
may we not assert it? A punctual Fulfillment of Engagements solemnly
enterd into by Treaty is the Justice, the Honor & Policy of Nations. If
we, who have contracted Debts, were influenced only by Motives of sound
Policy, we should pay them as soon as possible & provide sure &
adequate Funds for the Payment of Interest in the mean time. When we
have done this we shall have the Sense of Independence impressd on our
Minds, no longer feeling that State of Inferiority which a wise King
tells us the Borrower stands in to the Lender.
Your Negociation with Holland, as "my old Friend" observd, is all your
own. The faithful Historian will do Justice to your Merits--Perhaps not
till you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this Thought.
While you live you will probably be the Object of Envy. The leading
Characters in this great Revolution will not be fairly marked in the
present Age, It will be well if the leading Principles are rememberd
long. You, I am sure, have not the Vanity, which Cicero betrayed, when
he even urged his Friend Licinius to publish the History of the
Detection of Cataline in his Life Time that he might enjoy it. I am far
from thinking that Part of History redounds so much to the Honor of the
Roman Consul, as the Treaty of Holland does to its American Negociator.