were formerly fellow Students at Edinburgh; and as both were esteemed
learned in their Profession, it is not improbable that on that Account
they kept up their Acquaintance while both continued in Great Britain.
Dr Lee you know was requested by Congress to go over to France, where
he was made a joynt Commissioner with Messrs Franklin & Dean. It is
possible that a Correspondence might afterwards have been carried on
between them; but from the Knowledge I have of Dr Lee, I will venture
to pledge my self it was not a criminal one, as the Querist would seem
to insinuate, and if Dr Berkenhout was in the Service & under the
Direction of the British Ministry, which by the Way is but base
Suspicion here, it was utterly unknown to Dr Lee. It is doubtful
whether any Correspondence was held between these two Gentlemen. I am
rather inclind to think it is a Creature of the Querists own Fancy, or
an artful Suggestion thrown out to the Publick to serve the Cause of
our Enemies. America shod beware how she suffers the Character of one
of the most able & vigilant Supporters of her Rights to be injurd by
Questions designd to impute Slander, without any Reasons offerd why
such Questions should be made. It is the old Game of mischievous Men to
strike at the Characters of the good and the great, in order to lessen
the Weight of their Example & Influence. Such Patriots as Lord Russell
& Algernon Sydney of the last Age, have of late been falsly &
audaciously chargd by a Scotch Tool of the most nefarious Court, with
having receivd Bribes from the National Enemy; and it is not strange
that a Gentleman whom the leading Whigs of America have always placd so
high in their List of Patriots, who has renderd the most laborious &
important Services to our Country in England France & other Parts of
Europe, who so often & so seasonably developd the secret Intrigues &
Practices of wicked Men & who at this time stands high in the Esteem &
Confidence of the Congress, & in addition to this, when it is considerd
that there are too many disaffected & insidious Men still lurking among
us, it is by no Means a strange Thing that Dr Lee is also chargd with a
criminal Correspondence with the Enemy, without even the Shadow of
Reason.
The Post who has been retarded by violent Rains is just arrivd & brings
me your obliging favr of 30 Sept. It contains very interesting Matters
which shall have my Attention at a more leisure Hour than the present.
Adieu,
TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Oct 16 -- 78
SIR
I had the Honor of receiving your Excys Letter of the 5th Instant,1 and
sincerely condole with you on the heavy LOSS your Family and the
publick sustain by the Death of your eldest Son. His Services in my
opinion merited great Consideration, and it now behoves the Publick to
render the Settlement of his Affairs as easy to his surviving Friends
as possible. I have communicated the Contents of your Letter to my
Colleagues & the other Members of Congress, & you may be assured Sir
that we shall interrest ourselves in obtaining with all possible Speed
the Attention & Decision of Congress on the Matters set forth in your
Representation.
Mr Sherman was so obliging as to give me the perusal of your Letter to
him, and I am happy that Congress as a Body concurs with you in the
Sentiment therein containd; having passd a Resolution by a great
Majority expressing their Sense that true Religion & good Morals are
the only solid Foundations of publick Liberty and Happiness.
I am Sir with the most cordial Esteem & Respect Yr Excys most obedt hbl
servt
1 Printed in Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 7th ser.,
vol. ii., p. 276.
TO TIMOTHY MATLACK.
[Pennsylvania Archives, 1st ser., vol. vii., p. 14.]
PHILADA, Octobr 16, 1778.
SIR,
I am informd that General Clinton designs to send to the Governor or
Assembly of each of the United States, Copies of an insulting Paper,
called a Manifesto or Proclamation, calculated to promote a Rebellion,
and that the one intended for this State is to be sent by Water up the
Delaware. And as it appears to be the Design of the Enemy, as far as it
may be in their power, further to pursue their barbarous practice of
laying waste our Sea Ports, and that they would be particularly
gratified by an opportunity of destroying this City; would it not be
proper that one or two of your Gallies should be ordered to watch for
them in the River, that they may seize their Vessel & bring the Men up,
blindfold, to be confined & dealt with according to the Laws of Nature
and Nations. You will excuse this Hint, and be assured that I am,
Your very humble Servt,
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Oct 17 1778
MY DEAR SIR
If I was to tell you that I wonder much at the Conduct of some of our
Politicians it might discover my own Folly; for it is said a wise Man
wonders at Nothing. Be it so. I am curious to know who made the Motion
for the Admission of Gray, Gardiner & Jemmy Anderson? Which of the
B[oston] Members supported the Motion? Are the Galleries of the House
open? Do the People know that such a Motion was made? A Motion so
alarming to an old Whig? Or are they so incessantly eager in the
Pursuit of Pleasure or of Gain as to be totally thoughtless of their
Country? I hope not. Gracious Heaven! Defend us from Vanity Folly & the
inordinate Love of Money. Your News Papers are silent upon every
Subject of Importance but the Description of a Feast, or the Eclat of
some Great Man. Your able Patriot is wholly employd in spirited
Exertions of the Military Kind, or surely he wd have pourd forth all
his Eloquence against so detestable a Motion.--" The Motion did not
obtain." I rejoyce in this; But Do you do Justice [to] the House by so
faint an Expression? I hope they rejected it with every Mark of
Contempt & Indignation. Do the Gentlemen who made & supported this
Motion know, that even in this Quaker Country, they are trying &
condemning & I suppose will hang some of their considerable Men for
Crimes not inferior to those of Gray & Gardiner. Jemmy Anderson I have
forgot. I suppose he is a little Man & a Scotchman. It is the opinion
of the People in this Country, that a Galloway could not atone for his
publick Crimes with the Sacrifice of an hundred Lives. A Galloway, a
Gray, a Gardiner! Examine them & say which is the greatest Criminal.
Confiscation you tell me labors--"it labors very hard"! I have heard
objections made to it, not in this Country, but in my own. But I
thought those objections were made by interested Men. Shall those
Traiters who first conspired the Ruin of our Liberties; Those who
basely forsook their Country in her Distress & sought Protection from
the Enemy when they thought them in the Plenitude of Power--who have been
ever since stimulating & doing all in their Power to aid and comfort
them while they have been exerting their utmost to enslave & ruin us.
Shall these Wretches have their Estates reservd for them & restored at
the Conclusion of this glorious Struggle in which some of the richest
Blood of America has been spilled, for the sake of a few who may have
Money in England & for this Reason have maintaind a dastardly and
criminal Neutrality? It cannot be. I venturd to speak my Mind in a
Place where I could claim no Right to speak. I spoke with Leave which I
should have disdaind to have done, had I not felt the Importance of the
Subject to our Country. I will tell you my Opinion. If you do not act a
decisive Part--If you suffer those Traiters to return & enjoy their
Estates, the World will say, you have no Sense of publick Injury & have
lost your understanding.
Adieu my dear Friend,
TO MRS. ADAMS.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA Octob 20th -78
MY DEAR BETSY
A few days ago Mr Brown, a publick Messenger carried a Letter from me
to you, which I hope you will receive before this reaches you. I feel a
Pleasure when I sit down to write to you and omit no opportunity. My
Boston Friends tell me with great Solicitude that I have Enemies there.
I thank them for their Concern for me, and tell them I knew it before.
The Man who acts an honest Part in publick Life, must often counteract
the Passions Inclinations or Humours of weak and wicked Men and this
must create him Enemies. I am therefore not disappointed or mortified.
I flatter my self that no virtuous Man who knows me will or can be my
Enemy; because I think he can have no Suspicion of my Integrity. But
they say my Enemies "are plotting against me." Neither does this
discompose me, for what else can I expect from such kind of Men. If
they mean to make me uneasy they miss their Aim; for I am happy and it
is not in their Power to disturb my Peace. They add, The Design is to
get me recalled from this Service. I am in no Pain about such an Event;
for I know there are many who can serve our Country here with greater
Capacity (though none more honestly). The sooner therefore another is
elected in my Room the better. I shall the sooner retire to the sweet
Enjoyment of domestick Life. This, you can witness, I have often wishd
for; and I trust that all gracious Providence has spared your precious
Life through a dangerous Illness, to heighten the Pleasures of my
Retirement. If my Enemies are governd by Malice or Envy, I could not
wish them a severer Punishment than their own Feelings. But, my Dear, I
thank God, I have many Friends. You know them. Remember me to them all
as you have opportunity. I could say many more things to you, but I am
called off. My Love to my Daughter & Sister Polly and the rest of our
Family and Connections. Adieu. Your most affectionate,
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]
PHILADA Octob 25, 1778
MY DEAR SIR/
Your Favor of the 24th of May did not reach my hand till yesterday. The
Gentleman who brought it, Mr Archer, tells me he had a Passage of
Eleven Weeks. I will show him the Respect due to the Character you give
him, & properly regard such future Recommendations as may come from you.
I suppose you have been fully & officially informd of the State of our
military Affairs since the Enemy evacuated this City and met with a
Drubbing at Monmouth. And as publick Letters will doubtless be
forwarded by this Conveyance, it is needless for me to give you a
particular Detail of what has happend since. By those Letters you will
be informd that Dr Franklin is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary at
Versailes. It is not yet determind how you will be disposd of; but as
Congress entertain great Expectations from your Services, you may
depend upon Employment being allotted for you somewhere. The critical
Situation of the Powers of Europe in general, renders it somewhat
difficult for us to determine, to which of them to make our Addresses
at present. Every Cabinet I suppose is busily engagd in making the
necessary Arrangements and preparing for the opening of a Campaign, if
War should take Place. In this Case, I should think France must be our
Pole Star, while it continues, and our Connections must be formd with
hers. In the mean time however, Holland, whose Policy is always to be
at Peace, may be open for a Negociation; and in my opinion, we ought to
take the earliest opportunity to tempt her.
The two main Armies at & near New York have been quiet since the Enemy
retreated to that City. We have made another Expedition against Rhode
Island. Our Arms were not disgracd, though we did not succeed to our
Wishes. Genl S behavd as usual with Bravery; but some will have it that
there is a Mixture of Imprudence in every thing he does. He promisd
himself to share with Gates in the Glory of Victory, and as an officer
of Spirit, no doubt he felt vexed with the Disappointment; but he was
too sanguine in my Opinion when he expected that the Count D Estaing
would remain there, in the Circumstances which he was thrown into by a
violent Storm he met with when in Pursuit of Lord Howe. This unforeseen
& unavoidable Accident left him too much inferior to the British
Squadron to run the Risque with any Degree of Prudence. It was a
Misfortune which we all regret, but must bear. Knowing the high Temper
of the People of my native Town, I immediately upon hearing it, wrote
to some of the principal Men to prevent Blame being cast on the Count
for leaving Rhode Island; a Disposition which I apprehended the artful
Tories (for such there are even there) would encourage with a View of
discrediting our new and happy Alliance, in the Minds of injudicious
Whigs. I am happy to be informd that the Count and his Officers, and
indeed every french Gentleman is treated there with the highest Marks
of Respect and Friendship.
For some Weeks past there have been Reports here that the Enemies
Troops at N York were about to embark, as they gave out on a grand
Expedition, and we are now assured that Sixteen Sail of the Line and
about one hundred and fifty Transports put to Sea on Tuesday the 20th
Inst. Various are the Conjectures of their Destination. Whether to
Boston, South Carolina or the West Indies, a few Days will decide. The
Count D Estaing has sufficiently securd his Ships in Case of an Attack
on them; and if they land their Troops with Intent to march them to
Boston, it is my opinion they will repent of their Expedition. It
appears to me most probable that the Troops are bound to the West
Indies, and that the Ships of War, after having convoyd them to a
certain Latitude will return for the Protection of the Garrisons which
I suppose are to be left at Newport and New York. The Enemy will be
10th to quit the small Portion of Land they possess within the United
States, for though they must despair of subduing us by Arms, it will be
necessary for them to oblige us to continue the Expence of large Armies
in order to nonplus us in the Art of financiering. This may be a Method
of carrying on the Contest, the most puzzling to us; but I trust we
shall disappoint them.
The Marquiss De la Fayette whose extraordinary Merit is fully known to
you, does me the Honor of taking the Care of this Letter, and will
deliver it to you.
I am, my dear Sir, with the greatest Sincerity
your affectionate,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox
Library.]
PHILADELPHIA Octob 26 -78
MY DEAR SIR
Your several Letters dated as in the Margin,1 with the Inclosures came
to my Hand. And although I have not hitherto acknowledgd to you the
Receipt of them, I assure you I have been and am still improving the
Intelligence you have given me, to the best of my Power, for the
Advantage of this Country. From our former Correspondence you have
known my Sentiments. I have not alterd them in a single Point, either
with Regard to the great Cause we are engagd in or to you who have been
an early, vigilant & active Supporter of it. While you honor me with
your confidential Letters, I feel and will freely express to you my
Obligation. To have answerd them severally would have led me to
Subjects of great Delicacy, and the Miscarriage of my Letters might
have provd detrimental to our important Affairs. It was needless for me
to run this Risque for the sake of writing; for I presume you have been
made fully acquainted with the State of our publick Affairs by the
Committee, and as I have constantly communicated to your Brother R. H.
the Contents of your Letters to me, it was sufficient on that Score,
for him only to write, for he thinks as I do.
The Marquiss De la Fayette, who does me the Honor to take this Letter,
is this Moment going, which leaves me Time only to add that I am and
will be your Friend, because I know you love our Country and Mankind.
I beg you to write to me by every Opportunity.
Adieu my dear Sir,
1 1777: July 31. October 4, November 11, December 18, December 19;
1778: January 2, January 9, February 8, February 16, March 1, April 1,
April 16.
TO ----------.
[MS., Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Oct 26 -78
Mr Duncan yesterday brought me your very affectionate Letter of the
Instant. I rejoyce that you have recoverd your usual State of Health
and that my Family enjoy that invalueable Blessing.
Is it possible that M could make & propagate so barefaced a Story as
you mention? Are you not misinformd? I lose every Sentiment of Regard
for him as a Man of Truth. I have heard that my Enmity to G. W. was
objected agt me on a late Occasion. I did not wonder that those who
believd it were displeasd with me. My very worthy Friend & colleague Mr
D satisfied the Minds of those who meant well and explaind some things
relating to Mr ---- which were new & surprising to them. I console myself
that those who try to injure me (I must not call them Enemies) are
obligd to fabricate malicious Falshoods for their purpose.
Tell my Friend M S. that I will answer his Letter the next post. In the
mean time ask him whether a Christian is bound to confide in the Man
who has attempted seven times (though in vain) to ruin him.
Adieu.
MANIFESTO OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
October 30, 1778.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams,1 vol. iii., pp. 46, 47.]
The United States having been driven to hostilities by the oppressive
and tyrannous measures of Great Britain, having been compelled to
commit the essential rights of men to the decision of arms, and having
been at length forced to shake off a yoke which had grown too
burdensome to bear, they declared themselves free and independent.
Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in Him who disposes
of human events; although weak and unprovided, they set the power of
their enemies at defiance.
In this confidence they have continued through the various fortunes of
three bloody campaigns, unawed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarity
of their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne without repining the
loss of many things which make life desirable. Their brave troops have
patiently endured the hardships and dangers of a situation fruitful in
both beyond former example.
The Congress, considering themselves bound to love their enemies as
children of that Being who is equally the Father of all, and desirous,
since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate the calamities of
war, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and to
lighten the chains of captivity.
The conduct of those serving under the King of Great Britain hath, with
some few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid waste
the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the
citizens of America.
Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers, their
ships of her seamen, and the severest injuries have been aggravated by
the grossest insults.
Foiled in their vain attempts to subjugate the unconquerable spirit of
freedom, they have meanly assailed the representatives of America with
bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a
mock of religion by impious appeals to God, whilst in the violation of
His sacred command. They have made a mock even of reason itself, by
endeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness of America could
safely be intrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by the
sense of virtue or of shame.
Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have
applied to individuals. They have solicited them to break the bonds of
allegiance and imbue their souls with the blackest crimes. But fearing
that none could be found through these United States equal to the
wickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds they have
threatened more wide devastation.
While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be taught by
our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilized
nations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion which they
pretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they have been left
to the influence of that religion and that example. But since their
incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion,
it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity.
We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do
solemnly declare and proclaim that if our enemies presume to execute
their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will
take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like
conduct. We appeal to the God who searcheth the hearts of men for the
rectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare that, as
we are not moved by any light or hasty suggestions of anger or revenge,
so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our
determination.
Done in Congress by unanimous consent, the thirtieth day of October,
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight.
1 Also attributed to Adams by Niles, Principles and Acts, pp. 476, 477.
TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 56, 57; a draft is
in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 1, 1778.
MY DEAR SIR,--
I duly received your favor of October--by the last post, and should have
immediately answered it, had I not been that day exceedingly engaged. I
do not keep copies of all my letters,--they are trifles. You were mistaken
in supposing that I ascribed the independence of America to New England
only. I never was so assuming as to think so. My words are, that
America is obliged to New England, and this is an acknowledged truth.
It is the opinion of others, as well as myself, that the principles and
manners of New England, from time to time, led to that great event. I
pray God she may ever maintain those principles which, in my opinion,
are essentially necessary to support and perpetuate her liberty. You
may see my sentiments of the patriotism of other States in a letter I
lately wrote to Mrs. Adams (if it is in being), in which I relate a
conversation which passed between Monsieur -------- and myself. But enough of this.
I love my country. My fears concerning her are that she will ruin
herself by idolatry.
A part of your letter, you tell me, is confidential. I always keep the
secrets of my friends when I can do it honestly, though I confess I do
not like to be encumbered with them. In this instance I will be your
confidant. But let me ask you, can a difference between Mr. -------- and me, either
real or imaginary, be of any consequence to the world? I think not.
Tories, you say, triumph. They may make sport of it; but indeed, my
friend, it is too unimportant a matter for a sensible Whig to weep and
break his heart about. I am desirous of making you easy; and I do
assure you that, so far from brooding in my heart an unfriendly
disposition towards that man, I seldom think of him, unless I happen to
take up a Boston newspaper or hear his name mentioned in chit-chat
conversation. You call upon me by all that is sacred to forgive him. Do
you think he has injured me? If he has, should he not ask for
forgiveness? No man ever found me inexorable. I do not wish him to ask
me to forgive him; this would be too humiliating. If he is conscious of
having done or designed me an injury, let him do so no more, and I will
promise to forgive and forget him too; or, I would add, to do him all
the service in my power. But this is needless; it is not in my power to
serve him. He is above it.
If you wish to know the foundation of this wonderful collision, ask my
friend J. W., or another, whom you properly call my closest friend. To
them I have related the trifling tale, and they can repeat it to you.
The precepts and examples you refer me to I shall always reverence most
highly.
I am, with unfeigned sincerity,
Your obliged and affectionate friend,
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADA Novr 3 1778
MY DEAR SIR