energy structure and the hard choices which remain if we are serious about
reducing our dependence upon foreign energy. These include programs to
reverse our declining production of natural gas and increase incentives for
domestic crude oil production. I proposed to minimize environmental
uncertainties affecting coal development, expand nuclear power generation,
and create an energy independence authority to provide government financial
assistance for vital energy programs where private capital is not
available.
We must explore every reasonable prospect for meeting our energy needs when
our current domestic reserves of oil and natural gas begin to dwindle in
the next decade. I urgently ask Congress and the new administration to move
quickly on these issues. This Nation has the resources and the capability
to achieve our energy goals if its Government has the will to proceed, and
I think we do.
I have been disappointed by inability to complete many of the meaningful
organizational reforms which I contemplated for the Federal Government,
although a start has been made. For example, the Federal judicial system
has long served as a model for other courts. But today it is threatened by
a shortage of qualified Federal judges and an explosion of litigation
claiming Federal jurisdiction. I commend to the new administration and the
Congress the recent report and recommendations of the Department of
Justice, undertaken at my request, on "the needs of the Federal Courts." I
especially endorse its proposals for a new commission on the judicial
appointment process.
While the judicial branch of our Government may require reinforcement, the
budgets and payrolls of the other branches remain staggering. I cannot help
but observe that while the White House staff and the Executive Office of
the President have been reduced and the total number of civilians in the
executive branch contained during the 1970's, the legislative branch has
increased substantially although the membership of the Congress remains at
535. Congress now costs the taxpayers more than a million dollars per
Member; the whole legislative budget has passed the billion dollar mark.
We have made some progress in cutting back the expansion of government and
its intrusion into individual lives, but believe me, there is much more to
be done--and you and I know it. It can only be done by tough and
temporarily painful surgery by a Congress as prepared as the President to
face up to this very real political problem. Again, I wish my successor,
working with a substantial majority of his own party, the best of success
in reforming the costly and cumbersome machinery of the Federal
Government.
The task of self-government is never finished. The problems are great; the
opportunities are greater.
America's first goal is and always will be peace with honor. America must
remain first in keeping peace in the world. We can remain first in peace
only if we are never second in defense.
In presenting the state of the Union to the Congress and to the American
people, I have a special obligation as Commander in Chief to report on our
national defense. Our survival as a free and independent people requires,
above all, strong military forces that are well equipped and highly trained
to perform their assigned mission.
I am particularly gratified to report that over the past 2 1/2 years, we
have been able to reverse the dangerous decline of the previous decade in
real resources this country was devoting to national defense. This was an
immediate problem I faced in 1974. The evidence was unmistakable that the
Soviet Union had been steadily increasing the resources it applied to
building its military strength. During this same period the United States
real defense spending declined. In my three budgets we not only arrested
that dangerous decline, but we have established the positive trend which is
essential to our ability to contribute to peace and stability in the
world.
The Vietnam war, both materially and psychologically, affected our overall
defense posture. The dangerous anti-military sentiment discouraged defense
spending and unfairly disparaged the men and women who serve in our Armed
Forces.
The challenge that now confronts this country is whether we have the
national will and determination to continue this essential defense effort
over the long term, as it must be continued. We can no longer afford to
oscillate from year to year in so vital a matter; indeed, we have a duty to
look beyond the immediate question of budgets and to examine the nature of
the problem we will face over the next generation.
I am the first recent President able to address long-term, basic issues
without the burden of Vietnam. The war in Indochina consumed enormous
resources at the very time that the overwhelming strategic superiority we
once enjoyed was disappearing. In past years, as a result of decisions by
the United States, our strategic forces leveled off, yet the Soviet Union
continued a steady, constant buildup of its own forces, committing a high
percentage of its national economic effort to defense.
The United States can never tolerate a shift in strategic balance against
us or even a situation where the American people or our allies believe the
balance is shifting against us. The United States would risk the most
serious political consequences if the world came to believe that our
adversaries have a decisive margin of superiority.
To maintain a strategic balance we must look ahead to the 1980's and
beyond. The sophistication of modern weapons requires that we make
decisions now if we are to ensure our security 10 years from now.
Therefore, I have consistently advocated and strongly urged that we pursue
three critical strategic programs: the Trident missile launching submarine;
the B-1 bomber, with its superior capability to penetrate modern air
defenses; and a more advanced intercontinental ballistic missile that will
be better able to survive nuclear attack and deliver a devastating
retaliatory strike.
In an era where the strategic nuclear forces are in rough equilibrium, the
risks of conflict below the nuclear threshold may grow more perilous. A
major, long-term objective, therefore, is to maintain capabilities to deal
with, and thereby deter, conventional challenges and crises, particularly
in Europe.
We cannot rely solely on strategic forces to guarantee our security or to
deter all types of aggression. We must have superior naval and marine
forces to maintain freedom of the seas, strong multipurpose tactical air
forces, and mobile, modern ground forces. Accordingly, I have directed a
long-term effort to improve our worldwide capabilities to deal with
regional crises.
I have submitted a 5-year naval building program indispensable to the
Nation's maritime strategy. Because the security of Europe and the
integrity of NATO remain the cornerstone of American defense policy, I have
initiated a special, long-term program to ensure the capacity of the
Alliance to deter or defeat aggression in Europe.
As I leave office I can report that our national defense is effectively
deterring conflict today. Our Armed Forces are capable of carrying out the
variety of missions assigned to them. Programs are underway which will
assure we can deter war in the years ahead. But I also must warn that it
will require a sustained effort over a period of years to maintain these
capabilities. We must have the wisdom, the stamina, and the courage to
prepare today for the perils of tomorrow, and I believe we will.
As I look to the future--and I assure you I intend to go on doing that for
a good many years--I can say with confidence that the state of the Union is
good, but we must go on making it better and better.
This gathering symbolizes the constitutional foundation which makes
continued progress possible, synchronizing the skills of three independent
branches of Government, reserving fundamental sovereignty to the people of
this great land. It is only as the temporary representatives and servants
of the people that we meet here, we bring no hereditary status or gift of
infallibility, and none follows us from this place.
Like President Washington, like the more fortunate of his successors, I
look forward to the status of private citizen with gladness and gratitude.
To me, being a citizen of the United States of America is the greatest
honor and privilege in this world.
From the opportunities which fate and my fellow citizens have given me, as
a Member of the House, as Vice President and President of the Senate, and
as President of all the people, I have come to understand and place the
highest value on the checks and balances which our founders imposed on
government through the separation of powers among co-equal legislative,
executive, and judicial branches. This often results in difficulty and
delay, as I well know, but it also places supreme authority under God,
beyond any one person, any one branch, any majority great or small, or any
one party. The Constitution is the bedrock of all our freedoms. Guard and
cherish it, keep honor and order in your own house, and the Republic will
endure.
It is not easy to end these remarks. In this Chamber, along with some of
you, I have experienced many, many of the highlights of my life. It was
here that I stood 28 years ago with my freshman colleagues, as Speaker Sam
Rayburn administered the oath. I see some of you now--Charlie Bennett, Dick
Bolling, Carl Perkins, Pete Rodino, Harley Staggers, Tom Steed, Sid Yates,
Clem Zablocki-and I remember those who have gone to their rest. It was here
we waged many, many a lively battle--won some, lost some, but always
remaining friends. It was here, surrounded by such friends, that the
distinguished Chief Justice swore me in as Vice President on December 6,
1973. It was here I returned 8 months later as your President to ask not
for a honeymoon, but for a good marriage.
I will always treasure those memories and your many, many kindnesses. I
thank you for them all.
My fellow Americans, I once asked you for your prayers, and now I give you
mine: May God guide this wonderful country, its people, and those they have
chosen to lead them. May our third century be illuminated by liberty and
blessed with brotherhood, so that we and all who come after us may be the
humble servants of thy peace. Amen.
Good night. God bless you.