The great incident of the celebration, the presenting of the

flag, next followed. Mrs. Esther Morris, the "mother" of the

woman suffrage movement in this State, who is widely respected

for her great ability and heroic womanhood, was by general

consent accorded the post of honor and made the presentation to

Governor Warren. Gathering its folds about her she said:

"On behalf of the women of Wyoming, and in grateful recognition

of the high privilege of citizenship which has been conferred

upon us, I have the honor to present to the State of Wyoming this

beautiful banner. May it always remain the emblem of our

liberties, 'and the flag of the Union forever.'"

The Governor, on receiving it from Mrs. Morris, made an eloquent

response during which he paid this tribute to women:

"Wyoming in her progress has not forgotten the hands and hearts

that have helped advance her to this high position; and, in the

adoption of her constitution, equal suffrage is entrenched so

firmly that it is believed it will stand forever.... Women of

Wyoming, you have builded well, and the men of Wyoming extend

heartiest greeting at this time. They congratulate you upon your

achievements, and ask you to join them in the future, as in the

past, in securing good government for our commonwealth."

The poet of the day was a woman, Mrs. I. S. Bartlett, who gave The

True Republic. In every possible way the men showed their honor and

appreciation of the women, and from this noble attitude they never

have departed.

In May, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National

Association, carried out a long-cherished desire to visit Wyoming. She

was on the way to take part in the Woman's Congress of San Francisco,

accompanied by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president-at-large, and

they stopped at Cheyenne where they were the guests of Senator and

Mrs. Carey, who gave a dinner party in their honor, attended by

Governor and Mrs. Richards, Senator and Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Morris, Mrs.

Jenkins, Mrs. Post and other distinguished guests. They went

immediately from dinner to the new Baptist church, which was filled to

overflowing, and were introduced by the Governor. At the close of the

lecture Mrs. Jenkins said, "Now I desire to introduce the audience to

the speakers." She then called the names of the Governor and all his

staff, the attorney-general, the United States judges, the senators

and congressmen, the mayor and members of the city council. Each arose

as his name was mentioned, and before she was through it seemed as if

half the audience were on their feet, and the applause was most

enthusiastic.

Miss Anthony often spoke of this as one of the proudest moments of her

life--when it was not necessary to beg the men in her audience to do

justice to women, but when these men, the most eminent in the State,

rose in a body to pay their respects to the women whom they had

enfranchised without appeal, and to those other women who were

devoting their lives to secure political freedom for all of their sex.

During the more than thirty years which have elapsed since the

suffrage was given to women, not one reputable person in the State

ever has produced any evidence or even said over his or her own

signature that woman suffrage is other than an unimpeachable success

in Wyoming.

Every Governor of the Territory for twenty years bore witness to its

good results. Governors of Territories are appointed by the President,

not elected by the people, and as they were not dependent on women's

votes, their testimony was impartial.

Year after year the State officials, the Judges of the Supreme Court,

ministers, editors and other prominent citizens have testified in the

strongest possible manner to the beneficial results of woman

suffrage.[480]

Gov. Francis E. Warren said in 1885: "I have seen much of the workings

of woman suffrage. I have yet to hear of the first case of domestic

discord growing therefrom. Our women nearly all vote." He also

reported to the Secretary of the Interior: "The men are as favorable

to woman suffrage as the women are. Wyoming appreciates, believes in

and indorses woman suffrage." In his official report the next year he

stated: "Woman suffrage continues as popular as at first. The women

nearly all vote and neither party objects." And in 1889: "No one will

deny that woman's influence in voting always has been on the side of

good government. The people favor its continuance." In the same year,

while still Governor, he wrote:

After twenty years' trial of woman suffrage in Wyoming Territory,

it is pronounced an unqualified success by men and women alike,

and of both political parties.... I sincerely hope that all the

new States will so provide that it may prevail immediately, or

that it can be extended at any time hereafter when their

Legislatures desire, if they are not now ready to take the step.

The women of Wyoming have been exceedingly discreet and wise in

their suffrage, so much so that the different Legislatures have

not attempted its overthrow, although majorities have sometimes

been largely Republican and at other times largely Democratic.

During all his years as United States senator Mr. Warren never has

failed to give his testimony and influence in favor of the

enfranchisement of women.

In 1889 Delegate Joseph M. Carey wrote from the House of

Representatives at Washington: "Wyoming Territory has for twenty years

had full woman suffrage. It has commended itself to the approval of

our people of all parties ... I sincerely hope the new States will

adopt suffrage principles without regard to sex, or provide by a

clause in their respective constitutions that the Legislatures may by

statute confer the right of franchise upon women." Throughout his

subsequent term in the United States Senate he was consistent in this

attitude and has remained so ever since.

Following the example of every Territorial Governor, Amos W. Barber,

the first State Governor, declared:

Woman suffrage does not degrade woman. On the contrary, it

ennobles her and brings out all the strong attributes of true

womanhood. To their credit be it said, the women are almost a

unit for ability, honesty and integrity wherever found, in high

life or low life. A man must walk straight in Wyoming, for the

women hold the balance of power and they are using it wisely and

judiciously. The cause of education is their first aim. They are

making our schools the model of the country, and, too, they can

make a dollar go much further than their husbands can.

In 1900 a petition was circulated in the State, asking Congress to

submit a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting

the disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex. It

was signed by the Governor, the Secretary of State, the Auditor of

State, the State Superintendent of Instruction, the State engineer,

the Judges of the Supreme Court, the United States district attorney,

the United States surveyor general, the director and the observer of

the United States Weather Bureau, the mayor of Cheyenne and a long

list of editors, ministers, lawyers, physicians, bankers and the most

prominent women in the State. Mrs. Carey, who had the petition in

charge, wrote to Miss Anthony: "Thousands of names could be secured if

it were necessary."

Literally speaking the testimony from Wyoming in favor of woman

suffrage is limited only by the space for this chapter.[481]

In 1901 this joint resolution was passed:

WHEREAS, Wyoming was the first State to adopt woman suffrage,

which has been in operation since 1869 and was adopted in the

constitution of the State in 1890; during which time women have

exercised the privilege as generally as men, with the result that

better candidates have been elected for office, methods of

election purified, the character of legislation improved, civic

intelligence increased and womanhood developed to greater

usefulness by political responsibility; therefore,

_Resolved_, By the House of Representatives, the Senate

concurring, That, in view of these results, the enfranchisement

of women in every State and Territory of the American Union is

hereby recommended as a measure tending to the advancement of a

higher and better social order;

_Resolved_, That an authenticated copy of these resolutions be

forwarded by the Governor of the State to the Legislature of

every State and Territory, and that the press be requested to

call public attention to these resolutions.

EDWARD W. STONE, _President of the Senate_.

J. S. ATHERLEY, _Speaker of the House_.

Approved Feb. 13, 1901.

DEFOREST RICHARDS, _Governor_.

For a number of years women served on grand and petit juries. In

compiling the first volume of the Laws of Wyoming, Secretary and

Acting Governor Edward M. Lee said:

In the provisions of the woman suffrage clause, enacted in 1869,

we placed this youngest Territory on earth in the van of

civilization and progress. That this statement has been verified

by practical experience the testimony is unanimous, continuous

and conclusive. Not a link is wanting in the chain of evidence

and, as a Governor of the Territory once said: "The only

dissenting voices against woman suffrage have been those of

convicts who have been tried and found guilty by women jurors."

Women exercised the right of jurors and contributed to the speedy

release of the Territory from the regime of the pistol and

bowie-knife. They not only performed their new duties without

losing any of the womanly virtues, and with dignity and decorum,

but good results were immediately seen. Chief Justice J. H. Howe,

of the Supreme Court, under whose direction women were first

drawn on juries, wrote in 1872: "After the grand jury had been in

session two days the dance-house keepers, gamblers and

_demi-monde_ fled out of the State in dismay to escape the

indictment of women jurors. In short, I have never, in

twenty-five years' experience in the courts of the country, seen

a more faithful and resolutely honest grand and petit jury than

these."

The best women in the Territory served as jurors, and they were

treated with the most profound respect and highly complimented for

their efficiency. The successor of Chief Justice Howe was opposed to

their serving and none were summoned by him. Jury duty is not

acceptable to men, as a rule, and the women themselves were not

anxious for it, so the custom gradually fell into disuse. The juries

are made up from the tax lists, which contain only a small proportion

of women. There are no court decisions against women as jurors, and

they are still summoned occasionally in special cases.

Women have not taken a conspicuous part in politics. The population is

scattered, there are no large cities and necessarily no great

associations of women for organized work. They are conscientious in

voting for men who, in their opinion, have the best interests of the

community at heart. More latitude must necessarily be permitted in new

States, but in 1900 they decided that it was time to call a halt on

the evil of gambling, and as the result of their efforts a law was

passed by the present Legislature (1901) forbidding it. The Chicago

_Tribune_ gave a correct summing-up of this matter in the following

editorial:

The women of Wyoming are to be credited with securing one reform

which is a sufficient answer, in that State at least, to the

criticism that woman suffrage has no influence upon legislation

and fails to elevate political action. There will be no legalized

gambling in Wyoming after the first of January next, the

Legislature having just passed a law which makes gambling of

every kind punishable by fine and imprisonment after the above

date.

This has been the work of the women. When they began their

agitation about a year and a half ago, gambling was not only

permitted but was licensed. The evil was so strongly entrenched

and the revenue accruing to the State so large that there was

little hope at first that anything would be accomplished. The

leaders of the crusade, however, organized their forces skilfully

in every town and village. Their petitions for the repeal of the

gambling statute and for the passage of a prohibitory act were

circulated everywhere, and were signed by thousands of male as

well as female voters. When the Legislature met, the women were

there in force, armed with their voluminous petitions. The

gamblers also were there in force and sought to defeat the women

by the use of large sums of money, but womanly tact and

persuasion and direct personal appeals carried the day against

strong opposition. The Legislature passed the bill, but it was

the women who won the victory.

The most prejudiced must admit that women could not have done this if

they had not represented at least as many votes as the gambling

fraternity.

LAWS: The first Legislature (1869), which conferred the suffrage upon

women, gave wives exactly the same rights as husbands in their

separate property.

Dower and curtesy have been abolished. If either husband or wife die

without a will, leaving descendants, one-half of the estate, both real

and personal, goes to the survivor. If there are no descendants,

three-fourths go to the survivor, one-fourth to the father and mother

or their survivors, unless the estate, both real and personal, does

not exceed $10,000, in which case it all passes to the widow or

widower. A homestead to the value of $1,500 is exempted for the

survivor and minor children.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on

business in her own name.

The father is the guardian of the minor children, and at his death the

mother. There is no law requiring a husband to support his

family.[482]

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in

1882, and from 14 to 18 in 1890. The penalty varies from imprisonment

for one year to life. Seduction under promise of marriage up to the

age of 21 years is a penitentiary offense. Male and female habitues of

a house of ill-repute are considered guilty of the same offense, but

the man is liable for a fine of $100 and imprisonment for sixty days,

while the woman is liable for only half this punishment.

SUFFRAGE: Women have had the Full Franchise since 1869.

No separate record is kept of their votes, as they have exercised the

suffrage so long that this would seem no more necessary than to keep

one of the men's votes. The census of 1900 gives the percentage of men

in the State as 63 (in round numbers) and of women as 37. The estimate

of those who are best informed is that 90 per cent. of the women who

are eligible use the suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Since the organization of the Territory in 1869 women

have been eligible to all official positions, but there never has been

any scramble for office.

No woman ever has served in the Legislature.

Miss Estelle Reel was State Superintendent of Public Instruction for

four years. She is now National Superintendent of Indian Schools,

appointed by President William McKinley, and has 300 of these under

her charge.

Miss Grace Raymond Hebard is librarian of the State University, and

for the past ten years has filled the position of secretary of the

board of trustees, upon which women serve.

Miss Bertha Mills is clerk of the State Land Board, with a salary

equal to that of any clerk or deputy in the State House.

Miss Rose Foote was assistant clerk in the House of Representatives of

the last Legislature, and as a reader she left nothing to be desired.

Women frequently serve as legislative enrolling clerks. There have

been women clerks of the courts.

Women hold several important clerkships in the State Capitol and are

found as stenographers, etc., in all the State, county and municipal

offices.

In many districts they serve on the school board, and nearly all of

the counties elect them to the responsible position of superintendent.

As such they conduct the institutes, examine teachers and have a

general supervision of the schools.

OCCUPATIONS: The only industry legally forbidden to women is that of

working in mines.

EDUCATION: All educational advantages are the same for both sexes.

By a law of 1869 Wyoming requires equal pay for men and women in all

employment pertaining to the State. This includes the public schools,

in which there are 102 men and 434 women teachers. But here as

elsewhere the men hold the higher positions and their average monthly

salary is $60.40, while that of the women is $42.86.

FOOTNOTES:

[471] The History is indebted to the Hon. Robert C. Morris of

Cheyenne, clerk of the Supreme Court of Wyoming, for much of the

information contained in this chapter.

[472] Mrs. Morris is the mother of Robert C. Morris, and this

paragraph is inserted by the editors. A full account of this first

experiment in woman suffrage will be found in Vol. III, Chap. LII.

[473] Published in full in Wyoming Historical Collections, Vol. I.

[474] In an address Mr. Carey said later: "I was agreeably surprised

to have so many of the ablest men in Congress, both in public and in

private conversation, disclose the fact that they firmly believed the

time would come when women would be permitted to exercise full

political rights throughout the United States."

[475] See laws for women in Tennessee chapter.

[476] Miss Susan B. Anthony was an interested and anxious listener to

this debate from the gallery of the House, and a joyful witness to the

final passage of the bill.

[477] See laws for women in Texas chapter.

[478] In 1901, when a convention in Alabama was framing a new

constitution, Senator Morgan sent a strong letter urging that this

should include suffrage for tax-paying women.

[479] A telegram announcing that President Harrison had signed the

bill was handed to Miss Anthony while she was addressing a large

audience at Madison, S. D., during the woman suffrage campaign in that

State, and those who were present say, "She spoke like one inspired."

By request of Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone, officers of the National W.

S. A., the woman suffrage clubs of the entire country celebrated on

the Fourth of July the admission into the Union of the first State

with the full franchise for women, and an address from Mrs. Stanton

was read--Wyoming the First Free State for Women.

[480] From 1876 to 1883 Edgar Wilson Nye (Bill Nye) was editor of the

Laramie _Boomerang_, in which he published the following as the result

of his eight years' observation of woman's voting:

"Female suffrage, I may safely and seriously assert, according to the

best judgment of the majority in Wyoming Territory, is an unqualified

success. An effort to abolish it would be at once hooted down. Its

principal opposition comes from those who do not know anything about

it. I do not hesitate to say that Wyoming is justly proud because it

has thus early recognized woman and given her a chance to be heard.

While she does not seek to hold office or act as juror, she votes

quietly, intelligently and pretty independently. Moreover, she does

not recognize the machine at all, seldom goes to caucuses, votes for

men who are satisfactory, regardless of the ticket, and thus scares

the daylights out of rings and machines."

[481] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[482] When the attention of a distinguished jurist of Wyoming was

called to these laws he said the question never had been raised, but

there would be no objection to changing them.

CHAPTER LXXIII.

GREAT BRITAIN.

EFFORTS FOR THE PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.[483]

BY MISS HELEN BLACKBURN, EDITOR OF THE ENGLISHWOMAN'S REVIEW, LONDON.

The chapter on Great Britain contributed by Miss Caroline Ashurst

Biggs to Vol. III of this History of Woman Suffrage brought the story

down to the passage of the Representation-of-the-People Act of 1884

which extended Household Suffrage to the Counties and created the

Service Franchise, thus giving the ballot to a large number of

agricultural labourers and men who had their residence on premises of

which their employers paid the rent and taxes, but which still left

all such women without any franchise whatsoever.

With the passing of that Act may be said to have begun a new phase in

the movement. During the '70's there had been a debate and division on

the Women's Suffrage Bill in the House of Commons nearly every year.

After the General Election of 1880 the question of Household Suffrage

in the Counties came to the front, and all the efforts of the Women's

Suffrage Societies were directed and inspired by the anticipation that

when the claims of the agricultural labourer were dealt with, those of

women would find their opportunity. But far from this, they were left

practically in a worse position than before, for now 2,000,000 new

voters were added to the number of those who could make prior claim to

the attention of their representatives.

_1885._--Immediately after the General Election which followed the

passing of the new Reform Bill, Mr. Gladstone gave notice of his Bill

for Home Rule for Ireland and the party feeling aroused was of such

intensity that the Liberal party was cloven in twain. The Women's

Suffrage movement was affected by the keen party strife, in which

women were as deeply interested as men, and the question of their

enfranchisement was no longer the only rallying point for their

political activity. This period is marked by a rapid development of

organisations amongst women for party purposes. In the Primrose

League, which had been started in 1883, women had been assigned

unprecedented recognition as co-operating with men on equal footing

for political purposes. It does not promote special measures but lays

down for its principle the Maintenance of Religion, of the Estates of

the Realm and of the Imperial Ascendancy of the British Empire, thus

indicating its Conservative tendency. The Women's Liberal Federation,

founded in 1885 to promote liberal principles, endeavours to further

special measures. The Women's Liberal Unionist Association founded in

1888 had for its principal object the defence of the legislative union

between England and Ireland.

Thus women entered actively into the work of the three respective

parties, and this re-acted in various ways on the Women's Suffrage

propaganda. It might seem that this had a depressing effect, for the

rigid neutrality in regard to party which always had characterised the

National Societies for Women's Suffrage might easily seem dull and

tame to the ardent party enthusiasts, and many of the Liberal women

threw their energies by preference into the Women's Liberal

Associations, but the old charge that women had no interest in

politics, now received its complete quietus. It seems indeed a far cry

from the manners of sixty years ago, when to talk politics to a woman

was considered rude, to the manners of to-day when the Primrose League

balances its 75,000 Knights with 63,000 Dames, besides associates

innumerable, both men and women; and the Women's Liberal Federation

with its 448 Associations has actively worked for candidates in a

great number of counties in England.

_1886._--The number of members returned after the General Election of

1885 who were understood to be favorably inclined towards the

enfranchisement of women, exceeded any previous experience and on

February 18th the motion to adjourn discussion was rejected by 159

ayes, 102 noes, and the bill passed second reading without further

division; but before going into Committee another dissolution of

Parliament took place.

The General Election which followed was even more favorable, the

friendly Members returned being in an actual majority, and yet session

after session passed and the pressure of Government business consumed

Parliamentary time.

_1887-1890._--The need of a central point, such as is afforded when

there is a bill before the House, round which all the suffrage forces

could rally independent of party, made it difficult for them to

maintain their cohesion. The Central Committee of the National Society

for Women's Suffrage had been such a point but it could not escape the

distracting outside influences, and a revision of its rules took place

in December, 1888, with the result that the Society as hitherto

existing dissolved and reformed in two separate organisations. One of

these established new rules which enabled it to affiliate with

Societies formed for other purposes; and one adhered to the old rules

which admitted only organisations formed with the sole object of

obtaining the Franchise. But if, as was held, the internal

re-organisation of the Societies redounded to greater strength, even

more so did an unprecedented attack from the outside, in the Summer of

1889, when the _Nineteenth Century_ opened its pages to a protest

against the enfranchisement of women, to which a few ladies in London

society had been diligently canvassing for signatures. The appearance

of this protest was naturally the sign for an immediate counterblast,

and the two Central Societies in London put a form of declaration into

immediate circulation. The _Fortnightly Review_ gave space to a reply

from the pen of Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett and to a selection from

the signatures which poured into the Suffrage Offices with a rapidity

that was amazing, as in sending out the forms for signature numbers

had not been aimed at but rather it was sought to make the list

representative. The _Nineteenth Century_ had contained the names of

104 ladies, mostly known as wives of public men, while those who had

taken part in work for the good of the community and to advance the

interests of women were conspicuous by their absence. The

_Fortnightly_ gave space for about 600 names asking for the suffrage,

selected from over 2,000 received within a few days.[484]

This was the last work in which the distinguished reformer, Miss

Caroline Ashurst Biggs, took part, as she died in September, 1889.

Miss Lydia Becker, editor of _The Women's Suffrage Journal_, which she

had founded in 1870, passed away the following Summer. These two

deaths were an irreparable loss to the movement for the

enfranchisement of women.

_1891._--Parliamentary prospects grew brighter and Mr. William

Woodall, who had charge of the Suffrage Bill, obtained May 13th for

its consideration. The first Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. Smith,

had received a deputation appointed by the Suffrage Societies April

20th, to present him with a largely signed memorial praying that Her

Majesty's Government would reserve the day appointed for the

discussion of a measure "which suffers under the special disadvantage

that those whom it chiefly concerns have no voting power with which to

fortify their claims." They received the assurance that the House

would not adjourn before the 13th, and that the Government had no

intention of taking the day for their business.

On April 30th, however, when the Government proposed to take certain

specified days for their business, Mr. Gladstone objected, insisting

that they should be uniform in their action and take all Wednesdays up

to Whitsuntide. This afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the

Suffrage Bill which the opponents were quick to perceive and,

although Mr. Smith declared himself unable to take this day, Sir Henry

James moved that all Wednesdays be taken. This was carried and the

Government, for probably the first time in Parliamentary History, had

a day forced on them.

_1892._--Better fortunes attended the endeavours of the Parliamentary

leaders in the following session. Mr. Woodall having accepted office

in the Government, Sir Algernon Borthwick (now Lord Glenesk) undertook

the necessary arrangements for the introduction of the Bill. This was

placed, by the result of the ballot for a day, in the hands of Sir

Albert Rollit, who set it down for April 27th in the following terms:

Every woman who (1) in Great Britain is registered as an elector

for any Town Council or County Council, or (2) in Ireland is a

rate-payer entitled to vote at an election for guardians of the

poor, shall be entitled to be registered as a Parliamentary

elector and, when registered, to vote at any Parliamentary

election for the County borough or division wherein the

qualifying property is situate.

This Bill was brought forward for second reading on the appointed day

by Sir Albert Rollit with a powerful statement of the question, and a

debate followed marked by a high and serious tone. For this brief

narrative it will suffice to note the closing speech from the Right

Hon. A. J. Balfour, who concluded by saying that whenever any

important extension of the Franchise was brought up "they would have

to face and deal with the problem of Women's Suffrage--and deal with

it in a complete fashion." The division showed 175 for the Bill, 192

against--a result which was a surprise to both sides, for the

opponents had exerted themselves in a manner beyond all precedent;

they had sent round a whip signed by twenty members, ten on each side

of the House, and Mr. Gladstone had written a letter to Mr. Samuel

Smith, that had been circulated as a pamphlet, in which amongst other

points he urged that at least it should be ascertained "that the

womanly mind of the country was in overwhelming proportion and with

deliberate purpose bent on procuring the vote."

_1893-1895._--At the opening of the Parliament it was a great

satisfaction to the Women's Suffrage party that Viscount Wolmer (now

the Earl of Selborne) had undertaken the Parliamentary leadership of

the question. It will hardly be needful here to go into all the causes

which thwarted the vigilance of the leader in procuring a hearing for

the measure in that Parliament.

On June 1st, 1895, a representative Conference was held at Westminster

Town Hall to consider a plan for an appeal to the House of Commons

from women all over the United Kingdom. Miss Florence Davenport Hill,

who presided, briefly explained that the object of such an appeal was

to convince the country in a more emphatic manner than could be

possible by the petitions, memorials and demonstrations that already

had been tried again and again, all of which were necessarily limited

in their scope. This appeal should be from women of all ranks and

classes in all parts of the United Kingdom. The Appeal for the

Parliamentary Franchise then agreed upon was managed by a committee

appointed from the chief organisations amongst women.

_1896._--This effort to "focus the diffused interest of women in the

suffrage into one concentrated expression" resulted in the collection

of 257,796 signatures, nearly every constituency in the United Kingdom

being represented. Although the Appeal was in readiness for

presentation in the session of 1895, a suitable opportunity did not

arise until 1896, when a fairly good place had been drawn in the

ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg and the Bill was set down for May 20th.

Permission was obtained to place the Appeal in Westminster Hall on May

19th, and passes were given to the Committee to enable them to show it

to any Members of Parliament who might wish to inspect it.

Accordingly--although it was already known that all Wednesdays had

been taken in Government business--the Appeal of the women of this day

and generation for constitutional rights was placed in that grand old

Hall, round which the Parliamentary associations of a thousand years

are clustered. Many Members showed great interest in studying the

signatures from their respective constituencies.

Irrespective of the interest called forth, other good results

followed, for the Women's Suffrage Societies had been drawn into

pleasant relation with a great many new friends and helpers all over

the country. It was also shown that women who differed widely on

political and social questions could work cordially and unanimously

for this common object. The closer union which this work had brought

about led to the modification of the Special Appeal Committee into a

combined Committee for Parliamentary Work. A Conference held in the

Priory Rooms, Birmingham, October 16th, attended by delegates from all

the Women's Suffrage Societies, greatly assisted concerted action.

_1897._--All was thus in good working order when at the opening of the

session an excellent place was drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull

Begg (M. P. for St. Rollox division of Glasgow) and the Women's

Franchise Bill was set down for February 3rd, when it passed second

reading by a majority of 71. The old opponents sent out a strong whip

against the Bill and mustered in force, but they were exceeded by the

old friends, nor did the division show the whole strength of the

movement, as many known to be favorable were still absent at that

early date of the session.[485] A statement issued by the National

Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, said:

This vote places the question of Women's Suffrage in a new phase,

and its friends have only to continue to press it upon the

attention of Parliament and the public in order to render it

necessary at no distant date that it should be dealt with by the

Government of the day. This has been the history of nearly all

important measures of reform. They have very rarely been placed

on the Statute Book by private members; but private members by

repeatedly bringing a particular question before the House give

the opportunity for its full consideration by Parliament and the

country, so that in due time it takes its place as a Government

measure. It will be the aim of the Union to put Women's Suffrage

in this position, so that no Government, of whatever party, shall

be able to touch questions relating to representation without at

the same time removing the electoral disabilities of women.

The closer coalition that Autumn of all the Societies which make

Women's Suffrage their sole object into a National Union was in itself

a symptom of that new phase, and the combined Sub-Committee was now

further modified into the Executive Committee of the National Union of

Women's Suffrage Societies.

_1898-1899._--The value of this second reading has been permanent

notwithstanding that its progress through the next stage of going into

Committee was thwarted by what even the _Times_ described as an

"undignified shuffle." The rule that Bills which have reached

Committee stage before Whitsuntide should be taken on Wednesdays after

Whitsuntide in their turn, so that if any one Bill is not finished on

the day it is taken it is carried to the next, was so worked as to

shut out the Women's Franchise Bill in 1899, and the rule which was

meant to give equitable share to all was abused by purposely

protracted talk over Bills which had no claim to such profuse

attention.

This was the last opportunity that the pressure of the eventful years

with which the century closed afforded for Parliamentary debate. The

great meeting in Queen's Hall, London, June 29th, 1899, when the

National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies gave hearty welcome to

their fellow-workers from all parts of the globe during the

International Council of Women, remains the latest event of public

significance.

* * * * *

The new House of Commons, 1901, includes 267 members who have voted in

former Parliaments on the question of extending the Parliamentary

Franchise to Women; of these 96 are opponents, 171 are supporters. One

has continued to be a consistent opponent from the division on Mr.

John Stuart Mill's amendment to the Reform Bill of 1867. Two have

continued to be consistent supporters from the same division. Of

members whose first time of voting dates from one or other of the

numerous divisions which took place between the Reform Acts of 1867

and 1884, there still remain 20 opponents and 25 supporters. Of the

members who recorded their vote for the first time on the question in

the division on Sir Albert Rollit's Bill of 1892, there remain 24

opponents and 30 supporters. Of those whose first votes date from the

division on Mr. Faithfull Begg's Bill in 1897, there remain 51

opponents and 114 supporters.

Thus the ratio of supporters gradually strengthens, and this

notwithstanding the retirement of twice as many tried friends as of

steady opponents. If to these considerations it is added that amongst

the newly-elected members, for each one who is understood to be an

opponent there are at least three understood to be friendly, it will

be seen that the march of time strengthens the ranks of the Women's

Suffrage cause in the House of Commons.

Amongst the supporters who have retired from Parliamentary life are

three past leaders of the Women's Suffrage Bill, Mr. Leonard Courtney,

Mr. Woodall and Mr. Faithfull Begg. Two past leaders now have seats in

the Cabinet, Lord Selborne and Mr. George Wyndham. The Premier, Lord

Salisbury, has been at all times a true friend; the leader of the

House of Commons, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, has voted and spoken

in favor of the question in that body.

Mention has been made of the death of Miss Becker and of Miss Biggs.

Miss Isabella M. S. Tod of Belfast, who passed away on December 8th,

1896, was a bright and leading spirit, in Ireland especially. In

November, 1899, the Edinburgh Committee lost their much-loved Hon.

Secretary, Miss Eliza Wigham, who had held that office for more than

thirty years. In the same month Mr. Jacob Bright, who secured the

Municipal Franchise for women, also passed away.

In Ireland the Local Government Act of 1898 gave fresh impetus to

women's public work, and Mrs. Haslam, the veteran Hon. Secretary of

the Dublin Women's Suffrage Society, for the past twenty-six years,

still encourages the rising workers of today.

The North of England Women's Suffrage Society has just sent a petition

with over 29,000 signatures entirely from women working in Lancashire

cotton factories. The petition, which looked like a garden roller from

its size, was brought up by a deputation of fifteen of the women, and

by them placed in the hands of their Parliamentary friends for

presentation.

In London the branches have amalgamated into one Central

Society--President, Lady Frances Balfour; Chairman, Mrs. Millicent

Garrett Fawcett--and life and effort are apparent in every

direction.[486]

The new century has opened with a heavy shadow of sorrow for the

British people in the death of their much-loved sovereign, Queen

Victoria. Her reign will always be conspicuous as an era of change of

tone in regard to the studies and pursuits of women. The extent to

which that change is due to the presence on the throne of a woman full

of goodness--one for whom Truth was her guide and Duty her rule in

every action of her life--will stand out more clearly perhaps to

future generations. But this we know, that during the Victorian era

the idea of separateness in the interests of men and women has grown

less and less, while co-operation and sympathy have grown more and

more, so that these words of one of the pioneer thinkers on this

subject, Mrs. Jameson, have become a key-note to the suffrage

movement: "Whatsoever things are good, whatsoever things are wise,

whatsoever things are holy, must be accomplished by communion between

brave men and brave women."

LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN.

Half a century ago married women had no right to their earnings, nor

to dispose of their property; all belonged to the husband unless

settled on the wife and then it was in keeping of trustees. Mothers

had no rights in their children. All professions were closed to women.

_1839._--Custody of Infants Act empowered the Lord Chancellor to leave

custody of her child to the mother, up to the age of seven, in case of

divorce.

_1873._--Custody of Infants Act allowed the mother custody of her

child to the age of sixteen in case of divorce.

_1886._--Guardianship of Infants Act gave the right to a surviving

mother to be joint guardian in addition to any appointed by the

father. The Act also enabled her to appoint a guardian in case of the

father's death or incapacity; it also required the Court to have

regard to the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.

_1870-1874._--Married Women's Property Acts secured to them all rights

to property acquired by their own skill and industry, and to all

investments of their own money in their own names.

_1882._--Married Women's Property Act consolidated and amended the

previous act, enabling married women to acquire, hold and dispose by

will or otherwise of any real or personal property without the

intervention of a trustee.

_1876._--Medical Education Act permitted medical degrees to be

conferred on women.

_1890._--Intestates Act provided that when a man dies intestate

leaving a widow and no children, all his estate if under L500, goes to

the widow, if over L500 she shall have L500 in addition to her share

in the residue.[487]

LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT. (SUFFRAGE.)

_1869._--Municipal Corporations Act restored to women rate-payers of

England the vote in Municipal Elections which had been taken away by

the Municipal Corporation Act of 1835.

_1870._--Elementary Education Act created School Boards and placed

women on a complete equality both as electors and as eligible for

election.

_1881-1882._--The Municipal Act for Scotland gave to women the same

Municipal Franchise possessed by those of England since 1869. They

already had the School Franchise.

_1888._--The County Electors Act gave women equal franchises with men

for the election of Councillors for the County Councils created by the

Local Government Act of that year.

_1894._--Local Government Act which reorganised the Parochial Poor-Law

Administration in the Counties, confirmed the rights of women to all

Local Franchises and their eligibility as Poor-Law Guardians; and made

them also eligible as Parish and District Councillors.

_1896._--Poor-Law Guardian Act for Ireland made women for the first

time eligible as Poor-Law Guardian.

_1898._--Irish Local Government Act reorganized the system of Local

Government in Ireland on similar lines to that in England. Women who

had hitherto been excluded from the Municipal Franchise now had all

Local Franchises conferred on them and were made eligible for Rural

and Urban District Councils.

_1899._--London Government Act changed the system of Vestries to that

of Borough Councils throughout the Metropolitan Districts. Women had

been eligible on the old Vestries and several were then serving. Their

claim to sit on the new Borough Councils was, however, rejected.

WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK.

Half a century ago no offices were held by women beyond such parochial

offices as Sextoness, Overseer and Churchwarden, which they

occasionally filled. Their always-existing right to act as Poor-Law

Guardians seems to have been entirely left in abeyance until the early

'70's, when the attention of public-spirited women was being called to

the need of reformation in the workhouses.

_1870._--MEMBERS OF SCHOOL BOARD: Miss Lydia Becker was the first

woman to be elected to public office by the popular vote. This was at

the first School Board election in Manchester, in November, 1870. She

was re-elected at every subsequent triennial election until her death

in 1890. Several were elected in London and other large towns. Their

number has gone on slowly increasing, both in towns and rural

districts, the women being re-elected again and again whenever they

continued to stand.

_1873._--POOR-LAW INSPECTORS: The first woman was appointed Poor-Law

Inspector in 1873. Then for some years there was no other. Two now

fill that office, appointed in 1885 and 1898 respectively.

_1875._ POOR-LAW GUARDIANS: The first Poor-Law Guardian was elected in

1875. There are now over 1,000 serving as Guardians and District

Councillors in England, a few in Scotland, and about 90 in Ireland.

_1892._--ROYAL COMMISSIONS: Women were appointed as Assistant

Commissioners on the Royal Commission of Labor in 1892, and as Royal

Commissioners to enquire into secondary education in 1895.

_1894._--FACTORY INSPECTORS: The first women Factory Inspectors were

appointed in 1894, and six are now serving.

The Education Department also has a few as Inspectors. Local

authorities in large towns are realizing the value of women as

Sanitary Inspectors, and the number of these increases gradually.

STEPS IN EDUCATION.

Half a century ago there was not one school or college where women

could have any approach to University classes. Now there are over

2,000 women graduates, besides 1,500 who hold certificates from Oxford

and Cambridge in place of the degrees which would have been theirs had

those ancient seats of learning opened their gates to women graduates.

The following table shows the particulars:

Approximate

total number

of graduates

Distribution. Women Admitted. in January,

1900.

London University By a supplemental charter of 1878 1,100

Victoria University By its charter of foundation, 1880 180

Royal University of Ireland 1882 425

The Scottish Universities:

Edinburgh, By an ordinance of the University

Glasgow, Commissioners in 1892 empowering

Aberdeen, the admission of women 226

St. Andrews.

University of Wales By a charter in 1893 incorporating the

Colleges of Aberystwith, Cardiff,

Bangor 27

Durham By an amending charter in 1895 25

Girton College, Cambridge Opened for women 1872 529

Newnham College, " Opened for women 1880 577

Halls for Women in Oxford Opened for women 1879 426

The students of the three Women's Colleges above take the examinations

of Cambridge and Oxford and have instruction in part from their

faculties, but receive only certificates instead of degrees. The other

universities grant them full degrees.

The establishment of an equal standard of knowledge for men and women

has brought about the result that the achievements of women in

literature, science and art, once treated as abnormal and exceptional

are now quite normal and usual; and the liberal learning, once

confined to the very few in favored circumstances, is within the reach

of numbers. As a corollary to this it has been recognized that women's

occupations also deserve systematic training, with the result that

when once the training was given the resourcefulness of women has

enabled them to follow out new lines, and a new independence has

dawned upon them. At the same time the sense of personal

responsibility which comes of independence has made many more women

realize that they have a duty to the community, and therefore has

compelled them to set their thoughts and minds to the performance of

those duties. As a natural consequence the fact is being more and more

realized by the Electorate and by Government Departments that women

can bring useful service to the community.

THE ISLE OF MAN.

[The ancient kingdom of the Isle of Man, with an independent

government since the time of the vikings, and making its own laws

which require only the sanction of the Crown, extended Full Suffrage

to women property owners in December, 1880, and the act received the

assent of Queen Victoria, January 5th, 1881. This was extended to all

women rate-payers in 1892.]

PROGRESS IN THE COLONIES.

NEW ZEALAND.[488]

The first of the Colonies of the British Empire to grant the

Parliamentary Franchise to women was New Zealand, therefore, the story

of Colonial Progress fitly opens with the land of the Maories. The

earliest public mention that this writer has been able to find of the

question was in a speech of Sir Julius Vogel to his constituents in

1876, when he said that he was in favor of extending the franchise to

women--but as far back as 1869 a pamphlet on the subject, entitled An

Appeal to the Men of New Zealand, had been written by Mrs. Mary

Mueller, who may be fitly termed the pioneer woman suffragist of that

colony.

In 1878 the Government introduced an Electoral Bill which included the

franchise for rate-paying women; this passed the House of

Representatives but met with much opposition in the Upper House on

points unconnected with women's suffrage, so that it was ultimately

withdrawn.

In 1887 Sir Julius Vogel, Colonial Treasurer, introduced a Bill

giving practically universal suffrage to women. This was supported by

the Premier, Sir Robert Stout, and passed the House of Representatives

May 12, 1887, by 41 ayes, 22 noes. Several Members stated that they

only voted for it in the hope that in Committee it would be limited to

owners of property. An amendment proposed to this effect in Committee

was rejected, but this proved a fatal victory, for when the clause was

put as it stood the "noes" carried the day.

A resolution moved by Sir John Hall in 1890, carried by a majority of

26, was a further note of encouragement.

The work for Women's Suffrage was mainly carried on by the Women's

Christian Temperance Union, and they now put forth increased energy,

so that early in 1891 Mrs. Kate W. Sheppard, Franchise Superintendent,

was able to report that many local unions had appointed franchise

superintendents. With what effect they worked was shown when Sir John

Hall presented in August, 1891, a petition for the suffrage seventy

yards long, which was run out to the furthest end of the House; a row

of Members ranged themselves on either side to inspect the signatures

and found no two alike, as some seemed to expect. On September 4th Sir

John Hall's Bill again passed in the House of Representatives, but was

lost by two votes in the Legislative Council, or Upper House.

In 1892 Sir John Hall presented in behalf of the measure the largest

petition ever seen in the New Zealand Parliament. That year the Hon.

J. Ballance introduced an Electoral Bill on behalf of the Government,

in which the most important new feature was the franchise for women.

It passed the House of Representatives, but a difference on technical

details between the two branches of the Legislature delayed its

passage in the Council.

In 1893 the Electoral Act of New Zealand conferred the Franchise on

every person over twenty-one, although this did not carry the right to

sit in Parliament.

As a General Election was close at hand no time was lost in enrolling

women on the register. The report of the New Zealand W. C. T. U. of

1893 supplies the following figures:

Men. Women.

On the Register 177,701 109,461

Voting at the Poll 124,439 90,290

A lady present in Auckland during the election relates that the

interest taken by the Maori women was very great and that nearly half

the Maori votes registered in Auckland were those of women.

The Hon. H. J. Seddon, Premier of New Zealand, when in England for the

celebration of the Queen's jubilee in 1897, spoke of the measure as a

great success, saying, "It has come to stay." The Bishop of Auckland,

speaking at the Church Congress in England that year, said "it had led

to no harm or inconvenience, but the men of New Zealand were wondering

why they had permitted the women of that Colony to remain so long

without the right to vote in Parliamentary elections."

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.[489]

On July 22d, 1885, Dr. Stirling moved a Resolution in the House of

Assembly in favor of conferring the Franchise for both Houses of the

Legislature, on widows and spinsters who possessed qualifications

(property) which would entitle them to vote for the Legislative

Council. The debate was adjourned on the motion of the

Attorney-General and on August 5th the Resolution carried without a

division or serious opposition.

This favorable start is the more remarkable that there had been no

previous agitation, no society or committee formed, no petitions

presented, no meetings held. It was a matter of enlightened conviction

on the part of the legislators. Dr. Stirling introduced a Bill in

1886, in the same terms as his resolution, and on April 13th it passed

second reading by a majority of two of those voting, but as amendments

to the Constitution must have a majority of the whole House, the Bill

could not be proceeded with. A general election followed soon after,

at which Dr. Stirling did not re-enter Parliament, and Mr. Caldwell

took charge of the Bill, which in November, 1889, again passed second

reading in the House of Assembly, but again by an insufficient

majority.

In the Summer of 1889 a public meeting was held to form a Women's

Suffrage League, which set to work holding meetings and collecting

signatures to petitions under the guidance of its Hon. Secretary, Mrs.

Mary Lee. The efforts of the parliamentary friends were thrice

baffled--in 1890, 1891 and 1893--by the necessity for a majority of

the whole House, which stopped further immediate progress though each

time the Bill had passed second reading. The growth of support was,

however, evidenced by the reply of the Premier to a deputation from

the Women's Suffrage League in November, 1893--that "on the question

of Women's Suffrage the Government were in the position of just

persons who needed no conversion, as they were thoroughly at one in

the matter and were willing to do all they could to place Women's

Suffrage on the Statute Book."

When, in August, 1894, the Government brought their Adult Suffrage

Bill to the Legislative Council the opponents did their utmost to

bring about its defeat by obstructive amendments, but in vain. Finally

they moved that the clause prohibiting women from sitting in

Parliament be struck out, expecting thereby to wreck the Bill, but the

supporters of the measure accepted the amendment and so it was carried

by a combination of opponents and supporters, giving women Full

Suffrage and the right to sit in the Parliament. An address and

testimonial were presented to Mrs. Lee by the Hon. C. C. Kingston, the

Premier, Dr. Cockburn, other Members of Parliament and friends. In

making the presentation the Premier said he did so at request of the

Committee, for her important services in one of the greatest

constitutional reforms in Australian history. Royal assent was given

to the Bill in 1895.

The first election under this Act took place in April, 1896.

Statistics published in the _Australian Register_ of June 10th, give

the following totals:

Men. Women.

On the roll in Adelaide and suburbs 30,051 24,585

On the roll in the country districts 47,701 34,581

Voting in Adelaide and suburbs 19,938 16,253

Voting in country districts 31,634 23,059

Percentage voting in Adelaide and suburbs 66.34 66.11

Percentage voting in the country districts 66.32 66.68

Speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Central Committee of the Women's

Suffrage Society in London, July 15th, 1898, Dr. Cockburn (now Sir

John Cockburn, K. C. M. G.) said: "The refining influence of women has

made itself felt in this sphere as in every other: they have elevated

the whole realm of politics without themselves losing a jot of their

innate purity. 'No poorer they but richer we,' by their addition to

the electoral roll."

WEST AUSTRALIA.[490]

The women of West Australia enjoyed the unprecedented experience of

having organised their Franchise League and gained the Franchise in

one year. The question, however, had been more or less before the

Colony since 1893. In that year Mr. Cookworthy had introduced a

Women's Suffrage Resolution in the House of Assembly which was lost by

only one vote.

After the next General Election, Mr. Cookworthy again introduced his

Resolution in 1897, when it was lost by two votes, one of its

strongest supporters being absent. Although there was at that time no

organisation specially for the Suffrage, the Women's Christian

Temperance Union did much to extend interest, and there was a large

body of support to be found amongst the intelligent women of the

Colony. This led to the formation of a Women's Franchise League for

Western Australia.

This League was formally organized at a public meeting of the Leisure

Hour Club in Perth, May 11th, 1899, Lady Onslow presiding. That autumn

a Resolution similar to the one which had been introduced in the

Legislative Assembly passed the Council, and before the year closed

the Electoral Act was passed of which the important part for women

lies in the interpretation clause, which interprets "Elector" as any

person of either sex whose name is on the Electoral Roll of a province

or district. Royal assent to the Bill was given in 1900. Although

women now can vote for members of the Parliament they can not sit in

that body.

Already the Women's Franchise League of Western Australia is

transformed into the Women's Electoral League.

NEW SOUTH WALES.[491]

The Mother Colony seems likely to be the next to enfranchise women.

The question in that Colony first came prominently forward when Sir

Henry Parkes, the veteran statesman and oft-times Premier, proposed a

clause to give equal voting power to women in his Electoral Bill in

1890. The clause was eventually dropped, but the very fact that it had

been introduced in a Government Bill by a man of such high position as

Sir Henry Parkes gave the question the impetus for which the friends

of the movement were waiting to collect the growing interest into

organized form and combined action.

On May 6th, 1891, the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales was

formed, Lady Windeyer was elected president and an active campaign was

begun. On July 30th Sir Henry Parkes moved a Resolution in the

Legislative Assembly "that in the opinion of this House the franchise

for the election of members of the Legislative Assembly should be

extended to women on the same conditions and subject to the same

qualifications as men." The debate was a very long one, occupying

twelve hours and concluding at 3 a. m., when the motion was lost by 34

ayes, 57 noes. The friends of Women's Suffrage were in no way cast

down by this vote. They believed that in a full House on a fair test

division their friends would have been in a majority, but many who

were anxious for the passing of the Electoral Bill voted against Sir

Henry Parkes' motion lest the inclusion of women should imperil its

chances in the Upper House.

The next debate on the question was on November 18th, 1894, when Mr.

O'Reilly moved a Resolution that "in the opinion of this House the

time has arrived when the franchise should be extended to women." This

was supported by Sir Henry Parkes. The Premier, Sir G. H. Reid,

approved of Women's Suffrage in the abstract but objected that the

present Parliament had received no mandate from the people. Sir George

Dibbs thought the demand a just one. Eventually the motion, with the

words "the time has now arrived" omitted, was carried by a large

majority. No debate has taken place since 1894, as the pressure on the

time of the Legislature has been great with Federal and other matters,

but the question was never in a more hopeful position. The sudden

change of government in 1899 placed a strong friend to the cause at

the head of affairs in the present Premier, Sir William Lyne, and at

the annual meeting of the Suffrage League in August, 1900, Mr. Fegan,

M. P. (Minister for Mines) congratulated the women of New South Wales

on being so near the goal of their desires. The Premier had

definitely said that before the session closed a Bill would be

introduced to give women the suffrage, and he hoped that next year

they would be able to disband their League, its work being finished.

The Bill was introduced in 1901 but was lost by 19 ayes, 22 noes.

On Aug. 14, 1902, the bill conferring the Parliamentary Franchise on

women passed the Council. It had already passed the Assembly and is

now law.

VICTORIA.[492]

In Melbourne an organisation for Women's Suffrage has been in

existence some sixteen years, but it is only within the last five

years that the question has come within the region of practical

politics. The movement suffered from want of concentration of energy.

"At one time the original association, though still in existence, was

rivalled by other societies with the same object, but more or less

tinged with local, class or religious characteristics. This rivalry,

though it tended to the growth of the movement, deprived it of force

and eventually led to divided counsels and consequently to comparative

failure." _The Australian Woman's Sphere_[493] from which the above

words are quoted, goes on to say: "A few years since, largely owing to

the patience and tact of the late Annette Bear Crawford, its first

Hon. Secretary, there was formed the 'United Council for Women's

Suffrage' which aimed at including representatives of all the leagues

that had for their main object, or for one of them, the political

enfranchisement of women."

The formation of this Council has been the sign of a new life in the

question in Melbourne. At the General Election of 1894 a determined

effort was made to secure the return of a majority of members pledged

to vote for the suffrage cause. The Government promised a Bill in the

session of 1895, and on November 26th the Premier, Sir George Turner,

introduced a Women's Suffrage Bill which passed the House of Assembly

without a division, but was lost in the Legislative Council by two

votes.

The Women's Suffrage Bill passed the Legislative Assembly in 1897,

'98, '99, 1900, '01, each time with an increased majority, but each

time its progress has been stopped in the Council.

Nevertheless there are many evidences of increasing vitality in the

movement in Victoria, not the least of these being the rise of an

Anti-Women's Suffrage Crusade. These "New Crusaders" have presented a

petition which purports to be signed by 22,987 "adult women" of

Victoria. But in 1891 before the suffrage was a live subject, before

it had entered the region of practical politics, the women suffragists

in six weeks obtained 30,000 signatures of adult women. The first and

the most natural result of the anti-suffrage movement has been to

bring down enquiries on the United Council from all parts of the

Colony how to help Women's Suffrage.

QUEENSLAND.[494]

The Women's Suffrage question appears to have received its first

awakening in Queensland from the visit of Miss Hannah Chenings, who in

1891 came from Adelaide on a lecturing tour in connection with an

effort to obtain a law for the better protection of young girls. Her

account of the Women's Franchise League in South Australia aroused a

wish for a similar organisation here, and after a period of silent

growth the Women's Suffrage Association was formed in 1894, mainly

through the instrumentality of Mrs. Leontine Cooper and Mrs. Maginie,

who, as Miss Allen, had been a member of the New South Wales Society.

At the first annual meeting of this association, in March, 1895, the

report showed that petitions had been presented with over 11,000

signatures, and that letters expressing themselves as favorable to the

measure had been received from thirty Members of the Legislative

Assembly. In the General Election of 1897 a large number of candidates

declared themselves in favor, but so far the effort to carry a Bill

through the House has met with disappointment, and the Women's

Suffrage Association are bending their efforts towards inducing the

Government to bring in a Bill. Here, as in the other Colonies where

they are still unenfranchised, the women feel deeply the injustice of

their exclusion from the Federal Referendum.

TASMANIA.[495]

As long ago as 1885 a Constitutional Amendment Act passed second

reading in the Tasmanian House of Assembly which provided for the

extension of the Franchise to unmarried women rate-payers, but

notwithstanding the support of the Government the question made no

further advance in Parliament.

In recent years a Bill to enfranchise women on the same terms as men

has passed the House of Assembly on several occasions with increasing

majorities, but the opponents are still too numerous to carry it

through the Upper House. The Women's Christian Temperance Union have

been the most energetic workers in its behalf.

[It will be noticed that in each of these Australian States the

Women's Suffrage Bill repeatedly passed the Assembly, or Lower House,

which is elected by the people, but was defeated in the Council or

Upper House, which is composed entirely of wealthy and aristocratic

members, who can be voted for only by these classes, and some of whom

are appointed by the Government and hold office for life. In 1901 a

Federation of the six States was formed with a National Parliament,

both Houses to be elected by the people. In June, 1902, a bill passed

this Federal Parliament giving women the right to vote for its members

and be elected to this body. About 800,000 women have been thus

enfranchised, the largest victory ever gained for this movement.

In South and West Australia and New South Wales women may vote for

members of the State Parliament. In Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania

they may vote for the Federal but not for the State Parliament, an

anomaly which doubtless will be very soon rectified. It is possible

that before this volume is read all the women of the six Australian

States will possess the full franchise by constitutional right.--Eds.]

In the South African Colonies there has been, as yet, no history to

record. That the question simmers in many thoughtful minds there can

scarcely be a doubt, but the time for organised action does not seem

to have yet arrived.

The other Colonies of Great Britain, with the exception of Canada, are

not self-governing.

DOMINION OF CANADA.

The story of the movement to obtain the Parliamentary Franchise in the

Dominion dates back to 1883. In April of that year the Premier, Sir

John Macdonald, introduced a Bill in the Legislature for amending the

electoral law, including a clause which gave the suffrage to unmarried

women who possessed the necessary qualifications.

Previously, on March 9th, the Toronto Women's Literary and Social

Progress Club had gathered in public for the first time in the City

Council Chamber to consider the Suffrage question. Mrs. McEwan

presided and a paper "treating pithily and with much aptness on the

subject of the Franchise" was read by Miss E. Foulds, who moved a

Resolution "that in the opinion of this Meeting the Parliamentary

Franchise should be extended to women who possess the qualifications

which entitle men to vote." This and a second resolution proposing the

formation of a society to forward such legislation as might be

required were both carried, many ladies and gentlemen speaking in

their support and a large number of those present giving in their

names as members. On April 5th an adjourned meeting was held and the

Canadian Women's Suffrage Association was constituted.

Sir John Macdonald's Bill was presented too late to become a law and

was re-introduced in 1884. It was in this year that members of the

British Suffrage Association visited Canada. Miss Lydia Becker and

Mrs. Lilias Ashworth Hallett were among them, and they and several

other English ladies united in sending an address to Sir John

Macdonald thanking him for the introduction of provisions in his Bill

to enable women to vote and expressing their high appreciation of the

just and generous spirit which had actuated him. Mrs. Hallett had some

conversation with Sir John Hall, who told her the only difficulty they

expected in Canada as regarded passing the Bill was from the French

population. This expectation proved to be well-founded. The Women's

Suffrage Clauses were rejected by 51 ayes, 78 noes, after a debate

extending over thirty-one consecutive hours.

It was ten years before any further effort was made to secure the

Parliamentary Franchise. In 1894 a petition for this, in behalf of the

Women's Christian Temperance Union, supplemented by memorials from the

Provinces, was presented by Sir James Grant to the House of Commons,

and by the Hon. Mr. Scott to the Senate, but no resolution was

offered. A Bill introduced by Mr. Dickey, dealing with the electoral

franchise, contained a clause asking suffrage for widows and

spinsters, but the Bill was read only once. Mr. Davis, unsolicited,

brought in a resolution for Women's Franchise on the same terms as

men. Forty members voted for it, one hundred and five against it.

A petition for the Parliamentary Franchise for women, very largely

signed by Federal voters throughout the Dominion, was presented to the

House of Commons and the Senate in 1896. This was the last effort in

the Parliament, and as a change has since been made in the Electoral

Act, making the voters' list for the Dominion coincide with the

Provincial lists, the battle will therefore have to be fought out in

each separate Province.

THE PRESENT POLITICAL CONDITION.[496]

Women in Canada have no vote for any law maker, either Federal or

Provincial. Their franchise is confined to municipalities, which can

only make by-laws that relate to the execution of existing laws. But

although women have no direct vote, they have, by much labor and

united effort, effected some important changes in the criminal code

and civil laws, as well as in the political position of women in the

municipalities. The societies which have accomplished the most, if not

all, of these changes are the Women's Christian Temperance Union, the

Women's Enfranchisement Association and the National Council of Women.

In the Province of Ontario, in 1884, widows and spinsters were given

the Municipal Franchise on the same terms as men. All women, married

or single, if owners of property, may vote on money by-laws where such

are submitted to the electors. Any woman on the assessment roll may

vote for School Trustees and is eligible for this office. In 1892 it

was enacted that women might study law and qualify for the Bar. In

1893 a Bill to give Municipal Suffrage to married women and one to

grant the Provincial Suffrage to all women were defeated by 16 ayes,

53 noes.

In the Province of New Brunswick the Legislature in 1886 gave,

unsolicited, to widows and spinsters the right to vote on the same

terms as men at Municipal elections. In 1893 an Act was passed

permitting the appointment of a woman as School Trustee. This was

amended in 1896 making it compulsory that two on each Board shall be

women.

In the Province of Nova Scotia the Municipal Franchise was granted to

widows and spinsters in 1887. A Bill for the Provincial Franchise was

defeated in 1893; and again in 1894 by one vote. An Act of 1895

permits all women, if rate-payers, to vote on School matters. A

married woman having property in her own right, provided that her

husband is disqualified, may vote in Municipal elections under the

Married Woman's Property Act, since 1891. In the city of Halifax

widows and spinsters who are rate-payers may vote on Municipal

questions. In 1894 a Bill giving women a more extended suffrage was

lost by seven votes; in 1895 by four votes; in 1899 a Bill for the

full Provincial Franchise was lost by twenty-seven votes.

In the Province of Prince Edward Island, in 1888, the Municipal

Suffrage was granted to widows and spinsters owning property. An Act

of 1899 made women eligible to appointment on School Boards.

In the Province of British Columbia, in 1888, the Municipal Franchise

was conferred on widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1891

allows the wife of any householder or freeholder to vote on School

matters but not to hold office; in 1897 the Act was amended making

them eligible as School Trustees. This same year all women rate-payers

were given the Municipal Franchise. Only owners of property may vote

on by-laws for raising money upon the credit of the municipality.

In the Province of Manitoba, in 1891, the Municipal Franchise was

extended to women. Any qualified woman rate-payer can vote on School

questions and is eligible for School offices. Women property owners

may vote on all submitted by-laws. In 1892 a measure to give women the

full Provincial Suffrage was defeated by 28 ayes, 11 noes.

In the Province of Quebec, in 1892, the Municipal and School Franchise

was conferred on widows and spinsters on the same terms as on men. The

law relating to the right of women to sit on the School Board was

ambiguous, so a petition was presented that they be declared eligible.

The response to this was an amendment excluding women. In Montreal,

under the old charter, only widows and spinsters who owned property

had the Municipal Franchise; in 1899 this was amended, adding tenancy

with residence as a qualification. In 1898 a Bill granting them the

Provincial Suffrage was lost on division.

In the Northwest Territories, in 1894, the Municipal Franchise was

granted to widows and spinsters. In School matters every woman

rate-payer can vote and is eligible to School offices.[497]

FOOTNOTES:

[483] The women of Great Britain and Ireland possess every franchise

except that for members of Parliament. Local suffrage is restricted to

spinsters and widows, but the important vote for Parish and District

Councils, created by the Local Government Act of 1894, is possessed by

married women "provided husband and wife shall not both be qualified

in respect to the same piece of property." It may be stated in general

terms that all electors must be rate-payers, although there are some

exceptions applying to a small percentage of persons. [Eds.

[484] These were classified in groups: (1) The general list (2) Wives

of clergymen and church dignitaries. This list was headed by Mrs.

Benson and Mrs. Thomson, the wives of the Archbishops of Canterbury

and York. (3) Officials, including ladies who are Poor Law Guardians

and members of School Boards. (4) Education, including the names of

such leaders in the movement for the higher education of women as Mrs.

Wm. Grey, Miss Emily Davies, Mrs. Henry Sidgwick--the Mistress of

Girton, the Principal of Newnham College, upwards of sixty university

lecturers and teachers and head mistresses of High Schools, upwards of

eighty university graduates and certificated students, and there were

omitted for want of space the names of over 200 other women engaged in

the teaching profession. (5) Registered medical practitioners, headed

by Mrs. Garrett Anderson, M. D.; Miss Elizabeth Blackwell, M. D., and

Mrs. Scharlieb, M. D., together with a number of ladies engaged in the

department of nursing. (6) Social and philanthropic workers. (7)

Literature, including Miss Anna Swanwick, Mrs. Anne Thackeray Ritchie,

Miss S. D. Collet, Miss Olive Schreiner, Mrs. Emily Crawford, Miss

Amelia B. Edwards. (7) Art and music. (8) Landowners, women engaged in

business and working women, the latter class represented by the

secretaries of nine women trades' societies, and over 180 individual

signatures of women artisans.

[485] The text of the Bill was as follows:

(1) This Act may be cited as the Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to

Women) Act, 1897.

(2) On and after the passing of this Act every woman who is the

inhabitant occupier, as owner or tenant, of any dwelling-house,

tenement or building within the borough or county where such

occupation exists, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter in

the list of voters for such borough or county in which she is so

qualified as aforesaid, and, when registered, to vote for a member or

members to serve in Parliament.

Provided always that such woman is not subject to any legal incapacity

which would disqualify a male voter.

[486] The first petition for woman suffrage presented to Parliament,

in 1867, was signed by only 1,499 women. The petition of 1873 was

signed by 11,000 women. The petition presented to the members of the

last Parliament was signed by 257,796 women. [Eds.

[487] No reference has been made in the above table to the various

Factory Acts which impose restrictions on women's labour--these belong

to a different department--but whether their interference with the

labor of women be for good or for evil, that interference is an

additional argument for allowing them a voice in the election of

representatives.

[488] In 1877 New Zealand granted School Suffrage to women, and in

1886 Municipal Suffrage.

[489] In 1880 South Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[490] In 1871 West Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[491] In 1867 New South Wales granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[492] In 1869 Victoria granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[493] The first number of _The Australian Woman's Sphere_ was

published in Melbourne, September 1, 1900. It is edited by Miss Vida

Goldstein and appears monthly.

[494] In 1886 Queensland granted Municipal Suffrage to Women.

[495] Tasmania granted Municipal Suffrage to women in 1884.

[496] This portion of the report is condensed by the editors of the

History from a chapter written by Mrs. Henrietta Muir Edwards for "The

Women of Canada, Their Life and Work," a handbook prepared by the

National Council of Women, at the request of the Canadian Government,

for the Paris Exposition of 1900.

[497] In the city of Vancouver any single woman, widow or spinster,

may vote for municipal officers, and all women possessing the other

necessary qualifications of male voters may vote for all municipal

officers and upon all municipal questions. Married women may vote in

the election of School Trustees. It has recently been decided that a

man possessing no property of his own, and not being a householder in

his own right, may be allowed to vote in municipal matters if his wife

be a property owner or a householder. [Eds.

CHAPTER LXXIV.

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

In most of the countries of the world women possess some form of

suffrage, but for many reasons it is almost impossible to define

exactly in what it consists. Like suffrage for men it is largely based

on property, and in most cases can be used only through a proxy.

Generally the woman loses the franchise by marriage and the husband

may vote by right of the wife's property. In Belgium, Luxemburg, Italy

and Roumania the husband votes at local elections by right of the

taxes paid by the wife, and in case of a widow this right belongs to

the eldest son, grandson or great grandson, or if there is none, then

to the son-in-law. The Italian electoral law of 1870 gave a widow the

right to vote by proxy in Parliamentary elections. All the Italian

universities are open to women.

The constitution of Germany says "every German" above twenty-five

years of age shall have the Parliamentary Franchise, but no woman ever

has been permitted to vote under it. There are, besides, twenty-five

constitutions for the different States which form the Empire. By the

wording of some of them, women landed proprietors undoubtedly are

entitled to take part in elections. The Prussian code declares that

the rights of the two sexes are equal, if no special laws fix an

exception, and it gives the Parliamentary Franchise to _every one_ who

possesses the county or burgess suffrage. The by-laws which prescribe

the qualifications for the latter in some instances exclude women and

in others declare that women land holders may act as electors, but

only "through a proctor" (proxy). Teachers undoubtedly, as State

officials, are entitled to take part in local government. Some of the

provinces allow women taxpayers to vote by proxy in the rural

districts. Neither the Government nor public sentiment, however, looks

with favor upon women electors. It is only in recent years that a few

of the most advanced have begun to agitate the question in this

country, which holds a most conservative attitude towards women. They

have recently been admitted to a few of the universities.

In most of the Prussian towns the property qualifications of the wife

are accounted to the husband in order that he may take part in

municipal elections. In Saxony women proprietors of landed estates,

whether married or single, are entitled to a municipal vote but this

can be exercised only by proxy, and for this purpose one of their male

relatives must be invested with their property. In Saxony, Baden,

Wurtemburg, Hesse, the Thuringian States and perhaps a few more, women

are permitted to attend public political meetings and be members of

political societies, but in all other German States they are excluded

from both. They are thus prohibited from forming organizations to

secure the franchise. In Westphalia since 1856, and Schleswig-Holstein

since 1867, all qualified women have some form of suffrage by male

proxy.

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, since 1862, women with property have a

proxy vote in municipal and provincial elections and for members of

the Lower House of the Parliament, but there are many restrictions to

this law. In Bohemia, since 1873, women who are large landed

proprietors have a proxy vote for members of the Imperial Parliament

and the local Diet.

In Russia among the peasant class the representative of the household

votes. The wife, if owner of the necessary amount of property, may

select her husband as proxy, but he may also delegate his vote to the

wife, and it is a common thing to see her take his place at elections

and at village and country meetings of all kinds. In the cities and

territorial assemblies, women, married or unmarried, possessing

sufficient property, may vote by male proxy for members of the

municipal and county assemblies. Property-owning women of the nobility

may vote by proxy in the assemblies of the nobility. Part of the

universities are open to them. There are 650 women physicians in

Russia.

So far as can be learned women are not eligible to office in the

above-mentioned countries with a very few exceptions.

In Finland, since 1865, widows and spinsters may vote at rural

elections; since 1873 those who are rate-payers may vote at municipal

elections. Since 1889 women are eligible as Guardians of the Poor. In

1900 they were made eligible to all municipal offices. An influential

Finnish Woman's Association with twenty branches is agitating for

suffrage on the same terms as men.

In Holland there is no form of woman suffrage and the constitution of

1887 expressly prohibits it.

Women in Denmark have no franchise, but Premier Duentzer has announced

that the first reform movement of the new Cabinet (1901) will be the

extension of Municipal Suffrage to women.

In 1893, through the efforts of the Socialists, universal suffrage was

granted to men in Belgium. While this gives to every man a vote, it

permits to the married man, if he pays a small tax, two votes as the

head of a family; if he pays tax on what would be about $2,000, or has

a university degree, he is allowed three votes. The vast majority of

those owning property or possessing university degrees belong to the

established (Catholic) Church, and the Socialists soon found

themselves out-voted by a minority. They then instituted a new

movement demanding "one man, one vote," and the Government, which is

Catholic, said: "If you compel this we will enfranchise women,"

believing that this would strengthen its power. At this writing the

contest is going on and becoming more violent.

Switzerland, whose pride is its absolutely republican form of

government, allows no woman a vote on any question or for the election

of any officer. They are admitted to the universities.

In France, in 1898, unmarried women engaged in commerce (including

market women, etc.) were given a vote for Judges of the Tribunals of

Commerce. A Woman Suffrage Society has just been formed in Paris which

is attracting considerable attention. Women are admitted to the

highest institutions of learning.

The laws in all the countries thus far mentioned are most unjust to

women and especially to wives.

Women in Sweden have voted in church matters since 1736. It was

provided in 1862 that women who are rate-payers may vote directly or

by proxy, as they choose, for all officers except for members of the

Parliament. Indirectly they have a voice in the election of the First

Chamber or House of Lords, as they vote for the County Council which

elects this body. They have School and Municipal Suffrage and that for

Provincial representatives. The laws are very liberal to women. All

of the educational institutions, the professions, occupations and many

of the offices are open to them. They are members of the Boards of

Education, Municipal Relief Committees and Parochial Boards. About six

hundred have received university degrees.

In Norway, since 1889, in towns women with children may vote for

school inspectors and be eligible to the school boards. In rural

communes they are eligible as inspectors, and women who pay a school

tax may vote on all school questions and officers, while those who pay

no tax but have children may vote on all questions not involving

expenditures. In 1884 a Woman Suffrage Association was formed under

the leadership of Miss Gina Krog for the purpose of securing the

Municipal Franchise. In 1890 a bill for this purpose received 44 out

of 114 votes in the Parliament. It was then made an issue by the

Liberal party. In 1895 a vote on Local Option was granted to women. In

1898 the Radical party secured universal suffrage for men without

property restrictions. They then came to the assistance of women and

were joined by a large number of Conservatives. In 1901 Municipal

Suffrage was granted to all women who pay taxes on an income of 300

crowns ($71) in country districts and 400 in cities. If husband and

wife together pay taxes on this amount both may vote. About 200,000

women thus became electors. Women are found in many offices, in most

occupations and professions, and are admitted to all educational

institutions.

Iceland, since 1882, grants Municipal Suffrage to tax-paying widows

and spinsters; since 1886 all women have had a parish suffrage, which

enables them to vote in the selection of the clergy, who have a

prominent part in public affairs.

At the Cape of Good Hope women have a limited vote. In the tiny Island

of Pitcairn, in the Southern Pacific, they have the same suffrage as

men. This is doubtless true of many isolated localities whose records

are little known. Among primitive peoples the government is generally

in the hands of the most competent without regard to sex, and some of

these are still under the reign of the Matriarchate, or the rule of

mothers, to whom belong the property and the children. The early

Spanish inhabitants of the North American continent placed much

authority in the hands of women, and the same is true of the Indian

tribes.

CHAPTER LXXV.

NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF WOMEN.

The most conspicuous and significant movement which challenges

attention at the beginning of the new century is that toward

organization, and the three great combinations which stand out most

prominently in interest and importance are the organization of

capital, the organization of labor and the organization of women. We

scarcely can go back so far in history as not to find men banded

together to protect their mutual interests, but associations of women

are of very modern date. The oldest on record was formed in

Philadelphia, in the closing days of the eighteenth century--Female

Society for the Relief and Employment of the Poor--which in 1798

established a house of industry in Arch St., known as the Home for

Spinners. The society is still in active existence and gives

employment to a large number of women. Church Missionary Societies of

Women had their origin early in the century, but as mere annexes to

those officered and managed by men. The first association to approach

national prominence was the Female Anti-Slavery Society, founded in

Boston in 1833, which almost cost the reputation of every one who

joined it, so strong was the prejudice against any public action on

the part of women. The American Female Guardian Society and Home for

the Friendless was established in New York in 1834, and still exists,

having cared for 50,000 children. Later in this decade Female Bible

Societies came into being to supply Bibles to penal and charitable

institutions and to put them in various public places.

[Illustration: MRS. IDA HUSTED HARPER.

Author of Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, and Joint Editor with her

of The History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. IV.]

From 1840 to 1850 the old Washingtonian Societies, composed entirely

of men, were gradually replaced by the Sons of Temperance, and as they

also were decidedly averse to receiving women into their organization,

and as the latter were deeply interested in the subject, a few of them

timidly formed the Daughters of Temperance, in the face of extreme

opposition on the part of both sexes. In the decade following

commenced the agitation of the question of Woman Suffrage, and soon

conventions in its interest began to be of frequent occurrence, to the

joy of the newspapers, most of which treated them with ridicule and

denunciation.

The decade ushered in by 1860 brought the long Civil War, during

which, in the Sanitary Commission, the Woman's Loyal League, the

Freedmen's Bureau and other associations, women displayed an

unsuspected power of organization, and at its close their status in

many ways was completely changed and greatly advanced.

In 1868 the country was electrified by the advent of Sorosis in New

York City and the New England Woman's Club in Boston. These were the

first societies formed by women purely for their own recreation and

improvement--all others had been for the purpose of reforming the weak

and sinful or assisting the needy and unfortunate--and they met with a

storm of derision and protest from all parts of the country, which

their founders courageously ignored. The last quarter of a century has

witnessed so many organizations of women that it would be practically

impossible to record even their names. Every village which is big

enough for a church contains also a woman's club, and they exist in

many country neighborhoods. In the larger cities single societies have

from 500 to 1,000 members, and in a number handsome club houses have

been built and furnished, some of them costing from $50,000 to

$80,000.

From 1850 the annual conventions in the interest of Woman's Rights

were called under the auspices of a Central Committee, but in 1869 the

National and American Woman Suffrage Associations were formed. Five

years later the Woman's Christian Temperance Union sprang into

existence. There are now more than one hundred associations of women

in the United States which are national in their form and aims, and a

number have become international through their alliance with those of

other countries. In 1888, in Washington City, the National Council of

Women, a heroic undertaking, was founded to gather these vast and

diverse organizations into one great body. By 1900 sixteen had become

thus affiliated, representing a membership of about 1,125,000 women.

An International Council also was organized in 1888 to be composed of

similar National Councils in various countries and to meet in a

Congress every five years. At the close of the century fourteen

National Councils had affiliated with the International, representing

a membership of 6,000,000. This is not only immeasurably larger than

any other association of women but is exceeded in size by very few

organizations of men, and its two great Congresses--during the

Columbian Exposition at Chicago in 1893, and at London in 1899--were

occasions of world-wide interest and value.

Each of the more than one hundred national associations of women in

the United States holds its annual, biennial or triennial convention

in some one of the large cities, which is attended by delegates from

all parts of the country. The sessions are presided over by a woman,

discussions are carried on with due attention to parliamentary usage,

a large amount of business is transacted with system and accuracy, and

in every respect these meetings compare favorably with those conducted

by men after centuries of experience. They are treated with the

greatest respect by the newspapers which vie with each other in

publishing pictures of the delegates, their addresses and extended and

complimentary reports of the proceedings. The character of these

national organizations, the scope of their objects and the extent of

their achievements can in no way be so strikingly illustrated as by

giving a list of the most important.[498]

THE INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN was organized March 31, 1888, in

Washington, D. C., "to unite the women of all the countries in the

world for the promotion of co-operative internationalism through the

abatement of that prejudice which springs from ignorance and which

can be corrected only by that knowledge which results from personal

acquaintance.

"In the first place its influence has united different organizations

of the same country hitherto indifferent or inimical to each other;

and in the second it has commenced the work of uniting the women of

different nations and abating race prejudice. It has promoted the

movement of peace and arbitration, and through its international

committees it is forming a central bureau of information in regard to

women's contribution to the work of the world."

It is composed at present of fourteen National Councils of as many

different countries representing an individual membership of about

6,000,000 women. Its president is Mrs. May Wright Sewall, who was one

of its founders.

THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN was organized in Washington, D. C.,

March 31, 1888. Its constitution is introduced by the following

preamble:

"We, women of the United States, sincerely believing that the best

good of our homes and nation will be advanced by our own greater unity

of thought, sympathy and purpose, and that an organized movement of

women will best conserve the highest good of the family and the State,

do hereby band ourselves together in a confederation of workers

committed to the overthrow of all forms of ignorance and injustice,

and to the application of the Golden Rule to society, custom and law.

This Council is organized in the interest of no one propaganda, and

has no power over its auxiliaries beyond that of suggestion and

sympathy; therefore, no society voting to become auxiliary shall

thereby render itself liable to be interfered with in respect to its

complete organic unity, independence or methods of work, or be

committed to any principle or method of any other society or to any

utterance or act of the Council itself, beyond compliance with the

terms of this constitution."

The scope of the Council's work is indicated by the heads of its

departments: Home Life, Educational Interests, Church and Missionary

Work, Temperance, Art, Moral Reform, Political Conditions,

Philanthropy, Social Economics, Foreign Relations, Press,

Organization; and by its standing committees: Citizenship, Domestic

Science, Equal Pay for Equal Work, Dress Reform, Social Purity,

Domestic Relations under the Law, Press, Care of Dependent and

Delinquent Children, Peace and Universal Arbitration.

Each of these departments and committees works along its special lines

and at the annual executive meetings and the triennial Councils the

reports of their work are discussed, their recommendations considered

and every possible assistance rendered. The general public is invited

to the evening sessions and valuable addresses are made by specialists

on the above and other important subjects.

The Council is composed of sixteen national organizations, one State

Council, six local councils--representing a membership of about

1,125,000 women.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION was organized in

Cleveland, Ohio, Nov. 18-20, 1874, to carry the precepts of the

following pledge into the practice of everyday life: "I hereby

solemnly promise, God helping me, to abstain from all distilled,

fermented and malt liquors, including wine, beer and cider, and to

employ all proper means to discourage the use of and traffic in the

same."

Its object was further stated as follows: "To confirm and enforce the

rationale of this pledge, we declare our purpose to educate the young;

to form a better public sentiment; to reform, so far as possible, by

religious, ethical and scientific means, the drinking classes; to seek

the transforming power of divine grace for ourselves and all for whom

we work, that they and we may wilfully transcend no law of pure and

wholesome living; and finally we pledge ourselves to labor and to pray

that all these principles, founded upon the Gospel of Christ, may be

worked out into the Customs of Society and the Laws of the Land."

The W. C. T. U. is held to be the most perfectly organized body of

women in existence. It originated the idea of Scientific Temperance

Instruction in the public schools and has secured mandatory laws in

every State and a federal law governing the District of Columbia, the

Territories and all Indian and military schools supported by the

Government; 16,000,000 children in the public schools receive

instruction under these laws as to the nature and effect of alcohol

and other narcotics on the human system. Through its efforts the

quarterly temperance lesson was included in the International Sunday

School Lesson Series in 1884, and a World's Universal Temperance

Sunday was secured; 250,000 children are taught scientific reasons for

temperance in the Loyal Temperance Legions, and all these children are

pledged to total abstinence and trained as temperance workers. W. C.

T. U. Schools of Methods are held in all Chautauqua gatherings.

This organization has largely influenced the change in public

sentiment in regard to social drinking, equal suffrage, equal purity

for both sexes, equal remuneration for work equally well done, equal

educational, professional and industrial opportunities for women. It

has been a chief factor in State campaigns for statutory prohibition,

constitutional amendment, reform laws in general and those for the

protection of women and children in particular, and in securing

anti-gambling and anti-cigarette laws. It has been instrumental in

raising the "age of protection" for girls in many States and in

obtaining curfew laws in 400 towns and cities. It aided in securing

the Anti-Canteen Amendment to the Army Bill (1900) which prohibits the

sale of intoxicating liquors at all army posts. It helped to

inaugurate police matrons who are now required in nearly all the large

cities of the United States. It organized Mothers' Meetings in

thirty-seven States before any other society took up the work.

Illinois alone has held 2,000 Mothers' Meetings in a single year.

It keeps a superintendent of legislation in Washington during the

entire session of Congress to look after reform bills. It aided in

preventing the repeal of the prohibitory law in Indian Territory, the

resubmission of the prohibitory constitution of Maine, and in

preserving the prohibitory law of Vermont. It has secured 20,000,000

signatures and attestations, including 7,000,000 on the Polyglot

Petition to the governments of the world. Thousands of girls have been

rescued from lives of shame and tens of thousands of men have signed

the total abstinence pledge and been redeemed from inebriety through

its efforts.

The association protests against the legalizing of all crimes,

especially those of prostitution and liquor selling. It protests

against the sale of liquor in Soldiers' Homes, where now an aggregate

of $253,027 is spent annually for intoxicating liquors, and only about

one-fifth of the soldiers' pension money is sent home to their

families. It protests against the United States Government receiving a

revenue for liquors sold within prohibitory territory, either local or

State, and against all complicity of the Federal Government with the

liquor traffic. It protests against lynching and lends its aid in

favor of the enforcement of law. It works for the highest well-being

of our soldiers and sailors and especially for suitable temperance

canteens and a generous mess. It works for the protection of the home,

especially against its chief enemy, the liquor traffic, and for the

redemption of our Government from this curse, by the prohibition of

the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors for beverage

purposes.

The organizing of this great society in the various States and

Territories, and the systematizing of the work under forty different

departments, is due to the efforts of Miss Frances E. Willard more

than to any other one person, and its success is indebted largely to

her ability and personal popularity. As its president until her death

in 1898, she not only perfected the organization in this country, but

originated the idea of the Polyglot Petition and of the World's W. C.

T. U., which was organized under the auspices of that of the United

States. It now includes fifty-eight different countries and has

500,000 members.

The official organ, _The Union Signal_, a weekly of sixteen pages, is

issued by the Woman's Temperance Publishing Association of Chicago,

which publishes also _The Young Crusader_ and many books and leaflets.

The National W. C. T. U. gives away 5,000,000 pages of literature per

year, exclusive of that circulated by the States and different

departments. It has received and expended since its organization in

round numbers $400,000. This does not include the large expenditures

of the various State and local unions.

Every State and Territory in the United States, including Alaska and

Hawaii, has a W. C. T. U., and one is beginning in the Philippines.

These are auxiliary to the National. It is organized locally in over

10,000 cities and towns. The Young Woman's Christian Temperance Union

is called a branch, also the Loyal Temperance Legions among children.

There are thirty-eight other departments, and it is usual to include

the two branches and speak of forty departments. The membership paying

dues is 300,000. There was a gain of 15,000 members this year above

all losses.

The Frances E. Willard National Temperance Hospital and Training

School for Nurses, in Chicago, is owned and controlled by an

incorporated board of thirty trustees. Its basic principle is the cure

of disease without the use of alcohol as an active medicinal agent.

Eminent physicians are on the staff and every effort is made to have

it rank with the very best of hospitals.

At the national convention in Washington, D. C., in 1900, fifty States

and Territories were represented by 509 delegates. Mrs. Lillian M. N.

Stevens succeeded Miss Willard as president.

THE AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS SOCIETY was organized March 1, 1882,

with headquarters at Washington, D. C. Its object is the relief of

suffering by war, pestilence, famine, flood, fires, and other

calamities of sufficient magnitude to be deemed national in extent. It

is governed by the provisions of the International Convention of Aug.

22, 1864, at Geneva, Switzerland.

Up to the present time relief has been given on fields as follows:

Michigan forest fires, 1881, material and money, $80,000; Mississippi

floods, 1882, money and seeds, $8,000; Mississippi floods, 1883,

material and seeds, $18,500; Mississippi cyclone, 1883, money, $1,000;

Balkan war, 1883, money, $500; Ohio and Mississippi river floods,

1884, food, clothing, tools, housefurnishings and feed for stock,

$175,000; Texas famine, 1885, appropriations and contributions,

$120,000; Charleston, S. C., earthquake, 1886, money, $500; Mt.

Vernon, Ill., cyclone, 1888, money and supplies, $85,000; Florida

yellow fever epidemic, 1888, physicians and nurses, $15,000;

Johnstown, Pa., flood disaster, 1889, money and all kinds of building

material, furniture, etc., $250,000; Russian famine, 1891-2, food,

$125,000; Pomeroy, Ia., cyclone, 1893, money and nurses, $2,700; South

Carolina Islands hurricane and tidal wave disaster, money and all

kinds of supplies, material, tools, seeds, lumber, $65,000;

reconcentrado relief in Cuba, 1898-9, $500,000; American-Spanish War,

1898-9, $450,000; Galveston flood and hurricane, 1900, $120,000;

total, $2,016,200.

Miss Clara Barton was its principal founder and has been its president

continuously.

THE ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGIATE ALUMNAE was organized January 14, 1882;

incorporated by special act of the Massachusetts Legislature, April

20, 1899, to unite the alumnae of different institutions for practical

educational work.

From 1890 to 1901 the association gave fourteen $500 European

fellowships (sharing two others) and ten $300 American fellowships.

Among those holding the fellowships was the first woman admitted to

the laboratory of the United States Fish Commission, the first woman

to receive the Ph. D. degree from Yale, the first woman admitted to

Goettingen University, the first woman permitted to work in the

biological laboratory at Strasburg University, the first American

woman to receive the degree of Ph. D. from any German university, and

the first American woman to receive a Ph. D. from Goettingen and

Heidelberg Universities.

The character of the work accomplished by those holding fellowships

made it possible for the association to establish, three years ago, a

Council to Accredit Women for Advanced Work in Foreign Universities.

Any woman applicant, college graduate or otherwise, found qualified in

work, character and serious purpose, receives a certificate properly

signed and attested which will secure for her, if possible to any

woman, the courtesy and privileges desired at a foreign university.

The organization contributes to the support of the Association for

Maintaining the American Woman's Table at the Zoological Station at

Naples and to that for Promoting Scientific Research by Women. The

latter pays $500 annually for the support of the Woman's Table, and to

promote research has just offered a prize of $1,000, which offer, it

is expected, will be renewed biennially.

The A. C. A. Committee on Corporate Membership maintains a high

standard of colleges whose graduates are admitted to this

organization, which has done much in a quiet way to raise the

standards of department work, equipment and endowment of American

colleges admitting women.

For the past three years the association has published a magazine

containing the addresses and reports given at its annual meetings.

Among its other publications are statistics relative to the Health of

College Women (1885); a Bibliography of the Higher Education of Women

(1897); a full descriptive list of the fellowships for graduate study

open to women in this country, together with a list of the

undergraduate scholarships offered to women in the nineteen colleges

belonging to the A. C. A. (1899). It will soon issue studies of the

growth and development of colleges, a supplement to the Bibliography

of the Higher Education of Women, a study of the child from the point

of view of parents and teachers, and a comprehensive statistical

investigation into the health, occupations and marriage-rate of

college and non-college women.

The work of the national association is carried on largely by standing

committees which are under the leadership of the women most notable in

education--college presidents, deans and professors. Meanwhile, the

president, six vice-presidents and presidents of the various branches,

acting through a salaried secretary-treasurer, give coherency and

support to the development of its various objects. In addition, each

branch has committees which deal with local issues, such as public

school work of all kinds, home economics, development of children,

civil service reform, college settlements, etc. The investigation of

the sanitary conditions of the Boston public schools, 1895-1896,

started the wave of schoolhouse cleaning which has swept across the

country and which has not stopped at schoolhouses but has included

school boards and systems of school administration. The Chicago branch

has just issued a summary of laws relating to compulsory education and

child-labor in the United States, which shows the inadequacy of the

first (except in three States) and the lack of correlation between the

two which makes for lawlessness and crime. It is hoped that this

summary will serve as a basis for agitation which shall not cease

until compulsory education becomes a fact and not a theory.

The association has twenty-five branches and 3,000 members.

THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN was organized in New York

in October, 1873, at the very beginning of the club movement, to

interest the women of the country in matters of high thought and in

all undertakings found to be useful to society, and to promote their

efficiency in these through sympathetic acquaintance and co-operation.

It had a number of distinguished presidents and held congresses in

many States, which almost invariably led to the formation of local

clubs for study and mutual improvement, as well as to good works in

other lines. Among the cities in which a congress was held were New

York, Syracuse, Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, Des Moines,

Denver, Madison, St. Paul, Toronto, Baltimore, Memphis, Knoxville,

Louisville, Atlanta and New Orleans. Many distinguished women were

included in its membership and it had a strong influence in rendering

possible the extensive formation of the women's clubs which are now so

important a feature in American society. Its work is partly chronicled

in two large volumes which give the papers presented and action taken

at the meetings. The many great organizations of women in recent years

have made further work on the part of the association unnecessary.

THE GENERAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS was organized March 20, 1890,

to bring into communication the various women's clubs in order that

they may compare methods and become mutually helpful. The work is

accomplished through three committees--Art, Education and Industries.

Those on Art have used their influence toward its study and its

application to the home, and also for the quickening of enthusiasm in

horticulture and gardening, from which has developed the beautifying

of public squares and school yards. In Education some of the most

important results are the establishment of hundreds of traveling

libraries, assistance in organizing and fostering kindergartens,

encouragement of manual training in the public schools, and the

formation of Mothers' Clubs for the study of child culture. The

federation has worked with other organizations for the appointment of

women on school boards and legislation for broader educational

advantages for women. In fact, its work has ranged from kindergarten

to university.

The Industrial Committee studies conditions surrounding wage-earning

women and children and encourages co-operation between the woman of

leisure and the one who is self-supporting, and the organization of

laboring women in unions and clubs. One principal object is to

eliminate the child from the factory and then to educate it. The Civic

work has ranged from Health Protective Associations in cities to

Village Improvement Societies.

There are thirty-six State Federations, eleven foreign clubs and

nearly 700 individual clubs belonging to the federation, representing

over 200,000 members (1900).

THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN was organized July, 1896, to

arouse all women, especially colored women, to a sense of their

responsibility, both in molding the life of the home and in shaping

the principles of the nation; to secure the co-operation of all women

in whatever is undertaken in the interest of justice, purity and

liberty; to inspire in all women, but especially in colored women, a

desire to be useful in whatever field of labor they can work to the

best advantage.

Kindergartens and day nurseries for the infants of working women have

been established; mothers' meetings have been generally held and

sewing classes formed; a sanitarium with a training school for nurses

has been founded in New Orleans; ground purchased on which an Old

Folks' Home is to be built in Memphis, and charity dispensed in

various ways. Women on plantations in the "black belt" of Alabama have

been taught how to make their huts decent and habitable with the small

means at their command, and how to care for themselves and their

families in accordance with the rules of health. Schools of Domestic

Science are conducted, and a large branch is that of Business Women's

Clubs. The Convict Lease System, "Jim Crow" Car Laws, Lynching and

other barbarities are thoroughly discussed, in the hope that some

remedy for these evils may be discovered. Statistics concerning the

progress and achievements of colored people are being gathered.

Musical clubs are formed to develop this inherent gift. An organ is

published called _Notes_, edited by Mrs. Booker T. Washington and an

assistant in each State.

The association has 125 branches in twenty-six States and over 8,000

members.

THE NATIONAL CONGRESS OF MOTHERS held its first public convention at

Washington in February, 1897, and permanent organization was effected

there in 1898. Its objects are to raise the standards of home life; to

give young women opportunities to learn how to care for children; to

bring into closer relations the home and the school; to surround the

childhood of the whole world with that wise, loving care in the

impressionable years of life which will develop good citizens.

Practical efforts have been made to accomplish all of these objects.

Mothers have used their influence in behalf of free kindergartens in

the public schools; in having school buildings properly constructed,

lighted, heated and ventilated, and for shorter hours in school and

less study outside. They have lent their efforts to the uplifting of

the drama, since, rightfully used, it can be made a powerful

educational factor, and have worked for a pure press, recognizing that

it is the greatest material power in the world today. They have

regarded their children first of all as future mothers and fathers,

next as citizens, and they are demanding that public educational

systems adopt their standards of values in the adjustment of

curricula.

They have established Mothers' Clubs in many communities, especially

among women whose opportunities for training of any kind have been

meager; have seen that creches and free kindergartens are provided for

the children of the poor; that reading rooms are open for the use of

boys and girls; have urged that women should serve upon all school

boards and those of all prisons and reformatory institutions; have

taken the city fathers to task wherever laws pertaining to the

cleanliness and health of a community are not enforced; have called

mass meetings once a month to discuss questions pertaining to the

welfare of the child; by precept and example have set forth the

advantages of simplicity of dress and entertainment, and have

interested themselves in all kinds of humane work.

State Congresses have been formed in nine States, exact membership not

known. Mrs. Theodore W. Birney was the founder of the organization and

has been its president continuously.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN'S RELIEF SOCIETY was organized March 17, 1842, at

Nauvoo, Ills., being almost the oldest woman's society in existence.

It became national in 1868 and was incorporated in 1892, to assist the

needy, and to care for the afflicted, to lift up the fallen, to

ameliorate the condition of suffering humanity, to encourage habits of

industry and economy; to give special attention to those who have not

had proper training for life, to sacredly care for the dying and the

dead, to minister to the lonely, however lowly, in the spirit of grace

and heavenly charity.

It has been a veritable school of instruction to thousands of women,

and its organization is so perfect that it is comparatively easy to

carry out any plan of work formed by the General Board. Donations are

almost entirely by the members themselves, and they have working

meetings, bazars and fairs occasionally to raise means for the needful

purposes. Many of the branches have built houses for meetings and some

also own houses for their poor instead of paying rent. Industries have

been carried on to supply work to such as were able to do something

for their own support. Of these the most notable is the silk industry

in Utah. Over 100,000 bushels of wheat have been stored in granaries

against a day of famine or scarcity. Hundreds of nurses and many

midwives have been trained under the fostering care of the society. At

present money is being raised by donation to erect a commodious

building in Salt Lake City opposite the Temple, suitable for

headquarters.

The society has 659 branches and 30,000 members in this and other

countries and upon the islands of the sea. Mrs. Eliza R. Snow and Mrs.

Zina D. H. Young have been the only two presidents.

THE INTERNATIONAL SUNSHINE SOCIETY had its origin in the early

nineties in a department edited by Mrs. Cynthia Westover Alden in the

New York _Recorder_, which she afterwards carried into the _Tribune_.

It was first called the Shut-In Society, but the present name was

adopted in 1896 and it was incorporated in 1900.

Its object is to incite its members to the performance of helpful

deeds, and to thus bring happiness into the greatest possible number

of hearts and homes. The membership fee consists of some act or

suggestion that will carry sunshine where it is needed. This may be

the exchange of books, pictures, etc., loaning or giving useful

articles, suggesting ideas for work that can be done by a "shut-in"

and sending the materials for it, making holiday suggestions and a

general exchange of helpful ideas.

There are many Sunshine libraries, some of them traveling, all over

the United States and Canada. In Memphis there is a Sunshine Home for

Aged Men, a Newsboys' Club House and a Lunch Room for Working Girls.

Several branches have Sunshine wards in hospitals. The leading women's

clubs have Sunshine Committees, and hundreds of churches have them in

their King's Daughters' and Christian Endeavor Societies. Among the

thousands of articles which have been placed where they will do the

most good are pianos, sewing machines, invalid chairs, baby carriages,

furniture and clothing of every description.

There are more than 100,000 members and over 2,000 well-organized

branches. The society is officered and managed by women and they

compose the immense majority of the members. Mrs. Alden has been the

president continuously.

THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN was organized in Chicago in 1893,

as a result of the Congress of Jewish Women, which was a branch of the

Parliament of Religions held during the Columbian Exposition. Its

objects are to bring about closer relations among Jewish women and a

means of prosecuting work of common interest; to further united

efforts in behalf of Judaism through a better knowledge of the Bible,

Jewish literature and conditions. It has given much attention to

social reform through preventive philanthropy and it affiliates with

many organizations of women interested in the public welfare. The

Council conducts manual training and industrial schools, sewing and

household schools, kitchen gardens, kindergartens, mothers' clubs,

boys' clubs, circulating libraries, reading rooms, free baths,

employment bureaus, milk and ice depots for the poor, crippled

children's classes and many other philanthropies.

During the Spanish-American War the Council contributed about $10,000

in money and goods, and in several cities was the first organization

to undertake this relief work. It has sixty-three sections in various

States and 6,000 members. Mrs. Hannah G. Solomon has been president

continuously.

THE WOMEN'S NATIONAL INDIAN ASSOCIATION was organized in March, 1879,

for the civilization, education, enfranchisement and Christianization

of the native Indians of the United States; the first society devoted

exclusively to Indian advancement, to ask and labor for all these; to

demand from the Government lands in severalty, citizenship, industrial

teaching and education for the aborigines (1881), and these were

granted in the passage of the Dawes Severalty Bill in February, 1887.

Besides its important work politically, beginning a movement which has

gained 60,000 Indian citizens, at least 25,000 of whom pay taxes and

10,000 of whom voted at the last elections, it has opened directly or

indirectly Christian, educational and industrial instruction at

forty-seven stations, or in as many tribes; has builded many Indian

homes, starting civilized industries in these and in tribes,

furnishing agricultural implements, sewing machines, looms, stock,

etc., from a loan fund of $12,000. It has various other departments of

help for red men--schools, libraries, temperance teaching, etc.--and

has expended in all these (besides sending missionary boxes of

supplies for the aged and helpless into seventy tribes) from $15,000

to $28,000 annually. It has now a House of Industries where women and

girls are taught sewing, knitting, weaving, etc. Altogether forty-one

buildings have been erected.

The Association has nearly 100 branches in between thirty and forty

States and Territories and has several thousand members. Mrs. Amelia

Stone Quinton was general secretary from the beginning for eight

years, and has since been president continuously.

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE OF WOMEN WORKERS was organized April 29, 1897, in

the interest of working women and their clubs. It is intended that the

League shall stand as a central bureau of information, offering

counsel and help when sought, but not placing restrictions upon any

club. It has issued various publications, a monthly magazine, _The

Club Worker_, a collection of songs, one of practical talks, another

of plays and of entertainments; also a pamphlet entitled How to Start

a Club. It has made a collection of all publications issued by the

various auxiliary State associations and clubs, which are distributed

free of charge to members. Between 8,000 and 9,000 publications are

annually sold and distributed. The secretary each year visits from

fifty to one hundred clubs to acquaint them with the work of other

similar organizations. The League has collected data relating to the

management of lunch clubs, vacation houses and co-operative homes for

working women.

It is made up of five associations, and includes 100 clubs in Vermont,

Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania and

Maryland, with a membership of over 8,000.

THE NATIONAL CHRISTIAN LEAGUE FOR THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PURITY was

organized in New York in October, 1885, and a national charter was

obtained in 1889. Its object is to elevate opinion respecting the

nature and claims of morality, with its equal obligation upon men and

women, and to secure a practical recognition of its precepts on the

part of the individual, the family and the nation; to organize the

efforts of Christians in preventive, educational, reformatory and

legislative effort in the interest of Social Purity. It uses every

righteous means to free women and girls from financial dependence upon

men, not only by seeking to raise the status of domestic service, but

by teaching the advantages of self-support in every kind of legitimate

business. During the past six years the League has secured employment

directly for 3,300 applicants; it has supplied temporal and social

benefits to thousands of distressed women; furnished more than

5,000,000 pages of literature helpful to all the people; prevented

and stopped immoral shows and impure exhibitions; clothed the naked,

fed the hungry and housed the shelterless.

The League has Hospital Auxiliaries, Social Culture Clubs, Industrial

Homes with training for Italians and other foreigners; members in

nearly every State and Territory--in Europe, China, Japan, India and

South America. It was founded by Mrs. Elizabeth B. Grannis, who has

been its president continuously.

THE YOUNG LADIES' NATIONAL MUTUAL IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION was

organized at Salt Lake City in June, 1869. Associations were formed in

different States, and these were gradually grouped into "stake" or

county societies, each one presided over by a president and her board

of workers. On June 19, 1880, an organization of these "stakes" was

effected and a general president elected. The object is mutual

improvement for all, in spiritual, mental and physical conditions.