[An account has been given, p. 493, of the attempts of the

"dissatisfied brethren" to procure a mutual council to decide the

controversy between them and Mr. Parris. On the 14th of June, 1694, a

letter was addressed to him, advising him to agree to the call of such

a council, signed by John Higginson, of the First Church in Salem;

James Allen, of the First Church in Boston; John Hale, of the church in

Beverly; Samuel Willard, of the Old South Church in Boston; Samuel

Cheever, of the church in Marblehead; and Joseph Gerrish, of the church

in Wenham. Nicholas Noyes joined in the advice, "with this proviso,

that he be not chosen one of the council." Mr. Parris contrived to

avoid following the advice. On the 10th of September, Messrs.

Higginson, Allen, Willard, Cheever, and Gerrish again, in earnest and

quite peremptory terms, renewed their advice in another letter to Mr.

Parris. No longer venturing to resist their authority, he yielded, and

consented to a mutual council, upon certain terms, one of which was,

that neither of the churches whose ministers had thus forced him to the

measure should be of the council. The following passages give the

conclusion of the matter, as related by Mr. Parris in his

record-book:—]

Feb. 12 [1695].—The church met again, as last agreed upon; and, after a

while, our dissenting brethren, Tho: Wilkins, Sam: Nurse, and Jno.

Tarbell, came also. After our constant way of begging the presence of

God with us,[ii.551] we desired our dissenting brethren to acquaint us

whether they would accept of our last proposals, which they desired to

this day to consider of. They answered, that they were willing to drop

the six churches from whose elders we had had the advice abovesaid,

dated 14 June last; but they were not free to exclude Ipswich. This

they stuck unto long, and then desired that they might withdraw a

little to confer among themselves about it, which was granted. But they

quickly returned, as resolved for Ipswich as before. We desired them to

nominate the three churches they would have sent to: and, after much

debate, they did; viz., Rowley, Salisbury, and Ipswich. Whereupon we

voted, by a full consent, Rowley and Salisbury churches for a part of

the council, and desired them to nominate a third church. But still

they insisted on Ipswich, which we told them they were openly informed,

the last meeting, that we had excepted against. Then they were told

that we would immediately choose three other churches to join with the

two before nominated and voted, if they saw not good to nominate any

more; or else we would choose two other churches to join with the

aforesaid two, if they pleased. They answered, they would be willing to

that, if Ipswich might be one of them. Then it was asked them, if a

dismission to some other Orthodox church, where they might better

please themselves, would content them. Brother Tarbell answered, "Ay,

if we could find a way to remove our livings too." Then it was

propounded, whether we could not unite amongst ourselves. The

particular answer hereunto I remember not; but (I think) such hints

were given by them as if it were impossible. Thus much time being gone,

it being well towards sunset, and we concluding that it was necessary

that we should do something ourselves, if they would not (as the elders

had heretofore desired) accept of our joining with them, we dismissed

them; and, by a general agreement amongst ourselves, read and voted

letters to the churches at North Boston, Weymouth, Maiden, and Rowley,

for their help in a council.

[Mr. Parris's plan of finding refuge in an _ex-parte_ council was

utterly frustrated. On the 1st of March, the "reverend elders in the

Bay accounted it advisable," as he expresses it in his records, that

the First Church and the Old South Church in Boston should be added to

the council. They wrote to him to that effect, and he had to comply.

This brought James Allen and Samuel Willard into the council, and

determined the character of the result, which, coming from a tribunal

called by him to adjudicate the case, and hearing only such evidence as

he laid before it, so far as it bore against him, was decisive and

fatal. It was as follows:—]

The elders and messengers of the churches—met in council at Salem

Village, April 3, 1695, to consider and determine what is to be done

for the composure of the present unhappy differences in that

place,—after solemn invocation of God in Christ for his direction, do

unanimously declare and advise as followeth:—

I. We judge that, albeit in the late and the dark time of the

confusions, wherein Satan had obtained a more than ordinary liberty to

be sifting of this plantation, there were sundry unwarrantable and

uncomfortable steps taken[ii.552] by Mr. Samuel Parris, the pastor of

the church in Salem Village, then under the hurrying distractions of

amazing afflictions; yet the said Mr. Parris, by the good hand of God

brought unto a better sense of things, hath so fully expressed it, that

a Christian charity may and should receive satisfaction therewith.

II. Inasmuch as divers Christian brethren in the church of Salem

Village have been offended at Mr. Parris for his conduct in the time of

the difficulties and calamities which have distressed them, we now

advise them charitably to accept the satisfaction which he hath

tendered in his Christian acknowledgments of the errors therein

committed; yea, to endeavor, as far as 'tis possible, the fullest

reconciliation of their minds unto communion with him, in the whole

exercise of his ministry, and with the rest of the church (Matt. vi.

12-14; Luke xvii. 3; James v. 16).

III. Considering the extreme trials and troubles which the dissatisfied

brethren in the church of Salem Village have undergone in the day of

sore temptation which hath been upon them, we cannot but advise the

church to treat them with bowels of much compassion, instead of all

more critical or rigorous proceedings against them, for the infirmities

discovered by them in such an heart-breaking day. And if, after a

patient waiting for it, the said brethren cannot so far overcome the

uneasiness of their spirits, in the remembrance of the disasters that

have happened, as to sit under his ministry, we advise the church, with

all tenderness, to grant them a dismission unto any other society of

the faithful whereunto they may desire to be dismissed (Gal. vi. 1, 2;

Ps. ciii. 13, 14; Job xix. 21).

IV. Mr. Parris having, as we understand, with much fidelity and

integrity acquitted himself in the main course of his ministry since he

hath been pastor to the church in Salem Village, about his first call

whereunto, we look upon all contestations now to be both unreasonable

and unseasonable; and our Lord having made him a blessing unto the

souls of not a few, both old and young, in this place, we advise that

he be accordingly respected, honored, and supported, with all the

regards that are due to a painful minister of the gospel (1 Thess. v.

12, 13; 1 Tim. v. 17).

V. Having observed that there is in Salem Village a spirit full of

contentions and animosities, too sadly verifying the blemish which hath

heretofore lain upon them, and that some complaints brought against Mr.

Parris have been either causeless and groundless, or unduly aggravated,

we do, in the name and fear of the Lord, solemnly warn them to

consider, whether, if they continue to devour one another, it will not

be bitterness in the latter end; and beware lest the Lord be provoked

thereby utterly to deprive them of those which they should account

their precious and pleasant things, and abandon them to all the

desolations of a people that sin away the mercies of the gospel (James

iii. 16; Gal. v. 15; 2 Sam. ii. 26; Isa. v. 4, 5, 6; Matt. xxi. 43).

VI. If the distempers in Salem Village should be (which God forbid!) so

incurable, that Mr. Parris, after all, find that he cannot, with any

comfort[ii.553] and service, continue in his present station, his

removal from thence will not expose him unto any hard character with

us, nor, we hope, with the rest of the people of God among whom we live

(Matt. x. 14; Acts xxii. 18).

All which advice we follow with our prayers that the God of peace would

bruise Satan under our feet. Now, the Lord of peace himself give you

peace always by all means.

Increase Mather, _Moderator_.

*Joseph Bridgham. *Ephraim Hunt. *Samuel Checkley. *Nathll.

Williams. *William Torrey. Samuel Phillips. *Joseph Boynton.

James Allen. *Richard Middlecot. Samuel Torrey. *John

Walley. Samuel Willard. *Jer: Dummer. Edward Payson. *Nehemiah

Jewet. Cotton Mather.

[The names of the lay members of the Council are marked thus, *. They

were persons of high standing in civil life. Samuel Checkley was not

(as stated [Supplement, p. 494], through an inadvertence, of which, I

trust, not many such instances can be found in these volumes) the Rev.

Mr. Checkley, but his father, Col. Samuel Checkley, a citizen of

Boston, of much prominence at the time.

The foregoing document is skilfully drawn. While kindly in its tone

towards Mr. Parris, it is, in reality, a strong condemnation of his

course, especially in Article I., as also in the paragraph marked

(_a_), (p. 549), "added by the desire of the Council" to his

"Meditations for Peace." Article III. discountenances the proceedings

of his church in its censure of "the dissatisfied brethren," and

requires that they should be recognized and treated as members in good

standing. The fifth article administers rebuke with an equal hand to

both sides, while the sixth and last recommends the removal of Mr.

Parris, if the alienation of his opponents should prove "incurable."

As an authoritative condemnation of the proceedings related in this

work, pronounced at the time, it is a fitting final close of the

presentation of this subject.]

THE END.

FOOTNOTES

[A] The double negative, as often used, merely intensified the

negation. See "Measure for Measure," act i. scene 1.

[B] In the innumerable depositions written by Thomas Putnam, he is not

so careful to be correct, in his chirography and construction, as in

his parish-records. But, if the reader is inclined to make the

experiment, he will find, that, if the above document should be

properly pointed and spelled, according to our fashion at the present

day, it would read well, and is clearly and forcibly put together.

Spelling, at that time, was phonetic, and it enables us to ascertain

the then prevalent pronunciation of words. "Corsely," no doubt, shows

how the word was then spoken. "Angury" was, with a large class of words

now dissyllables, then a trisyllable. "Tould," "spaking," and many

other words above, are spelled just as they were then pronounced.

"Wicthcraft" is always, I believe, spelled this way by Thomas Putnam.

He had not got rid of the old Anglo-Saxon sound of the word "witch,"

brought by his father from Buckinghamshire, sixty years

before,—"wicca."

The condition of medical science and practice, at that period, is

curiously illustrated in this paper. It is plain that the distemper of

James Carr was purely in the realm of the sensibilities and fancy; and

"doctor Crosbe" is not wholly to blame because his "visek" did not

"work." A good smart nightmare, with a feeling that he had given a

thorough basting to the spectre, in the form of a cat, of the supposed

author of his woful and aggravated disappointment in love, was what he

needed; and it cured him. "A posset of sack" was Falstaff's refuge,

from the plight into which he had been led by "building upon a foolish

woman's promise," when he emerged from the Thames and the

"buck-basket." Many others, no doubt, in drowning sorrow and

mortification, have found it "the sovereignest thing on earth." But, as

administered by physicians of the Dr. Crosby school, with tobacco

steeped in it, it must have been a "villanous compound."

[C] A few days before her trial, Rebecca Nurse was subjected to this

inspection and exploration; and the jury of women found the witch-mark

upon her. On the 28th of June, two days before the meeting of the

Court, she addressed to that body the following communication:—

"_To the Honored Court of Oyer and Terminer, now sitting in Salem, this

28th of June, Anno 1692._

"The humble petition of Rebecca Nurse, of Salem Village, humbly

showeth: That whereas some women did search your petitioner at Salem,

as I did then conceive for some supernatural mark; and then one of the

said women, which is known to be the most ancient, skilful, prudent

person of them all as to any such concern, did express herself to be of

a contrary opinion from the rest, and did then declare that she saw

nothing in or about Your Honor's poor petitioner but what might arise

from a natural cause,—I there rendered the said persons a sufficient

known reason as to myself of the moving cause thereof, which was by

exceeding weaknesses, descending partly from an overture of nature, and

difficult exigencies that hath befallen me in the times of my travails.

And therefore your petitioner humbly prays that Your Honors would be

pleased to admit of some other women to inquire into this great

concern, those that are most grave, wise, and skilful; namely, Mrs.

Higginson, Sr., Mrs. Buxton, Mrs. Woodbury,—two of them being midwives,

Mrs. Porter, together with such others as may be chosen on that

account, before I am brought to my trial. All which I hope your honors

will take into your prudent consideration, and find it requisite so to

do; for my life lies now in your hands, under God. And, being conscious

of my own innocency, I humbly beg that I may have liberty to manifest

it to the world partly by the means abovesaid.

"And your poor petitioner shall evermore pray, as in duty bound, &c."

Her daughters—Rebecca, wife of Thomas Preston; and Mary, wife of John

Tarbell—presented the following statement:—

"We whose names are underwritten—can testify, if called to it, that

Goody Nurse hath been troubled with an infirmity of body for many

years, which the jury of women seem to be afraid it should be something

else."

There is no intimation, in any of the papers, that the petition of the

mother or the deposition of her daughters received the least attention

from the Court.

[D] On the 19th of October, 1692, Thomas Hart, of Lynn, presented a

memorial to the General Court, stating that his mother, Elizabeth Hart,

had then been in Boston jail for nearly six months: "Though, in all

this time, nothing has appeared against her whereby to render her

deserving of imprisonment or death, ... being ancient, and not able to

undergo the hardship that is inflicted from lying in misery, and death

rather to be chosen than a life in her circumstances." He says, that

his father is "ancient and decrepit, and wholly unable" to take any

steps in her behalf; that he feels "obliged by all Christian duty, as

becomes a child to parents," to lay her case before the General Court.

"The petitioner having lived from his childhood under the same roof

with his mother, he dare presume to affirm that he never saw nor knew

any evil or sinful practice wherein there was any show of impiety nor

witchcraft by her; and, were it otherwise, he would not, for the world

and all the enjoyments thereof, nourish or support any creature that he

knew engaged in the drudgery of Satan. It is well known to all the

neighborhood, that the petitioner's mother has lived a sober and godly

life, always ready to discharge the part of a good Christian, and never

deserving of afflictions from the hands of men for any thing of this

nature." He humbly prays "for the speedy enlargement of this person so

much abused." I present two more petitions. They help to fill up the

picture of the sufferings and hardships borne by individuals and

families.

"_To the Honored General Court now sitting in Boston, the Humble

Petition of Nicholas Rist, of Reading, showeth_, that whereas Sara

Rist, wife of the petitioner, was taken into custody the first day of

June last, and, ever since lain in Boston jail for witchcraft; though,

in all this time, nothing has been made appear for which she deserved

imprisonment or death: the petitioner has been a husband to the said

woman above twenty years, in all which time he never had reason to

accuse her for any impiety or witchcraft, but the contrary. She lived

with him as a good, faithful, dutiful wife, and always had respect to

the ordinances of God while her strength remained; and the petitioner,

on that consideration, is obliged in conscience and justice to use all

lawful means for the support and preservation of her life; and it is

deplorable, that, in old age, the poor decrepit woman should lie under

confinement so long in a stinking jail, when her circumstances rather

require a nurse to attend her.

"May it, therefore, please Your Honors to take this matter into your

prudent consideration, and direct some speedy methods whereby this

ancient decrepit person may not for ever lie in such misery, wherein

her life is made more afflictive to her than death."

"_The Humble Petition of Thomas Barrett, of Chelmsford, in New England,

in behalf of his daughter Martha Sparkes, wife of Henry Sparkes, who is

now a soldier in Their Majesties' Service at the Eastern Parts, and so

hath been for a considerable time, humbly showeth_, That your

petitioner's daughter hath lain in prison in Boston for the space of

twelve months and five days, being committed by Thomas Danforth, Esq.,

the late deputy-governor, upon suspicion of witchcraft; since which no

evidence hath appeared against her in any such matter, neither hath any

given bond to prosecute her, nor doth any one at this day accuse her of

any such thing, as your petitioner knows of. That your petitioner hath

ever since kept two of her children; the one of five years, the other

of two years old, which hath been a considerable trouble and charge to

him in his poor and mean condition: besides, your petitioner hath a

lame, ancient, and sick wife, who, for these five years and upwards

past, hath been so afflicted as that she is altogether rendered

uncapable of affording herself any help, which much augments his

trouble. Your poor petitioner earnestly and humbly entreats Your

Excellency and Honors to take his distressed condition into your

consideration; and that you will please to order the releasement of his

daughter from her confinement, whereby she may return home to her poor

children to look after them, having nothing to pay the charge of her

confinement.

"And your petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.

"Nov. 1, 1692."

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