effective of all the methods employed in these performances. To see a
young woman or girl suddenly struck down, speechless, pallid as in
death; with muscles rigid, eyeballs fixed or rolled back in their
sockets; the stiffened frame either wholly prostrate or drawn up into
contorted attitudes and shapes, or vehemently convulsed with racking
pains, or dropping with relaxed muscles into a lifeless lump; and to
hear dread shrieks of delirious ravings,—must have produced a truly
frightful effect upon an excited and deluded assembly. The constables
and their assistants would go to the rescue, lift the body of the
sufferer, and bear it in their arms towards the prisoner. The
magistrates and the crowd, hushed in the deepest silence, would watch
with breathless awe the result of the experiment, while the officers
slowly approached the accused, who, when they came near, would, in
obedience to the order of the magistrates, hold out a hand, and touch
the flesh of the afflicted one. Instantly the spasms cease, the eyes
open, color returns to the countenance, the limbs resume their position
and functions, and life and intelligence are wholly restored. The
sufferer comes to herself, walks back, and takes her seat as well as
ever. The effect upon the accused person must have been confounding. It
is a wonder that it did not oftener break them down. It sometimes did.
Poor Deliverance Hobbs, when the[ii.187] process was tried upon her,
was wholly overcome, and passed from conscious and calmly asserted
innocence to a helpless abandonment of reason, conscience, and herself,
exclaiming, "I am amazed! I am amazed!" and assented afterwards to
every charge brought against her, and said whatever she was told, or
supposed they wished her to say.
On the 14th of May, warrants were issued against Daniel Andrew; George
Jacobs, Jr.; his wife, Rebecca Jacobs; Sarah Buckley, wife of William
Buckley; and Mary Whittredge, daughter of said Buckley,—all of Salem
Village; Elizabeth Hart, wife of Isaac Hart, of Lynn; Thomas Farrar,
Sr., also of Lynn; Elizabeth Colson, of Reading; and Bethiah Carter, of
Woburn. There is nothing of special interest among the few papers that
are on file relating to Hart, Colson, or Carter. The constable made
return that he had searched the houses of Daniel Andrew and George
Jacobs, Jr., but could not find them. He brought in forthwith the
bodies of Sarah Buckley, Mary Whittredge, and Rebecca Jacobs. Farrar
and the rest were brought in shortly afterwards.
Daniel Andrew was one of the leading men of the village, and the
warrant against him was proof that soon none would be too high to be
reached by the prosecutors. He felt that it was in vain to attempt to
resist their destructive power; and, getting notice in some way of the
approach of the constable, with his near neighbor, friend, and
connection, George Jacobs,[ii.188] Jr., effected his escape, and found
refuge in a foreign country.
Rebecca, the wife of George Jacobs, Jr., was the victim of a partial
derangement. Her daughter Margaret was already in jail. Her husband had
escaped by a hurried flight, and his father was in prison awaiting his
trial. She was left in a lonely and unprotected condition, in a country
but thinly settled, in the midst of woods. The constable came with his
warrant for her. She was driven to desperation, and was inclined to
resist; but he persuaded her to go with him by holding out the
inducement that she would soon be permitted to return. Four young
children, one of them an infant, were left in the house; but those who
were old enough to walk followed after, crying, endeavoring to overtake
her. Some of the neighbors took them into their houses. The
imprisonment of a woman in her situation and mental condition was an
outrage; but she was kept in irons, as they all were, for eight months.
Her mother addressed an humble but earnest and touching petition to the
chief-justice of the court at Salem, setting forth her daughter's
condition; but it was of no avail. Afterwards, she addressed a similar
memorial to "His Excellency Sir William Phips, Knight, Governor, and
the Honorable Council sitting at Boston," in the following terms:—
"_The Humble Petition of Rebecca Fox, of Cambridge, showeth_, that,
whereas Rebecca Jacobs (daughter of your humble petitioner) has, a long
time,—even many months,—now lain in prison for witchcraft, and is well
known to be a[ii.189] person crazed, distracted, and broken in mind,
your humble petitioner does most humbly and earnestly seek unto Your
Excellency and to Your Honors for relief in this case.
"Your petitioner,—who knows well the condition of her poor
daughter,—together with several others of good repute and credit, are
ready to offer their oaths, that the said Jacobs is a woman crazed,
distracted, and broken in her mind; and that she has been so these
twelve years and upwards.
"However, for (I think) above this half-year, the said Jacobs has lain
in prison, and yet remains there, attended with many sore difficulties.
"Christianity and nature do each of them oblige your petitioner to be
very solicitous in this matter; and, although many weighty cases do
exercise your thoughts, yet your petitioner can have no rest in her
mind till such time as she has offered this her address on behalf of
her daughter.
"Some have died already in prison, and others have been dangerously
sick; and how soon others, and, among them, my poor child, by the
difficulties of this confinement may be sick and die, God only knows.
"She is uncapable of making that shift for herself that others can do;
and such are her circumstances, on other accounts, that your
petitioner, who is her tender mother, has many great sorrows, and
almost overcoming burdens, on her mind upon her account; but, in the
midst of all her perplexities and troubles (next to supplicating to a
good and merciful God), your petitioner has no way for help but to make
this her afflicted condition known unto you. So, not doubting but Your
Excellency and Your Honors will readily hear the cries and groans of a
poor distressed woman, and grant what[ii.190] help and enlargement you
may, your petitioner heartily begs God's gracious presence with you;
and subscribes herself, in all humble manner, your sorrowful and
distressed petitioner,
Rebecca Fox."
No heed was paid to this petition; and the unfortunate woman remained
in jail until—after the delusion had passed from the minds of the
people—a grand jury found a bill against her, on which she was brought
to trial, Jan. 3, 1693, and acquitted. There is no more disgraceful
feature in all the proceedings than the long imprisonment of this
woman, her being brought to trial, and the obdurate deafness to
humanity and reason of the chief-justice, the governor, and the
council.
No papers are found relating to the examination of Thomas Farrar; but
the following deposition shows the manner in which prosecutions were
got up:—
"The Deposition of Ann Putnam, who testifieth and saith, that, on the
8th of May, 1692, there appeared to me the apparition of an old,
gray-headed man, with a great nose, which tortured me, and almost
choked me, and urged me to write in his book; and I asked him what was
his name, and from whence he came, for I would complain of him; and he
told me he came from Lynn, and people do call him 'old Father Pharaoh;'
and he said he was my grandfather, for my father used to call him
father: but I told him I would not call him grandfather; for he was a
wizard, and I would complain of him. And, ever since, he hath afflicted
me by times, beating me and pinching me and almost choking me, and
urging me continually to write in his book."[ii.191]
"We, whose names are underwritten, having been conversant with Ann
Putnam, have heard her declare what is above written,—what she said she
saw and heard from the apparition of old Pharaoh,—and also have seen
her tortures, and perceived her hellish temptations, by her loud
outcries, 'I will not write, old Pharaoh,—I will not write in your
book.'
Thomas Putnam,
Robert Morrell."
She had heard this person spoken of as "old Father Pharaoh," with his
"great nose;" and, from a mere spirit of mischief,—for the fun of the
thing,—cried out upon him. Many of the documents exhibit a levity of
spirit among these girls, which show how hardened and reckless they had
become. The following depositions are illustrative of this state of
mind among them:—
"The Deposition of Clement Coldum, aged sixty years, or
thereabout.—Saith that, on the 29th of May, 1692, being at Salem
Village, carrying home Elizabeth Hubbard from the meeting behind me,
she desired me to ride faster. I asked her why. She said the woods were
full of devils, and said, 'There!' and 'There they be!' but I could see
none. Then I put on my horse; and, after I had ridden a while, she told
me I might ride softer, for we had outridden them. I asked her if she
was not afraid of the Devil. She answered me, 'No: she could discourse
with the Devil as well as with me,' and further saith not. This I am
ready to testify on oath, if called thereto, as witness my hand.
"Clement Coldum."
"The Testimony of Daniel Elliot, aged twenty-seven years or
thereabouts, who testifieth and saith, that I, being[ii.192] at the
house of Lieutenant Ingersoll, on the 28th of March, in the year 1692,
there being present one of the afflicted persons, who cried out and
said, 'There's Goody Procter.' William Raymond, Jr., being there
present, told the girl he believed she lied, for he saw nothing. Then
Goody Ingersoll told the girl she told a lie, for there was nothing.
Then the girl said she did it for sport,—they must have some sport."
Sarah Buckley was examined May 18, and her daughter Mary Whittredge
probably on the same day. We have Parris's report of the proceedings in
reference to the former. The only witnesses against her were the
afflicted children. They performed their grand operation of going into
fits, and being carried to the accused and subjected to her touch; Ann
Putnam, Susanna Sheldon, and Mary Warren enacting the part in
succession. Sheldon cried out, "There is the black man whispering in
her ear!" The magistrates and all beholders were convinced. She was
committed to prison, and remained in irons for eight months before a
trial, which resulted in her acquittal. So eminently excellent was the
character of Goodwife Buckley, that her arrest and imprisonment led to
expressions in her favor as honorable to those who had the courage to
utter them as to her. The following certificates were given, previous
to her trial, by ministers in the neighborhood:—
"These are to certify whom it may or shall concern, that I have known
Sarah, the wife of William Buckley, of Salem Village, more or less,
ever since she was brought out of[ii.193] England, which is above fifty
years ago; and, during all that time, I never knew nor heard of any
evil in her carriage, or conversation unbecoming a Christian: likewise,
she was bred up by Christian parents all the time she lived here at
Ipswich. I further testify, that the said Sarah was admitted as a
member into the church of Ipswich above forty years since; and that I
never heard from others, or observed by myself, any thing of her that
was inconsistent with her profession or unsuitable to Christianity,
either in word, deed, or conversation, and am strangely surprised that
any person should speak or think of her as one worthy to be suspected
of any such crime that she is now charged with. In testimony hereof I
have here set my hand this 20th of June, 1692.
William Hubbard."
"Being desired by Goodman Buckley to give my testimony to his wife's
conversation before this great calamity befell her, I cannot refuse to
bear witness to the truth; viz., that, during the time of her living in
Salem for many years in communion with this church, having occasionally
frequent converse and discourse with her, I have never observed myself,
nor heard from any other, any thing that was unsuitable to a
conversation becoming the gospel, and have always looked upon her as a
serious, Godly woman.
"John Higginson."
"Marblehead, Jan. 2, 1692/3.—Upon the same request, having had the like
opportunity by her residence many years at Marblehead, I can do no less
than give the alike testimony for her pious conversation during her
abode in this place and communion with us.
Samuel Cheever."
William Hubbard was the venerable minister of Ipswich, described by
Hutchinson as "a man of learning,[ii.194] and of a candid and
benevolent mind, accompanied with a good degree of catholicism." He is
described by another writer as "a man of singular modesty, learned
without ostentation." He will be remembered with honor for his long and
devoted service in the Christian ministry, and as the historian of New
England and of the Indian wars.
John Higginson was worthy of the title of the "Nestor of the
New-England clergy." He was at this time seventy-six years old, and had
been a preacher of the gospel fifty-five years. For thirty-three years
he had been pastor of the First Church in Salem, of which his father
was the first preacher. No character, in all our annals, shines with a
purer lustre. John Dunton visited him in 1686, and thus speaks of him:
"All men look to him as a common father; and old age, for his sake, is
a reverend thing. He is eminent for all the graces that adorn a
minister. His very presence puts vice out of countenance; his
conversation is a glimpse of heaven." The fact, that, while his
colleague, Nicholas Noyes, took so active and disastrous a part in the
prosecutions, he, at an early stage, discountenanced them, shows that
he was a person of discrimination and integrity. That he did not
conceal his disapprobation of the proceedings is demonstrated, not only
by the tenor of his attestation in behalf of Goodwife Buckley, but by
the decisive circumstance that the "afflicted children" cried out
against his daughter Anna, the wife of Captain William Dolliver, of
Gloucester; got a warrant to apprehend her; and[ii.195] had her brought
to the Salem jail, and committed as a witch. They never struck at
friends, but were sure to punish all who were suspected to disapprove
of the proceedings. How long Mrs. Dolliver remained in prison we are
not informed. But it was impossible to break down the influence or
independence of Mr. Higginson. It is not improbable that he believed in
witchcraft, with all the other divines of his day; but he feared not to
bear testimony to personal worth, and could not be brought to
co-operate in violence, or fall in with the spirit of persecution. The
weight of his character compelled the deference of the most heated
zealots, and even Cotton Mather himself was eager to pay him homage.
Four years afterwards, he thus writes of him: "This good old man is yet
alive; and he that, from a child, knew the Holy Scriptures, does, at
those years wherein men use to be twice children, continue preaching
them with such a manly, pertinent, and judicious vigor, and with so
little decay of his intellectual abilities, as is indeed a matter of
just admiration."
Samuel Cheever was a clergyman of the highest standing, and held in
universal esteem through a long life.
From passages incidentally given, it has appeared that it was quite
common, in those times, to attribute accidents, injuries, pains, and
diseases of all kinds, to an "evil hand." It was not confined to this
locality. When, however, the public mind had become excited to so
extraordinary a degree by circumstances con[ii.196]nected with the
prosecutions in 1692, this tendency of the popular credulity was very
much strengthened. Believing that the sufferer or patient was the
victim of the malignity of Satan, and it also being a doctrine of the
established belief that he could not act upon human beings or affairs
except through the instrumental agency of some other human beings in
confederacy with him, the question naturally arose, in every specific
instance, Who is the person in this diabolical league, and doing the
will of the Devil in this case? Who is the witch? It may well be
supposed, that the suffering person, and all surrounding friends, would
be most earnest and anxious in pressing this question and seeking its
solution. The accusing girls at the village were thought to possess the
power to answer it. This gave them great importance, gratified their
vanity and pride, and exalted them to the character of prophetesses.
They were ready to meet the calls made upon them in this capacity;
would be carried to the room of a sick person; and, on entering it,
would exclaim, on the first return of pain, or difficulty of
respiration, or restless motion of the patient, "There she is!" There
is such a one's appearance, choking or otherwise tormenting him or her.
If the minds of the accusing girls had been led towards a new victim,
his or her name would be used, and a warrant issued for his
apprehension. If not, then the name of some one already in confinement
would be used on the occasion. It was also a received opinion, that,
while ordinary fastenings would not prevent a[ii.197] witch from going
abroad, "in her apparition," to any distance to afflict persons, a
redoubling of them might. Whenever one of the accusing girls pretended
to see the spectres of persons already in jail afflicting any one,
orders would forthwith be given to have them more heavily chained.
Every once in a while, a wretched prisoner, already suffering from
bonds and handcuffs, would be subjected to additional manacles and
chains. This was one of the most cruel features in these proceedings.
It is illustrated by the following document:—
"The Deposition of Benjamin Hutchinson, who testifieth and saith, that
my wife was much afflicted, presently after the last execution, with
violent pains in her head and teeth, and all parts of her body; but, on
sabbath day was fortnight in the morning, she being in such excessive
misery that she said she believed that she had an evil hand upon her:
whereupon I went to Mary Walcot, one of our next neighbors, to come and
look to see if she could see anybody upon her; and, as soon as she came
into the house, she said that our two next neighbors, Sarah Buckley and
Mary Whittredge, were upon my wife. And immediately my wife had ease,
and Mary Walcot was tormented. Whereupon I went down to the sheriff,
and desired him to take some course with those women, that they might
not have such power to torment: and presently he ordered them to be
fettered, and, ever since that, my wife has been tolerable well; and I
believe, in my heart, that Sarah Buckley and Mary Whittredge have hurt
my wife and several others by acts of witchcraft.
"Benjamin Hutchinson owned the above-written evi[ii.198]dence to be the
truth, upon oath, before the grand inquest, 15-7, 1692."
The evidence is quite conclusive, from considerations suggested by the
foregoing document, and indications scattered through the papers
generally, that all persons committed on the charge of witchcraft were
kept heavily ironed, and otherwise strongly fastened. Only a few of the
bills of expenses incurred are preserved. Among them we find the
following: For mending and putting on Rachel Clenton's fetters; one
pair of fetters for John Howard; a pair of fetters each for John
Jackson, Sr., and John Jackson, Jr.; eighteen pounds of iron for
fetters; for making four pair of iron fetters and two pair of
handcuffs, and putting them on the legs and hands of Goodwife Cloyse,
Easty, Bromidg, and Green; chains for Sarah Good and Sarah Osburn;
shackles for ten prisoners; and one pair of irons for Mary Cox. When we
reflect upon the character of the prisoners generally,—many of them
delicate and infirm, several venerable for their virtues as well as
years,—and that they were kept in this cruelly painful condition from
early spring to the middle of the next January, and the larger part to
the May of 1693, in the extremes of heat and cold, exposed to the most
distressing severities of both, crowded in narrow, dark, and noisome
jails under an accumulation of all their discomforts, restraints,
privations, exposures, and abominations, our wonder is, not that many
of them died, but that all did not break down in body and mind.[ii.199]
Sarah Buckley and her daughter were not brought to trial until after
the power of the prosecution to pursue to the death had ceased. They
were acquitted in January, 1692. Their goods and chattels had all been
seized by the officers, as was the usual practice, at the time of their
arrest. In humble circumstances before, it took their last shilling to
meet the charges of their imprisonment. They, as all others, were
required to provide their own maintenance while in prison; and, after
trial and acquittal, were not discharged until all costs were paid.
Five pounds had to be raised, to satisfy the claims of the officers of
the court and of the jails, for each of them. The result was, the
family was utterly impoverished. The poor old woman, with her aged
husband, suffered much, there is reason to fear, from absolute want
during all the rest of their days. Their truly Christian virtues
dignified their poverty, and secured the respect and esteem of all good
men. The Rev. Joseph Green has this entry in his diary: "Jan. 2,
1702.—Old William Buckley died this evening. He was at meeting the last
sabbath, and died with the cold, I fear, for want of comforts and good
tending. Lord forgive! He was about eighty years old. I visited him and
prayed with him on Monday, and also the evening before he died. He was
very poor; but, I hope, had not his portion in this life." The
ejaculation, "Lord forgive!" expresses the deep sense Mr. Green had, of
which his whole ministry gave evidence, of the inexpressible sufferings
and wrongs brought upon families[ii.200] by the witchcraft
prosecutions. The case of Sarah Buckley, her husband and family, was
but one of many. The humble, harmless, innocent people who experienced
that fearful and pitiless persecution had to drink of as bitter a cup
as ever was permitted by an inscrutable Providence to be presented to
human lips. In reference to them, we feel as an assurance, what good
Mr. Green humbly hoped, that "they had not their portion in this life."
Those who went firmly, patiently, and calmly through that great trial
without losing love or faith, are crowned with glory and honor.
The examination and commitment of Mary Easty, on the 21st of April,
have already been described. For some reason, and in a way of which we
have no information, she was discharged from prison on the 18th of May,
and wholly released. This seems to have been very distasteful to the
accusing girls. They were determined not to let it rest so; and put
into operation their utmost energies to get her back to imprisonment.
On the 20th of May, Mercy Lewis, being then at the house of John
Putnam, Jr., was taken with fits, and experienced tortures of
unprecedented severity. The particular circumstances on this occasion,
as gathered from various depositions, illustrate very strikingly the
skilful manner in which the girls managed to produce the desired effect
upon the public mind.