actors in that tragedy, the "afflicted children," and other witnesses,
in their various statements and operations, embraced about the whole
circle of popular superstition. How those young country girls, some of
them mere children, most of them wholly illiterate, could have become
familiar with such fancies, to such an extent, is truly surprising.
They acted out, and brought to bear with tremendous effect, almost all
that can be found in the literature of that day, and the period
preceding it, relating to such subjects. Images and visions which had
been portrayed in tales of romance, and given interest to the pages of
poetry, will be made by them, as we shall see, to throng the woods,
flit through the air, and hover over the heads of a terrified court.
The ghosts of murdered wives and children will play their parts with a
vividness of representation and artistic skill of expression that have
hardly been surpassed in scenic representations on the stage. In the
Salem-witchcraft proceedings, the superstition of the middle ages was
embodied in real action. All its extravagances, absurdities, and
monstrosities appear in their application to human experience. We see
what the effect has been, and must be, when the affairs of life, in
courts of law and the relations of society, or the conduct or feelings
of individuals, are suffered to[i.469] be under the control of fanciful
or mystical notions. When a whole people abandons the solid ground of
common sense, overleaps the boundaries of human knowledge, gives itself
up to wild reveries, and lets loose its passions without restraint, it
presents a spectacle more terrific to behold, and becomes more
destructive and disastrous, than any convulsion of mere material
nature; than tornado, conflagration, or earthquake.
END OF VOL. I.
Go to Volume II
FOOTNOTES
[A] Not only the storms of two hundred and thirty years, but the bolts
of heaven, have beat in vain upon this mansion. The view given of it in
the frontispiece is from a sketch taken in winter. The leafless
branches of a tall elm at its western end are represented. At noon on
Saturday, July 28, 1866, during a violent thunder-storm, the electric
fluid seems to have passed down the tree, rending and tearing some of
its branches, and leaving its traces on the trunk. It flashed into the
house. It tore the roof, knocking away one corner, displacing in
patches the mortar that coated the old chimney top and sides, hacking
the edges of the brick-work, splitting off the side of an extension to
the building at the western end, entering a chamber at that point,
where two children were sitting at a window, and throwing upon the
floor, within two or three feet of them, a considerable portion of the
plastered ceiling. It then scattered all through the apartments. What
looked like perforations, as if made by shot or pistol-balls, were
found in many places; but there were no corresponding marks on the
opposite sides of the walls or partitions. Portions of the
paper-hangings were stripped off, and small slivers ripped up from the
floors. It struck the frames of looking-glasses, cracking off small
pieces of the wood, but only in one instance breaking the mirror. It
cut a velvet band by which one was hung; and it was found on the floor,
the mirror downward and unbroken, as if it had been carefully laid
there. In the attic, fragments of the old gnarled and knotted rafters,
of different lengths,—from four or five feet to mere chips,—were
scattered in quantities upon the floor, and grooves made lengthwise
along posts and implements of household use. Large cracks were left in
the wooden casings of some of the doors and windows. A family of eight
persons were seated around the dinner-table. All were more or less
affected. They were deprived for the time of the use of their feet and
ancles; were stunned, paralyzed, and rendered insensible for a few
moments by the shock; and felt the effects, some of them, for a day or
two in their lower limbs. In front of each person at the table was a
tall goblet, which had just been filled with water. As soon as they
were able to notice, they found the water dripping on all sides to the
floor, the whole table-cloth wet, seven of the goblets entirely empty,
the eighth half emptied, and not one of them thrown over, or in the
slightest manner displaced. The whole house was filled with what
seemed, to the sight and smell, to be smoke; but no combustion, scorch,
discoloration, or the least indication of heat, could be found on any
of the objects struck. The building, in its thirteen rooms, from the
garret to the ground-floor, had been flooded with lightning; but, with
all its inmates, escaped without considerable or permanent injury.
[B] For a thorough discussion of the several Hebrew words that relate
to Divination and Magic, see Wierus de Præstigiis, L. 2, c. 1.
[C] The syllogism was originally designed to serve as a _method of
determining the arrangement and classification of truth already shown_;
and, when employed for this purpose, was of great value and excellence.
It was its perverted application to the _discovery_ of truth which
rendered utterly worthless so large a part of the learning and
philosophy of the middle ages. The reader will perceive, that it is to
the syllogism, as thus misapplied and misunderstood by the schoolmen,
not as designed and used by Aristotle, that the remarks in the text are
intended to apply.
[D] The manner in which Dr. Mather brings forward this affair shows how
loose and inaccurate he was in his description of events. It also
illustrates the tendency of the times to exaggerate, or to paint in the
highest colors, whatever was susceptible of being represented as
miraculous. There is no reason, however, to doubt that the facts took
place substantially as described in the text. The reader is referred,
on this as on all points connected with our early history, to Mr.
Savage's instructive, elaborate, and entertaining edition of Winthrop's
"New England."
[E] It is much to be regretted, that Farmer, after having written with
such admirable success upon the temptation, the demoniacs, miracles,
and the worship of human spirits, did not live to accomplish his
original design, by giving the world a complete discussion and
elucidation of the Scripture doctrine of the Devil.
VOLUME II.
The Philip English House
THE PHILIP ENGLISH HOUSE.—Vol. II., 142.
[ii.1]
Witch Hill. 1866.
PART THIRD.
WITCHCRAFT AT SALEM VILLAGE.
W E left Mr. Parris in the early part of November, 1691, at the crisis
of his controversy with the inhabitants of Salem Village, under
circumstances which seemed to indicate that its termination was near at
hand. The opposition to him had assumed a form which made it quite
probable that it would succeed in dislodging him from his position. But
the end was not yet. Events were ripening that were to give him a new
and fearful strength, and open a scene in which he was to act a part
destined to attract the notice of the world, and become a permanent
portion of human history. The doctrines of demonology had produced
their full effect upon the minds of men, and every thing was ready for
a final display of their power. The story of the Goodwin children, as
told by Cotton Mather, was known and read in all the dwellings of the
land, and filled the imaginations of a credulous age.
[ii.2]Deputy-governor Danforth had begun the work of arrests; and
persons charged with witchcraft, belonging to neighboring towns, were
already in prison.
Mr. Parris appears to have had in his family several slaves, probably
brought by him from the West Indies. One of them, whom he calls, in his
church-record book, "my negro lad," had died, a year or two before, at
the age of nineteen. Two of them were man and wife. The former was
always known by the name of "John Indian;" the latter was called
"Tituba." These two persons may have originated the "Salem witchcraft."
They are spoken of as having come from New Spain, as it was then
called,—that is, the Spanish West Indies, and the adjacent mainlands of
Central and South America,—and, in all probability, contributed, from
the wild and strange superstitions prevalent among their native tribes,
materials which, added to the commonly received notions on such
subjects, heightened the infatuation of the times, and inflamed still
more the imaginations of the credulous. Persons conversant with the
Indians of Mexico, and on both sides of the Isthmus, discern many
similarities in their systems of demonology with ideas and practices
developed here.
Mr. Parris's former residence in the neighborhood of the Spanish Main,
and the prominent part taken by his Indian slaves in originating the
proceedings at the village, may account for some of the features of the
transaction.
During the winter of 1691 and 1692, a circle of young girls had been
formed, who were in the habit of meeting at Mr. Parris's house for the
[ii.3]purpose of practising palmistry, and other arts of
fortune-telling, and of becoming experts in the wonders of necromancy,
magic, and spiritualism. It consisted, besides the Indian servants,
mainly of the following persons:—
Elizabeth, daughter of Mr. Parris, was nine years of age. She seems to
have performed a leading part in the first stages of the affair, and
must have been a child of remarkable precocity. It is a noticeable
fact, that her father early removed her from the scene. She was sent to
the town, where she remained in the family of Stephen Sewall, until the
proceedings at the village were brought to a close. Abigail Williams, a
niece of Mr. Parris, and a member of his household, was eleven years of
age. She acted conspicuously in the witchcraft prosecutions from
beginning to end. Ann Putnam, daughter of Sergeant Thomas Putnam, the
parish clerk or recorder, was twelve years of age. The character and
social position of her parents gave her a prominence which an
extraordinary development of the imaginative faculty, and of mental
powers generally, enabled her to hold throughout. This young girl is
perhaps entitled to be regarded as, in many respects, the leading agent
in all the mischief that followed. Mary Walcot was seventeen years of
age. Her father was Jonathan Walcot (vol. i. p. 225). His first wife,
Mary Sibley, to whom he was married in 1664, had died in 1683. She was
the mother of Mary. It is a singular fact, and indicates the estimation
in which Captain Walcot was held, that, although not a church-member,
he filled the office of deacon of the parish[ii.4] for several years
before the formation of the church. Mercy Lewis was also seventeen
years of age. When quite young, she was, for a time, in the family of
the Rev. George Burroughs: and, in 1692, was living as a servant in the
family of Thomas Putnam; although, occasionally, she seems to have
lived, in the same capacity, with that of John Putnam, Jr., the
constable of the village. He was a son of Nathaniel, and resided in the
neighborhood of Thomas and Deacon Edward Putnam. Mercy Lewis performed
a leading part in the proceedings, had great energy of purpose and
capacity of management, and became responsible for much of the crime
and horror connected with them. Elizabeth Hubbard, seventeen years of
age, who also occupies a bad eminence in the scene, was a niece of Mrs.
Dr. Griggs, and lived in her family. Elizabeth Booth and Susannah
Sheldon, each eighteen years of age, belonged to families in the
neighborhood. Mary Warren, twenty years of age, was a servant in the
family of John Procter; and Sarah Churchill, of the same age, was a
servant in that of George Jacobs, Sr. These two last were actuated, it
is too apparent, by malicious feelings towards the families in which
they resided, and contributed largely to the horrible tragedy. The
facts to be exhibited will enable every one who carefully considers
them, to form an estimate, for himself, of the respective character and
conduct of these young persons. It is almost beyond belief that they
were wholly actuated by deliberate and cold-blooded malignity. Their
crime would, in that view, have been[ii.5] without a parallel in
monstrosity of wickedness, and beyond what can be imagined of the
guiltiest and most depraved natures. For myself, I am unable to
determine how much may be attributed to credulity, hallucination, and
the delirium of excitement, or to deliberate malice and falsehood.
There is too much evidence of guile and conspiracy to attribute all
their actions and declarations to delusion; and their conduct
throughout was stamped with a bold assurance and audacious bearing.
With one or two slight and momentary exceptions, there was a total
absence of compunction or commiseration, and a reckless disregard of
the agonies and destruction they were scattering around them. They
present a subject that justly claims, and will for ever task, the
examination of those who are most competent to fathom the mysteries of
the human soul, sound its depths, and measure the extent to which it is
liable to become wicked and devilish. It will be seen that other
persons were drawn to act with these "afflicted children," as they were
called, some from contagious delusion, and some, as was quite well
proved, from a false, mischievous, and malignant spirit.
Besides the above-mentioned persons, there were three married women,
rather under middle life, who acted with the afflicted children,—Mrs.
Ann Putnam, the mother of the child of that name; Mrs. Pope; and a
woman, named Bibber, who appears to have lived at Wenham. Another
married woman,—spoken of as "ancient,"—named Goodell, had also been in
the[ii.6] habit of attending their meetings; but she is not named in
any of the documents on file, and was probably withdrawn, at an early
period, from participating in the transaction.
In the course of the winter, they became quite skilful and expert in
the arts they were learning, and gradually began to display their
attainments to the admiration and amazement of beholders. At first,
they made no charges against any person, but confined themselves to
strange actions, exclamations, and contortions. They would creep into
holes, and under benches and chairs, put themselves into odd and
unnatural postures, make wild and antic gestures, and utter incoherent
and unintelligible sounds. They would be seized with spasms, drop
insensible to the floor, or writhe in agony, suffering dreadful
tortures, and uttering loud and piercing outcries. The attention of the
families in which they held their meetings was called to their
extraordinary condition and proceedings; and the whole neighborhood and
surrounding country soon were filled with the story of the strange and
unaccountable sufferings of the "afflicted girls." No explanation could
be given, and their condition became worse and worse. The physician of
the village, Dr. Griggs, was called in, a consultation had, and the
opinion finally and gravely given, that the afflicted children were
bewitched. It was quite common in those days for the faculty to dispose
of difficult cases by this resort. When their remedies were baffled,
and their skill at fault, the patient was[ii.7] said to be "under an
evil hand." In all cases, the sage conclusion was received by nurses,
and elderly women called in on such occasions, if the symptoms were out
of the common course, or did not yield to the prescriptions these
persons were in the habit of applying. Very soon, the whole community
became excited and alarmed to the highest degree. All other topics were
forgotten. The only thing spoken or thought of was the terrible
condition of the afflicted children in Mr. Parris's house, or wherever,
from time to time, the girls assembled. They were the objects of
universal compassion and wonder. The people flocked from all quarters
to witness their sufferings, and gaze with awe upon their convulsions.
Becoming objects of such notice, they were stimulated to vary and
expand the manifestations of the extraordinary influence that was upon
them. They extended their operations beyond the houses of Mr. Parris,
and the families to which they belonged, to public places; and their
fits, exclamations, and outcries disturbed the exercises of prayer
meetings, and the ordinary services of the congregation. On one
occasion, on the Lord's Day, March 20th, when the singing of the psalm
previous to the sermon was concluded, before the person preaching—Mr.
Lawson—could come forward, Abigail Williams cried out, "Now stand up,
and name your text." When he had read it, in a loud and insolent voice
she exclaimed, "It's a long text." In the midst of the discourse, Mrs.
Pope broke in, "Now, there is enough of that." In the afternoon of the
same day, while re[ii.8]ferring to the doctrine he had been expounding
in the preceding service, Abigail Williams rudely ejaculated, "I know
no doctrine you had. If you did name one, I have forgot it." An aged
member of the church was present, against whom a warrant on the charge
of witchcraft had been procured the day before. Being apprised of the
proceeding, Abigail Williams spoke aloud, during the service, calling
by name the person about to be apprehended, "Look where she sits upon
the beam, sucking her yellow-bird betwixt her fingers." Ann Putnam,
joining in, exclaimed, "There is a yellow-bird sitting on the
minister's hat, as it hangs on the pin in the pulpit." Mr. Lawson
remarks, with much simplicity, that these things, occurring "in the
time of public worship, did something interrupt me in my first prayer,
being so unusual." But he braced himself up to the emergency, and went
on with the service. There is no intimation that Mr. Parris rebuked his
niece for her disorderly behavior. As at several other times, the
people sitting near Ann Putnam had to lay hold of her to prevent her
proceeding to greater extremities, and wholly breaking up the meeting.
The girls were supposed to be under an irresistible and supernatural
impulse; and, instead of being severely punished, were looked upon with
mingled pity, terror, and awe, and made objects of the greatest
attention. Of course, where members of the minister's family were
countenanced in such proceedings, during the exercises of public
worship, on the Lord's Day, in the meeting-house, it was not[ii.9]
strange that people in general yielded to the excitement. But all did
not. Several members of the family of Francis Nurse, Peter Cloyse and
wife, and Joseph Putnam, expressed their disapprobation of such doings
being allowed, and absented themselves from meeting. Perhaps others
took the same course; but whoever did were marked, as the sequel will
show.
In the mean while the excitement was worked up to the highest pitch.
The families to which several of the "afflicted children" belonged were
led to apply themselves to fasting and prayer, on which occasions the
neighbors, under the guidance of the minister, would assemble, and
unite in invocations to the Divine Being to interpose and deliver them
from the snares and dominion of Satan. The "afflicted children" who
might be present would not, as a general thing, interrupt the prayers
while in progress, but would break out with their wild outcries and
convulsive spasms in the intervals of the service. In due time, Mr.
Parris sent for the neighboring ministers to assemble at his house, and
unite with him in devoting a day to solemn religious services and
earnest supplications to the throne of Mercy for rescue from the power
of the great enemy of souls. The ministers spent the day in Mr.
Parris's house, and the children performed their feats before their
eyes. The reverend gentlemen were astounded at what they saw, fully
corroborated the opinion of Dr. Griggs, and formally declared their
belief that the Evil One had commenced his operations with a bolder
front and[ii.10] on a broader scale than ever before in this or any
other country.
This judgment of the ministers was quickly made known everywhere; and,
if doubt remained in any mind, it was suppressed by the irresistible
power of an overwhelming public conviction. Individuals were lost in
the universal fanaticism. Society was dissolved into a wild and excited
crowd. Men and women left their fields, their houses, their labors and
employments, to witness the awful unveiling of the demoniac power, and
to behold the workings of Satan himself upon the victims of his wrath.
It must be borne in mind, that it was then an established doctrine in
theology, philosophy, and law, that the Devil could not operate upon
mortals, or mortal affairs, except through the intermediate
instrumentality of human beings in confederacy with him, that is,
witches or wizards. The question, of course, in all minds and on all
tongues, was, "Who are the agents of the Devil in afflicting these
girls? There must be some among us thus acting, and who are they?" For
some time the girls held back from mentioning names; or, if they did,
it was prevented from being divulged to the public. In the mean time,
the excitement spread and deepened. At length the people had become so
thoroughly prepared for the work, that it was concluded to begin
operations in earnest. The continued pressure upon the "afflicted
children," the earnest and importunate inquiry, on all sides, "Who is
it that bewitches you?" opened their lips in response, and[ii.11] they
began to select and bring forward their victims. One after another,
they cried out "Good," "Osburn," "Tituba." On the 29th of February,
1692, warrants were duly issued against those persons. It is
observable, that the complainants who procured the warrants in these
cases were Joseph Hutchinson, Edward Putnam, Thomas Putnam, and Thomas
Preston. This fact shows how nearly unanimous, at this time, was the
conviction that the sufferings of the girls were the result of
witchcraft. Joseph Hutchinson was a firm-minded man, of strong common
sense, and from his general character and ways of thinking and acting,
one of the last persons liable to be carried away by a popular
enthusiasm, and was found among the earliest rescued from it. Thomas
Preston was a son-in-law of Francis Nurse.
As all was ripe for the development of the plot, extraordinary means
were taken to give publicity, notoriety, and effect to the first
examinations. On the 1st of March the two leading magistrates of the
neighborhood, men of great note and influence, whose fathers had been
among the chief founders of the settlement, and who were
Assistants,—that is, members of the highest legislative and judicial
body in the colony, combining with the functions of a senate those of a
court of last resort with most comprehensive jurisdiction,—John
Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin, entered the village, in imposing array,
escorted by the marshal, constables, and their aids, with all the
trappings of their offices; reined up at Nathaniel In[ii.12]gersoll's
corner, and dismounted at his door. The whole population of the
neighborhood, apprised of the occasion, was gathered on the lawn, or
came flocking along the roads. The crowd was so great that it was
necessary to adjourn to the meeting-house, which was filled at once by
a multitude excited to the highest pitch of indignation and abhorrence
towards the prisoners, and of curiosity to witness the novel and
imposing spectacle and proceedings. The magistrates took seats in front
of the pulpit, facing the assembly; a long table or raised platform
being placed before them; and it was announced, that they were ready to
enter upon the examination. On bringing in and delivering over the
accused parties, the officers who had executed the warrants stated that
they "had made diligent search for images and such like, but could find
none." After prayer, Constable George Locker produced the body of Sarah
Good; and Constable Joseph Herrick, the bodies of Sarah Osburn, and
Tituba Mr. Parris's Indian woman. The evidence seems to indicate, that,
on these occasions, the prisoners were placed on the platform, to keep
them from the contact of the general crowd, and that all might see
them.