called forth, and her relation read in the full assembly, and then it
was propounded to the church, that, if they had just exceptions, or, on
the other hand, had any thing farther to encourage, they had
opportunity and liberty to speak. None said any thing but Brother Bray
Wilkins (Han: grandfather), who said, that, for all he knew, such a
relation as had been given and a conversation suitable[i.310] (as he
judged hers to be) was enough to enjoy full communion. None else saying
any thing, it was put to vote whether they were so well satisfied as to
receive this young woman into membership, and therefore initiate her
therein by baptism. It was voted fully. Whereupon the covenant was
given to her as if she had entered into full communion. And the pastor
told her, in the name of the church, that we would expect and wait for
her rising higher, and therefore advised her to attend all means
conscientiously for that end.
"After all, I pronounced her a member of this church, and then baptized
her.
"28 August, 1691.—This day, Sister Hannah Wilkins aforesaid came to me,
and spake to this like effect, following:—
"Before I was baptized (you know, sir), I was desirous of communion at
the Lord's Table, but not yet; I was afraid of going so far: but since
my baptism I find my desires growing to the Lord's Table, and I am
afraid to turn my back upon that ordinance, or to refuse to partake
thereof. And that which moves me now to desire full communion, which I
was afraid of before, is that of Thomas, 20 John 26, &c., where he,
being absent from the disciples, though but once, lost a sight of
Christ, and got more hardness of heart, or increase of unbelief. And
also those words of Ananias to Paul after his conversion, 22 Acts 16,
'And now why tarriest thou? Arise,' &c. So I am afraid of tarrying. The
present time is only mine. And God having, beyond my deserts,
graciously opened a door, I look upon it my duty to make present
improvement of it.
"Sab: and Sacrament Day, 30 Aug. 1691.—Sister Han: Wilkins's motion
(before the celebration of the[i.311] Lord's Supper was begun) was
mentioned or propounded to the church, and what she said to me (before
hinted) read to them, and then their vote was called for, to answer her
desire if they saw good; whereupon the church voted in the affirmative
plentifully."
The foregoing passages illustrate Mr. Parris's propensity to magnify
the operations of the church, and to bring its movements as
conspicuously and as often as possible before the eyes of the people.
It is evident that the humble and timid scruples of this interesting
and intelligent young woman might have been met and removed by personal
conference with her pastor. As her old grandfather seemed to think,
there was no difficulty in the case whatever. The reflections of a few
days made the path plain before her. But Mr. Parris paraded the matter
on three sabbaths before the church, and on one of them at least before
the congregation. He called her to come forth, and stand out in the
presence of the "full assembly." As the result of the ordeal, she owned
the covenant; the church voted her in, as to full communion; and the
pastor pronounced her a member of the church, and baptized her as such.
Her sensible conversation with him the next Friday was evidently
intended for the satisfaction of him and others, as explaining her
appearance at the next communion. But another opportunity was offered
to make a display of the case, and he could not resist the temptation.
He desired to create an impression by reading what she had said to him
in his study, before the church, if not before the whole
congregation.[i.312] To give a show of propriety in bringing it forward
again, he felt that some action must be had upon it; hence the vote.
Accordingly, Hannah Wilkins appears by the record to have been twice,
on two successive Lord's Days, voted "plentifully" into the Salem
Village Church, when there was no occasion for such an extraordinary
repetition, as everybody from the first welcomed her into it with the
cordial confidence she merited. I have spread out this proceeding to
your view, not altogether from its intrinsic interest, but because,
perhaps, it affords the key to interpret the course of this ill-starred
man in his wrangles with his congregation, and his terrible prominency
in the awful scenes of the witchcraft delusion. He seemed to have had a
love of excitement that was irrepressible, an all but insane passion
for getting up a scene. When we come to the details of our story, it
will be for a charitable judgment to determine whether this trait of
his nature may not be regarded as the cause of all the woes in which he
involved others and became involved himself.
The church records are, in one respect, in singular contrast with the
parish records. The latter are often silent in reference to matters of
interest at the time, which might without impropriety have been entered
in them. They are confined strictly to votes and proceedings in legal
meetings, or what purport to have been meetings legally called; and we
look in vain for comments or notices relating to outside matters.
Except when kept by Sergeant Thomas Putnam, they[i.313] are defective
and imperfect. The church records, while made by Mr. Parris, are full
of side remarks, and touches of criticism concerning whatever was going
on. This makes them particularly interesting and valuable now. They are
composed in their author's clear, natural, and sprightly style; and,
although for the most part in an exceedingly small hand, are legible
with perfect ease, and give us a transcript, not only of the formal
doings of the church, but of the writer's mind and feelings about
matters and things in general. We gather from them by far the greater
part of all we know relating to his quarrel with his congregation.
This subject constantly engrossed his thoughts. He was continually
introducing, at church meetings, complaints against the conduct of the
parish committee, and enlarging upon the wrongs he was suffering at
their hands. He took occasion on Lecture days, if not in ordinary
discourses on the Lord's Day, to give all possible circulation and
publicity to his grievances. The effect of this was, instead of
bringing his people into subjection and carrying his points against
them, to aggravate their alienation. His manner of dealing with the
difficulties of the situation into which they had been brought was
harsh and exasperating, and utterly injudicious, imprudent, and
mischievous in all its bearings, producing a condition of things truly
scandalous. His notions and methods, acquired in his mercantile life;
his haggling with the people about the terms of his salary; and his
general manner and tone, particularly so far as they had been formed by
residence[i.314] in West-India slave Islands,—were thoroughly
distasteful, and entirely repugnant, to the feelings, notions, ideas,
and spirit of the farmers of Salem Village. At their meetings, they
showed a continually increasing strength of opposition to him, and were
careful to appoint committees who could not be brought under his
influence, and would stand firm against all outside pressure.
It is quite apparent, that Mr. Parris employed his church, and the
ministerial offices generally, as engines to operate against his
opponents; and sometimes rather unscrupulously, as a collocation of
dates and entries shows. A meeting of the parish was warned to be held
Oct. 16, 1691. It was important to bring his machinery to bear upon the
feelings of the people, so as to strengthen the hands of his friends at
that meeting. The following entry is in the church-book, dated 8th
October, 1691: "Being my Lecture-day, after public service was ended, I
was so bare of firewood, that I was forced publicly to desire the
inhabitants to take care that I might be provided for; telling them,
that, had it not been for Mr. Corwin (who had bought wood, being then
at my house), I should hardly have any to burn." According to his own
account, as we have seen, it had been arranged, by mutual agreement,
that he was to provide his own firewood, six pounds per annum having
been added to his salary for that purpose. He selected that item as one
of the necessaries of which he was in want, probably because, as the
winter was approaching, it would be the best point on[i.315] which to
appeal to the public sympathies, and get up a clamor against his
opponents.
The parish meeting was duly held on the 16th of October. Mr. Parris's
speech, at the preceding Lecture-day, about "firewood," was found not
to have produced the desired effect. The majority against him was as
strong as ever. A committee made up of his opponents was elected. A
motion to instruct them to make a rate was rejected, and a warrant
ordered to be forthwith issued for a special meeting of the
inhabitants, to examine into all the circumstances connected with the
settlement of Mr. Parris, and to ascertain whether the meetings which
had acted therein were legally called, and by what means the right and
title of the parish to its ministry house and lands had been brought
into question. This was pressing matters to an issue. Mr. Parris saw
it, and determined to meet it in advance. He resorted to his church, as
usual, to execute his plan, as the following entries on the record-book
show:—
"1 Nov. 1691.—The pastor desired the brethren to meet at my house, on
to-morrow, an hour and half before sundown.
"2 Nov. 1691.—After sunset, about seventeen of the brethren met; to
whom, after prayer, I spoke to this effect: Brethren, I have not much
to trouble you with now; but you know what committee, the last
town-meeting here, were chosen; and what they have done, or intend to
do; it may be better than I. But, you see, I have hardly any
wood[i.316] to burn. I need say no more, but leave the matter to your
serious and godly consideration.
"In fine, after some discourse to and fro, the church voted that
Captain Putnam and the two deacons should go, as messengers from the
church, to the committee, to desire them to make a rate for the
minister, and to take care of necessary supplies for him; and that said
messengers should make their return to the church the next tenth day,
an hour before sunset, at the minister's house, where they would expect
it.
"10 Nov. 1691.—The messengers abovesaid came with their return, as
appointed; which was, that the committee did not see good to take
notice of their message, without they had some letter to show under the
church's and pastor's hand. But, at this last church meeting, besides
the three messengers, but three other brethren did appear,—namely,
Brother Thomas Putnam, Thomas Wilkins, and Peter Prescot,—which slight
and neglect of other brethren did not a little trouble me, as I
expressed myself. But I told these brethren I expected the church
should be more mindful of me than other people, and their way was plain
before them, &c.
"Sab: 15 Nov. 1691.—The church were desired to meet at Brother
Nathaniel Putnam's, the next 18th instant, at twelve o'clock, to spend
some time in prayer, and seeking God's presence with us, the next
Lord's Day, at his table, as has been usual with us, some time before
the sacrament.
"18 Nov. 1691.—After some time spent, as above said, at this church
meeting, the pastor desired the brethren to stay, forasmuch as he had
somewhat to offer to them, which was to this purpose; viz.: Brethren,
several church[i.317] meetings have been occasionally warned, and
sometimes the appearance of the brethren is but small to what it might
be expected, and particularly the case mentioned 10th instant. I told
them I did not desire to warn meetings unnecessarily, and, therefore,
when I did, I prayed them they would regularly attend them.
"Furthermore, I told them I had scarce wood enough to burn till the
morrow, and prayed that some care might be taken. In fine, after
discourses passed, these following votes were made unanimously,
namely:—
"1. That it was needful that complaint should be made to the next
honored County Court, to sit at Salem, the next third day of the week,
against the neglects of the present committee.
"2. That the said complaint should be drawn up, which was immediately
done by one of the brethren, and consented to.
"3. That our brethren, Nathaniel Putnam, Thomas Putnam, and Thomas
Wilkins, should sign said complaint in behalf of the church.
"4. Last, That our brethren, Captain John Putnam and the two deacons,
should be improved to present the said complaint to the said Court.
"In the mean time, the pastor desired the brethren that care might be
taken that he might not be destitute of wood."
The record proceeds to give several other votes, the object of which
was to arrange the details of the manner in which the business was to
be put into court. There we leave it for the present, and there it
remained for nearly seven years. Mr. Parris probably[i.318] got the
start of his opponents, in being first to invoke the law. This is what
he meant when he told his church "that their way was plain before
them." If extraordinary and unforeseen circumstances had not
intervened, the case would more speedily have been disposed of, and we
cannot doubt what would have been its issue. Whatever might be the bias
or prejudice of the courts, or however they might have attempted to
enforce their first decisions, there can be no question, that, in such
a contest, the people would have finally prevailed. The committee were
men competent to carry the parish through. A religious society, with
such feelings between them and their minister, after all that had
happened, and the just grounds given them of dissatisfaction and
resentment, could not always, or long, have been kept under such an
infliction.
In the immediately preceding entries, there are some points that
illustrate the policy on which Mr. Parris acted, and exhibit the skill
and vigilance of his management. The motive that led him to harp so
constantly upon "firewood" is obvious. It was to create a sympathy in
his behalf, and bring opprobrium upon his opponents. But it cannot
stand the test of scrutiny: for it had been expressly agreed, as I have
said, that he should find his own fuel; and it cannot be supposed that
his friends, if he then had any real ones, surrounded, as they were,
with forests of their own, within sight of the parsonage, would have
allowed him to suffer from this cause. There is indication[i.319] that
the "brethren of the church" were getting lukewarm, as their
non-attendance at important meetings led Mr. Parris to fear. At any
rate, he felt it necessary to administer some rather significant
rebukes to them. The meeting for prayer, preparatory to the ensuing
communion service, was very adroitly converted into a business
consultation to inaugurate a lawsuit. But the most characteristic
thing, in this part of the church-book, is a marginal entry, against
the first paragraph of the record of the 2d November, 1691. It is in
these words:—
"The town-meeting, about or at 16th October last. Jos: Porter, Jos:
Hutchinson, Jos: Putnam, Dan: Andrew, Francis Nurse."
These were the committee appointed at the meeting. Their names, thus
abbreviated, are given, and not a syllable added. But the manner, the
then state of things, and their relation to the controversy, give a
deep import and intense bitterness to this entry. He knew the men, and
in their names read the handwriting on the wall.
But a turn was soon given to the current that was bearing Mr. Parris
down. A power was evoked—whether he raised it designedly, or whether it
merely happened to appear on the scene, we cannot certainly say; but it
came into action just at the nick of time—which instantly reversed the
position of the parties, and clothed him with a terrible strength,
enabling him to crush his opponents beneath his feet. In a few
short[i.320] months, he was the arbiter of life and death of all the
people of the village and the country. "Jos: Porter and Jos:
Hutchinson" escaped. The power of destruction broke down before it
became strong enough to reach them perhaps. "Jos: Putnam" was kept for
six months in the constant peril of his life. During all that time, he
and his family were armed, and kept watch. "Dan: Andrew" saved himself
from the gallows by flight to a foreign land. The unutterable woes
brought upon the family of "Francis Nurse" remain to be related.
The witchcraft delusion at Salem Village, in 1692, has attracted
universal attention, constitutes a permanent chapter in the world's
history, and demands a full exposition, and, if possible, a true
solution. Being convinced that it cannot be correctly interpreted
without a thorough knowledge of the people among whom it appeared, I
have felt it indispensable, before opening its scenes to view, or
treating the subject of demonology, of which it was an outgrowth, in
the first place to prepare myself, and those who accompany me in its
examination and discussion, to fully comprehend it, by traversing the
ground over which we have now passed. By a thorough history of Salem
Village from its origin to the period of our story, by calling its
founders and their children and successors into life before you by
personal, private, domestic, and local details, gleaned from old
records and documents, I have tried to place you at the standpoint from
which the entire occurrence can be intelligibly contemplated. We can in
no other[i.321] way get a true view of a passage of history than by
looking at the men who acted in it, as they really were. We must
understand their characters, enter into their life, see with their
eyes, feel with their hearts, and be enveloped, as it were, with their
associations, sentiments, beliefs, and principles of action. In this
way only can we bring the past into our presence, comprehend its
elements, fathom its depths, read its meaning, or receive its lessons.
I am confident you will agree with me, that it was not because the
people of Salem Village were more ignorant, stupid, or weak-minded than
the people of other places, that the delusion made its appearance or
held its sway among them. This is a vital point to the just
consideration of the subject. I do not mean justice to them so much as
to ourselves and all who wish to understand, and be benefited by
understanding, the subject. There never was a community composed
originally of better materials, or better trained in all good usages.
Although the generations subsequent to the first had not enjoyed, to
any considerable extent, the advantages of education, the circumstances
of their experience had kept their faculties in the fullest exercise.
They were an energetic and intelligent people. Their moral condition,
social intercourse, manners, and personal bearing, were excellent. The
lesson of the catastrophe impending over them, at the point to which we
have arrived, can only be truly and fully received, for the warning of
all coming time, by having correct views on this point. The
delusion[i.322] that brought ruin upon them was not the result of any
essential inferiority in their moral or intellectual condition. What we
call their ignorance was the received philosophy and wisdom of the day,
accepted generally by the great scholars of that and previous ages,
preached from the pulpits, taught in the universities, recognized in
law and in medicine as well as theology, and carried out in the
proceedings of public tribunals and legislative assemblies.
The history of the planting, settlement, and progress of Salem Village,
to 1692, has now been given. We know, so far as existing materials
within reach enable us to know, what sort of a population occupied the
place at the date of our story. Their descent, breeding, and
experiences have been related. They were, at least, equal in
intelligence to any of the people of their day. They were strenuous in
action, trained to earnestness and zeal, accustomed to become deeply
engaged in whatever interested them, and to take strong hold of the
ideas and sentiments they received. It becomes necessary, therefore, in
the next place, to ascertain what their ideas were in reference to
witchcraft, diabolical agency, and supernaturalism generally. I shall
proceed accordingly to give the condition of opinion, at that time, on
the subject of demonology.
[i.323]
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PART SECOND.
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[i.325]
PART SECOND.
WITCHCRAFT.
DEMONOLOGY, as a general term, may be employed, for convenience, to
include a whole class of ideas—which, under different names and a vast
variety of conceptions, have come through all ages, and prevailed among
all races of mankind—relating to the supposed agency of supernatural,
invisible, and spiritual beings in terrestrial affairs. As necessarily
applicable to evil spirits, particularly to the arch-enemy and supreme
adversary of God and man under the name of Satan or the Devil, the term
does not appear to have been used in ancient times. Professed
communications with supernatural beings were not originally stamped
with a diabolical character, but, like some alleged to be had in our
day, were regarded as innocent, and even creditable. Men sought to hold
intercourse with spirits belonging to the unseen world, as some persons
do now; assuming that they were worthy of confidence, and that
responses from[i.326] them were valuable and desirable. This was the
case under the reign of classical mythology, and of heathen
superstition in general. Those individuals who were supposed to be
conversant with demons were looked upon by the credulous multitude as a
highly privileged class; and they arrogated the credit of being raised
to a higher sphere of knowledge than the rest of mankind.
It is one of the most remarkable peculiarities of the Hebrew polity,
that it denounced such pretended communications as criminal, and
subjected the practice to the highest penalties. It was assumed to be
dangerous; the welfare of individuals and of society requiring that
such pretensions and practices should be abandoned. The observation and
experience of mankind have justified this view. In the first ages of
Christianity, it was believed that the Divine Being alone was to be
sought in prayer for light and guidance by the human soul. Gradually,
as the dark ages began to settle upon Christendom, the doctrine of the
Devil as the head and ruler of a world of demons, and as able to hold
communications with mortals, to interfere in their affairs, and to
exercise more or less control over the laws and phenomena of nature,
began to become prevalent. It was believed that human beings could
enter into alliance with the Prince of the power of the air; become his
confederates; join in a league with him and wicked spirits subordinate
to him, in undermining the Gospel and overthrowing the Church; and
conspire and co-operate[i.327] in rebellion against God. This, of
course, was regarded as the most flagrant of crimes, and constituted
the real character of the sin denominated "witchcraft."
As the fullest, most memorable, and, by the notice it has ever since
attracted throughout the world, the pre-eminent instance and
demonstration of this supposed iniquity was in the crisis that took
place in Salem Village in 1692, it justly claims a place in history.
The community in which it occurred has been fully described, in its
moral, social, and intellectual condition, so far as the materials I
have been enabled to obtain have rendered possible. It has, I believe,
been made to appear, that, in their training, experience, and traits of
character, they were well adapted to give full effect to any
excitement, or earnest action of any kind, that could be got up among
them,—a people of great energy, courage, and resolution, well prepared
to carry out to its natural and legitimate results any movement, and
follow established convictions fearlessly to logical conclusions. The
experiment of bringing supernaturalism to operate in human affairs, to
become a ground of action in society, and to interfere in the relations
of life and the dealings of men with each other, was as well tried upon
this people as it ever could or can be anywhere.