It is difficult, however, to come to a definite estimate on this

subject, as the singular fact is discovered, that some persons, who

could write, occasionally preferred to "make their mark." Ann Putnam,

in executing her will, made her mark; but her confession, with her own

proper written signature, is spread out in the Church-book. Francis

Nurse very frequently used his peculiar mark, representing, perhaps,

some implement of his original mechanical trade; but, on other

occasions, he wrote out his name in a good, round hand. The same was

the case with Bray Wilkins. We can hardly reach any decisive

conclusions as to the intelligence or education of the people of that

day from their handwriting, or construction of sentences, much[i.215]

less from their spelling. Their forms of speech were very different

from ours in many respects. What, at first view, we might be apt to

call errors of ignorance, were perhaps conformity to good usage at the

time. Their use of verbs is different from ours, particularly in the

subjunctive mood, and in conjugation generally. They did not follow our

rule in reference to number. When the nominative was a plural noun, or

several nouns, they often employ the connected verb in the singular

number, and _vice versâ_. They were inclined to make construction

conform to the sense, rather than to the letter. It is not certain that

their usage, in this particular, is wholly indefensible. Cicero, in his

fifth oration against Verres, couples _rem_ with _futurum_. This was

looked upon by some editors as an error, and they altered the text

accordingly; but Aulus Gelius, in his "Attic Nights," maintains that it

is the true reading, and, in view of the sense of the passage, a

legitimate and elegant use of language. He cites instances, in Latin

and Greek authors of the highest standard, of a similar usage.

Nothing, or scarcely any thing, can be inferred from spelling. It was

wholly unsettled among the best-educated men, and in the practice of

the same person. In Winthrop's "Journal," he spells the name of his

distinguished friend—the governor of both Massachusetts and

Connecticut—sometimes Haynes, and sometimes Haines. The _r_ is

generally dropped from his own signature, or, if not intentionally

dropped, is quite lost in one or the other of the contiguous

let[i.216]ters. It is a curious circumstance, that the name "Winthrop"

is spelled differently by our governor, his wife, and his son, the

governor of Connecticut; each varying from either of the other two.

George Burroughs, a graduate of Harvard College, wrote his own name

sometimes with, and sometimes without, the _s_. In our General-court

records, the name of the first Captain Davenport is spelled in at least

four different ways. The Putnams sometimes wrote their name Putman. The

name of the Nurses was often written Nourse, and sometimes Nurs.

Unable to come to any reliable conclusions in reference to the general

intelligence of the people of Salem Village from their orthography,

etymology, syntax, or chirography, compared with their contemporaries,

I can only say, that, in examining the records and papers which have

come down to us, the wonder to me is that they expressed themselves so

well. I do not hesitate to say, that, in the various controversies in

which they were involved, prior to and immediately after the witchcraft

delusion, there is a pervading appearance of uncommon appreciation of

the questions at issue, and substantial evidence that there was a solid

substratum of good sense among them.

Their manners appear to have been remarkably courteous and respectful,

showing the effect still remaining upon their style of intercourse and

personal bearing, of the society and example of the great number of

eminent, enlightened, and accomplished men and families that had

resided or mingled with them during all[i.217] the early period of

their history. In their deportment to each other, there was that sort

of decorum which indicates good breeding. They paid honor to gray

hairs, and assigned to age the first rank in seating the

congregation,—a matter to which, before the introduction of pews as a

particular property, they gave the greatest consideration. The

"seating" was to continue for a year; and a committee of persons who

would command the greatest confidence was regularly appointed to report

on the delicate and difficult subject. Their report, signed by them

severally, was entered in full in the parish record-book. The

invariable rule was, first, age; then, office; last, rates. The chief

seats were given to old men and women of respectable characters,

without regard to their circumstances in life or position in society.

Then came the families of the minister and deacons, the parish

committee and clerk, the constable of the village, magistrates, and

military officers. These were preferred, because all offices were then

honorable, and held, if they were called to them, by the principal

people. Last came rates,—that is, property. The richest man in the

parish, if not holding office, or old enough to be counted among the

aged, would take his place with the residue of the congregation. The

manner in which parents were spoken of on all occasions is quite

observable, not only in written documents, but ordinary

conversation,—always with tender respectfulness. In almost all cases,

the expressions used are "my honored father" or "my honored mother,"

and this by per[i.218]sons in the humblest and most inferior positions

in life. The terms "Goodman" and "Goodwife" were applied to the heads

of families. The latter word was abbreviated to "Goody," but not at

all, as our dictionaries have it, as a "low term of civility." It was

applied to the most honored matrons, such as the wife of Deacon

Ingersoll. It was a term of respect; conveying, perhaps, an

affectionate sentiment, but not in the slightest degree disrespectful,

derogatory, or belittling. Surely no better terms were ever used to

characterize a worthy person. "Goodman" comprehends all that can be

ascribed to a citizen of mature years in the way of commendation; and

the whole catalogue of pretentious titles ever given by flatterers or

courtiers to a married lady cannot, all combined, convey a higher

encomium than the term "Goodwife." How much more expressive, courteous

to the persons to whom they are applied, and consistent with the

self-respect of the person using them, than "Mr." and "Mrs."! A more

than questionable taste and a foolish pride have led us to adopt these

terms because they were originally applicable to the gentry or to

magistrates, and to abandon the good old words which had a meaning

truly polite to others, and not degrading to ourselves!

A patriarchal authority and dignity was recognized in families. The

oldest member was often called, by way of distinction, "Landlord,"

merely on account of his seniority, without reference particularly to

the extent of his domain or the value of his acres. After[i.219] the

death of Thomas Putnam, in 1686, his brother Nathaniel had the title;

after him, the surviving brother, Captain John; after him, it fell to

the next generation, and Benjamin, a son of Nathaniel, became "Landlord

Putnam." It was so with other families.

The liberal and judicious policy, before described, of giving estates

to children on their marriage, with the maintenance of parental

authority in the household, produced the desired effect upon the

character of the people. It was almost a matter of course, that, on

reaching mature years, young men and women would own the covenant, and

become members of the church. The general tone of society was

undoubtedly favorable to the moral and religious welfare of the younger

portion of the community. Some exceptions occurred, but few in number.

One case, however, in which there was a flagrant violation of filial

duty, may not be omitted in this connection; for it belongs to the

public history of the country.

John Porter, Jr., the eldest son of the founder of that most

respectable family, about thirty years of age, appears to have been a

very wicked and incorrigible person. His abusive treatment of his

parents reached a point where it became necessary, in the last resort,

to appeal to the protection of the law. After various proceedings, he

was finally sentenced to stand on the ladder of the gallows with a rope

around his neck for an hour; to be severely whipped; committed to the

House of Correction; kept closely at work on[i.220] prison diet, not to

be released until so ordered by the Court of Assistants or the General

Court; and to pay "a fine to the country of two hundred pounds." It is

stated, that, if the mother of the culprit "had not been overmoved by

her tender affections to forbear appearing against him, the Court must

necessarily have proceeded with him as a capital offender, according to

our law being grounded upon and expressed in the Word of God, in Deut.

xxi. 18 to 21. See Capital Laws, p. 9, § 14." Some time afterward, the

General Court, upon his petition, granted him a release from

imprisonment, on condition of his immediate departure from this

jurisdiction; first giving a bond of two hundred pounds not to return

without leave of the General Court or Court of Assistants.

In 1664, four commissioners, Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr,

George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, Esqs., were sent over by

Charles II. "to hear and determine complaints and appeals in all

causes, as well military as criminal and civil." There had always been

a powerful influence at work in the English Court adverse to New

England. It had been thus far successfully baffled by the admirable

diplomacy of the colonial government and agents. All conflicts of

authority had been prevented from coming to a head by a skilful policy

of "protracting and avoiding." But the restoration of the Stuarts boded

no good to the liberties of the colonies; and the arrival of these

commissioners with their sweeping authority was regarded as designed to

deal the long-deferred[i.221] fatal blow at chartered rights. They

began with a high hand. The General Court did not quail before them,

but stood ready to take advantage of the first false step of the

commissioners; and they did not have long to wait.

Porter had taken refuge in Rhode Island. When the commissioners visited

that colony, he appealed to them for redress against the Massachusetts

General Court. They were inconsiderate enough to espouse his cause, and

issued a proclamation giving him protection to return to Boston to have

his case tried before them. The General Court at once took issue with

them, and changed their attitude from the defensive to the offensive;

denounced their proceedings; spread upon the official records a full

account, in the plainest language, of Porter's outrages upon his

parents, exhibiting it in details that could not but shock every

sentiment of humanity and decency; holding up the commissioners as the

abettors and protectors of criminality of the deepest dye; and planting

themselves fair and square against them on the merits of Porter's case.

The commissioners tried to explain and extricate themselves; but they

could not escape from the toils in which, through rashness, they had

become entangled. The General Court made a public declaration charging

the commissioners with "obstructing the sentence of justice passed

against that notorious offender," and with sheltering and countenancing

"his rebellion against his natural parents;" with violating a court of

justice, discharging a whole[i.222] country "from their oaths whereby

they had sworn obedience to His Majesty's authority according to the

Constitution of his Royal Charter;" and with attempting to overthrow

the rights of the colony under the charter by bringing in a military

force to overawe and suppress the civil authorities. They denounced

them as guilty of a perversion of their trust, and as having committed

a breach upon the dignity of the crown, by pursuing a course

"derogatory to His Majesty's authority here established," and

"repugnant to His Majesty's princely and gracious intention in

betrusting them with such a commission." The Court held the

vantage-ground, and the commissioners were unable to dislodge them. The

end of the matter was, that the power of the commissioners was

completely broken down. They ingloriously gave up the contest, and went

home to England.

The instance of John Porter, Jr., to which such extraordinary publicity

and prominence were given by the circumstances now related, does not

bear against what I have said of the general prevalence, in the rural

community of Salem Village, of parental authority and filial duty, as

he was early withdrawn from it to pursuits that led him into totally

different spheres of life. He had been engaged in trade, and exposed to

vicious influences in foreign ports. In voyages to "Barbadoes, and so

for England, he had prodigally wasted and riotously expended about four

hundred pounds." Besides this, he had run himself, by his vicious

courses, into debts which his father had to pay[i.223] in order to

release him from prison abroad. He came back the desperate character

described by the General Court. His punishment was severe, but

absolutely necessary, in the judgment of the whole community, for the

safety of his parents and the preservation of domestic and public

order.

Although living in humble dwellings on plain fare, working with their

hands for daily bread, clad in rude garments, and practising a frugal

economy, there was a certain style of things about the people I am

describing unlike what is ordinarily associated with our ideas of them.

The men wore swords or rapiers as a part of their daily apparel. Their

wives had domestic servants. Every farmer had his hired laborers, and

many of them had slaves. The relation of servitude, however, differed

from that on Southern plantations in many respects. The slaves, without

any formal manumission, easily obtained their freedom, and often became

landholders. The courteous decorum acquired from the example of the

eminent men among the first planters long continued to mark the manners

of this people; and its vestiges remain to the present day. It

strikingly appeared in the latter half of the last and the earlier

period of this century in the persons of Judge Samuel Houlton, Colonel

Israel Hutchinson, General Moses Porter, and the late Judge Samuel

Putnam.

The wise forethought of the company in London, at the outset of its

operations, in providing for all that was needful to the establishment

and welfare of the[i.224] colony, has already been described. It was

most strikingly illustrated in the careful selection of the first

emigrants. Men were sought out who were experienced and skilful in the

various mechanic arts. In the early population of Salem Farms, every

species of handicraft was represented. When the number was less than a

hundred householders, there were weavers, spinners, potters, joiners,

housewrights, wheelwrights, brickmakers and masons, blacksmiths,

coopers, painters, tailors, cordwainers, glovers, tanners, millers,

maltsters, skinners, sawyers, tray-makers, and dish-turners. Every

absolute want was provided for. These trades and callings were carried

on in connection with agricultural employments, and their continuance

kept carefully in view by the heads of the principal families. John

Putnam not only gave large farms to each of his sons, but he trained

them severally to some mechanical art. One was a weaver, another a

bricklayer, &c. The farmer was also a mechanic, and every description

of useful labor held in equal honor.

Another marked feature of this people was their military spirit. They

were kept in a state of universal and thorough organization to protect

themselves from Indian hostilities, or to respond, on any occasion, at

a moment's warning, to the call of the country. The sentinel at the

watch-house was ever on the alert. Authority was early obtained from

the General Court to form a foot company. All adults of every

description, including men much beyond middle life,—every[i.225] one,

in fact, who could carry a musket, belonged to it. Its officers were

the fathers of the village. Every title of rank, from corporal to

captain, once obtained, was worn ever after through life. Jonathan

Walcot, a citizen of the highest respectability, who had married as a

second wife Deliverance a daughter of Thomas Putnam, and was one of the

deacons of the parish, was its captain. Nathaniel Ingersoll, the other

deacon, is spoken of from time to time as corporal, then sergeant, and

finally lieutenant. He served with that commission till late in life,

and was always, after attaining that rank, known as either Lieutenant

or Deacon Ingersoll. The eldest son of Thomas Putnam, a leading member

of the church, a man of large property, and the clerk of the parish,

was one of the sergeants, always known as such. In our narrative, with

which he will be found in most unfortunate connection, I shall speak of

him by that title. It will distinguish him from his father. This

"company" had frequent drills, probably from the first, in the field

left by will afterwards for that purpose by Nathaniel Ingersoll. Often,

no doubt, it paraded on the open grounds around the meeting-house, or

in the fields of Joseph Hutchinson after the harvest had been gathered.

It marched and countermarched along the neighboring roads. It was

almost as much thought of as the "church," officered by the same

persons, and composed of the same men. It was a common practice, at the

close of a parade, before "breaking line," for the captain to give

notices of prayer, church,[i.226] or parish meetings. Such men as

Richard Leach, Thomas Fuller, and Nathaniel Putnam, esteemed it an

honor to bear titles in this company; and held them ever after through

life with pride, whether corporal, sergeant, lieutenant, or captain.

A company of troopers was early formed, made up from the village and

neighboring settlements. In the colonial records, under date of Oct. 8,

1662, we find the following: "Mr. George Corwin for captain, Mr. Thomas

Putnam for lieutenant, Mr. Walter Price for cornet, being presented to

this Court as so chosen by the troopers of Salem, Lynn, &c., the Court

allows and approves thereof." The inventory of Captain Corwin, before

cited, indicates the stylish uniform he wore as captain of the

troopers. Each of the officers was a wealthy man; and it cannot be

doubted that a parade of the company was a dashing affair. The lapse of

time having thinned their ranks and removed their officers, a vigorous

and successful attempt was made in October, 1678, to revive the

company. Thirty-six men, belonging, as they say, "to the reserve of

Salem old troop," and very desirous "of being serviceable to God and

the country," petition the General Court to re-organize them as a troop

of horse, and to issue the necessary commissions. They request the

appointment of William Brown, Jr., as captain, and Corporal John Putnam

as lieutenant. The petition was granted, and the commissions issued.

Among the signers of this petition are Anthony Needham, Peter and

Ezekiel Cheever, Thomas Flint,[i.227] Thomas and Benjamin Wilkins,

Thomas and Jacob Fuller, John Procter, William Osborne, Thomas Putnam,

Jr., and others of the Farms. The officers named were men of property

and energy; and the company of troopers was kept up ever afterwards,

until all danger from Indians or other foes had passed away.

It is very observable how the military spirit with which this rural

community was so early imbued has descended through all generations.

Israel Putnam, the famous Revolutionary hero, a son of Joseph who was a

younger brother of Sergeant Thomas and Deacon Edward Putnam, was born

in the village. His brother David, much older than himself, who

flourished in the period anterior to the Revolution, was a celebrated

cavalry officer. Colonel Timothy Pickering used to mention, among the

recollections of his boyhood, that David Putnam "rode the best horse in

the province." General Rufus Putnam, a grandson of Deacon Edward, was a

distinguished brigadier in the army of the Revolution. There are few

officers of that army whose names are more honored than his by

encomiums from the pen of Washington: and praise from him was praise

indeed, for it was, like all his other judgments, the result of careful

and discriminating observation. In a letter to the President of

Congress, dated "At camp above Trenton Falls, Dec. 20, 1776," he speaks

of the fact, that, owing to a neglect on the part of the Government to

place the Engineer Department upon a proper footing, "Colo[i.228]nel

Putnam, who was at the head of it, has quitted, and taken a regiment in

the State of Massachusetts." He expresses the opinion, that Putnam's

qualifications as a military engineer were superior to those of any

other man within his knowledge, far superior to those of the foreign

officers whom he had seen. In a letter to the same, dated "Pompton

Plains," July 12, 1777, speaking of General Schuyler's army, he says,

"Colonel Putnam, I imagine, will be with him before this, as his

regiment is a part of Nixon's Brigade, who will answer every purpose he

can possibly have for an engineer at this crisis." The high opinion of

Washington took effect in his promotion as brigadier-general. At the

end of the war, he returned to civil life, but was soon called back and

re-commissioned as brigadier-general. Washington felt the need of him.

In a letter to General Knox, Secretary of War, dated Aug. 13, 1792, he

says, "General Putnam merits thanks, in my opinion, for his plan, and

the sentiments he has delivered on what he conceives to be a proper

mode of carrying on the war against the hostile nations of Indians; and

I wish he would continue to furnish them without reserve in future."

During Washington's administration of the government under the

Constitution, Rufus Putnam held the office of Surveyor-General of the

United States. In addition to his military reputation, he will be for

ever memorable as the first settler of Marietta, and founder of the

State of Ohio.

Israel Hutchinson was born in 1727. In 1757 he[i.229] was one of a

scouting-party under the command of his neighbor, Captain Israel

Herrick, that penetrated through the wilderness in Maine in perilous

Indian warfare. He fought at Ticonderoga and Lake George, and was with

Wolfe when he scaled the Heights of Abraham. On the morning of the 19th

of April, 1775, he led a company of minute-men, who met and fought the

British in their bloody retreat from Lexington. He was prominently

concerned during the siege of Boston; and, on its evacuation, took

command at Fort Hill. He was afterwards in command at Forts Lee and

Washington. Throughout the war, he, like both the Putnams, had the

confidence of his commander-in-chief. For twenty-one years, he was

elected to one or the other branch of the Legislature, or to the

Council. He was distinguished for the courtesy of his manners and the

dignity of his address. Colonel Enoch Putnam was also at the battle of

Lexington, and served with honor through the Revolutionary War, as did

also Captain Jeremiah Putnam, both of them descendants of John. Captain

Samuel Flint was among the bravest of the brave at Lexington, exciting

universal admiration by his intrepidity; and fell at the head of his

company at Stillwater, Oct. 7, 1777.

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