corner." The earliest path or roadway to and from the eastern
settlements went by it. Here Increase and Cotton Mather, and all
magistrates and ministers, were entertained. Here the wants of the poor
and unfortunate were made known, and all men came for counsel and
advice. From the first, even when he had not reached the age of
maturity, he commanded to a singular extent the confidence and respect
of all men. The influence of his bearing and character,[i.168] thus
early established, was never lost or abated, or disturbed for a moment
during his long life. He was the umpire to settle all differences, but
never made an enemy by his decisions. Although of moderate estate,
compared with some of his neighbors, they all treated him with a
deference greater than they sometimes paid to each other. It was his
lot to be mixed up with innumerable controversies, to be in the very
centre of the most vehement and frightful social convulsions, and to
act decisively in some of them; but it is most marvellous to witness
how uniform and universal was the consideration in which he was held.
These statements are justified abundantly by evidence in records and
documents.
When village business was to be transacted, or consultation of any kind
had, the house of Deacon Ingersoll was designated, as a matter of
course, for the place of meeting. Whether it was an ecclesiastical or a
military gathering, a prayer-meeting or a train-band drill, it was
there. Before they had a meeting-house, it cannot be doubted, they met
for worship in his large room. We find it recorded, that, after the
meeting-house was built, if from the bitterness of the weather, or any
other cause, it was too uncomfortable to remain in, they would adjourn
to Deacon Ingersoll's. Such a free use of a particular person's
premises sometimes engenders a familiarity that runs into license, and
is apt to breed contempt. Not so at all in his case. There was a
native-born dignity, an honest manliness and pervading integrity[i.169]
about him, that were appreciated by all persons at all times. When
wrong was meditated, his admonition was received with respectful
consideration; when it had been committed, his rebuke awakened no
resentment. The fact, that he was acknowledged and felt by all to be a
perfectly just man, is apparent through the whole course of his action
in all the affairs of life. His uprightness, freedom from unworthy
prejudice, and clear and transparent conscientiousness, appear in all
documents, depositions, and records that proceeded from him. He was
often called to give evidence in land causes and other trials at law;
and his testimony is always straightforward, fair, and lucid. You can
tell from the style, temper, or tone of other witnesses, which side of
the controversy they espoused, but not from his. In the great and
protracted conflict in the courts, relating to the Townsend Bishop
farm, he and all his most intimate connections and relatives were
parties of adverse interest; but Zerubabel Endicott paid homage, and
left it on record, to the truthfulness and uprightness of the testimony
and the fairness of the course of Nathaniel Ingersoll. We shall meet
other illustrations to the same effect in the course of our narrative.
Although it is anticipating the course of events, it may be well to
trace the outlines of the life of this man to its distant close.
Partaking of the general views of his age, he participated in the
proceedings that led to the witchcraft prosecutions. He believed in
what was regarded as decisive evidence against the[i.170] accused, and
acted accordingly. But no one ever felt that there was any
vindictiveness in his course.
He lived to see the storm that desolated his beloved village pass away,
and to enjoy the restoration of reason, peace, and good-will among a
people who had so long been torn by strife, and subjected to untold
horrors,—horrors that have never yet been fully described, and which I
despair of being able adequately to depict. He did all that a good and
true man could do to eradicate the causes of the mischief. He
participated in the exercises of a day of Thanksgiving, set apart for
the purpose, in 1700, to express the devout and contrite gratitude of
the people to a merciful God for deliverance from the errors and
passions that had overwhelmed them with such awful judgments. The
removal of Mr. Parris having been effected, Joseph Green was settled
near the close of the year 1697. He was a wise and prudent man. By
kind, cautious, and well-timed measures, he gradually succeeded in
extracting every root of bitterness, healing all the breaches, and
restoring harmony to a long-distracted people. In this work, Deacon
Ingersoll and his good associate, Edward Putnam, aided him to the
utmost. When, by their united counsels and labors, the difficult work
was about accomplished, Mr. Green was taken to his reward, in 1715.
Greatly was he lamented; but Nathaniel Ingersoll had realized all his
best wishes at last. The prayers he had poured forth for fifty years
had been answered. He had seen the completed service of a pastor who
had fulfilled his[i.171] highest estimate of what a Christian minister
should be. He lived to witness and share in the warm and unanimous
welcome of Peter Clark to a useful, honored, happy ministry which
lasted more than half a century. The ordination of Mr. Clark, which
took place on the 8th of June, 1717, was made the occasion of
demonstrating the complete re-establishment of social harmony and
Christian love throughout that entire community. The storms of strife
had commenced with the settlement of the first minister, more than
forty years before: they had increased in violence, until, at the
witchcraft delusion, they swept in a tornado every thing to ruin. The
clouds had been slowly dispersed, and the angry waves smoothed down, by
Mr. Green's benignant ministry. The long, and yet unbroken, "era of
good feeling" was fully inaugurated. It was a day of great rejoicing.
Old men and matrons, young men and maidens, met together in happy
union. Tradition says that they carried their grateful festivities to
the highest point allowable by the proprieties of that period. Having
witnessed this scene, and beheld the church and village of his
affections start on a new and sure career of peace and prosperity, the
Good Parishioner folded his mantle and departed from sight. He died in
1719, in his eighty-fifth year. He was truly the "Man of Ross." The
celebrated portrait, which poetry has drawn under this name, was from
an actual example in real life, not more shining than his. He left no
issue; but his brothers were the founders of a family[i.172] widely
diffused, many members of which have, in every subsequent age,
contributed to the honor of the name. Innumerable branches have spread
out from the same stock under other names. The children of the late Dr.
Nathaniel Bowditch, through both father and mother, have descended from
a brother of Nathaniel Ingersoll.
Citations and extracts from documents on file will justify all I have
said of this man.
His wife was a spirit kindred to his own. Their only child, a daughter,
died when quite young. Their hearts demanded an object on which to
exercise parental affection, and to give opportunity for benevolent
care, within their own household; and they induced their neighbor,
Joseph Hutchinson, who had several sons, to give one of them to be
theirs by adoption. When this child had grown to manhood, a deed was
recorded in the Essex Registry, Oct. 2, 1691, of which this is the
purport:—
"Benjamin Hutchinson, being an infant when he was given to us by his
parents, we have brought him up as our own child; and he, the said
Benjamin, living with us as an obedient son, until he came of one and
twenty years of age, he then marrying from us, I, the said Nathaniel
Ingersoll, and Hannah, my wife, on these considerations, do, upon the
marriage of our adopted son, Benjamin Hutchinson, give and bequeath to
him, his heirs and assigns for ever, this deed of gift of ten acres of
upland, and also three acres of meadow," &c.
When Mr. Parris was settled, it occurred to Deacon[i.173] Ingersoll,
that it would be very convenient for him to have a certain piece of
ground between the parsonage land and the Andover road; and he gave him
a deed, from which the following is an extract. It is dated Jan. 2,
1689.
"To all Christian people to whom this present writing shall come,
Nathaniel Ingersoll, of Salem Village, in the county of Essex, sendeth
greeting. Know ye, that the said Nathaniel Ingersoll, husbandman, and
Hannah, his wife, for and in consideration of the love, respect, and
honor which they justly bear unto the public worship of the true and
only God, and therefore for the encouragement of their well-beloved
pastor, the Rev. Samuel Parris, who hath lately taken that office
amongst them, and also for and in consideration of a very small sum of
money to them in hand paid, with which they do acknowledge themselves
fully contented and satisfied, do grant to said Samuel Parris and
Elizabeth, his wife, for life, and then to the children of said Samuel
and Elizabeth Parris, four and a half acres of land, adjoining upon the
home field of the said Nathaniel Ingersoll; the three acres on the
south alienated by gift, and the remainder by sale."
There was a fine young orchard on the land.
Joseph Houlton had conveyed to the parish a lot for the use of the
ministry, attached to the parsonage house. A question having arisen in
consequence of a lost deed, or some other imagined defect in the
Houlton title, whether the land originally belonged to him or to
Nathaniel Ingersoll, the latter disposed of it at once by an instrument
recorded in the Essex Registry, of which the following is the
substance:[i.174]—
"Nathaniel Ingersoll to the Trustees of Salem Village Ministry land,
for divers good causes and considerations me thereunto moving, but more
especially for the true love and desire I have to the peace and welfare
of Salem Village wherein I dwell, I hereby release, &c., all my right
and title to five acres described in my brother Houlton's deed of
sale," &c.
In the same Registry, the following extract is found, in a deed dated
Jan. 28, 1708:—
"For the desire I have that children may be educated in Salem Village,
I freely give four poles square of land to Rev. Joseph Green, to have
and to hold the same, not for his own particular use, but for the
setting a schoolhouse upon, and the encouragement of a school in this
place."
The Essex Registry has a deed dated Jan. 6, 1714, of which the
following is the substance:—
"For the good affection that I bear unto Deacon Edward Putnam, and the
desire that I have of his comfortable attendance upon the public
worship of God, I have freely given unto him, the said Deacon Edward
Putnam, of Salem aforesaid, for him and his heirs for ever, a piece of
land, bounded northerly upon the land of Joseph Green, next to his
orchard gate, westerly on the highway, and southerly and easterly on my
land."
Deacon Putnam was, at this time, sixty years of age. His homestead was
at some distance; and it was often difficult for him to get to meeting.
Ingersoll had always enjoyed the convenience of having only a few rods
to go to the place of worship; and he desired to[i.175] have his
beloved colleague enjoy the same privilege. Besides, he longed to have
him near. The proffer was probably accepted. We find that
church-meetings were held at the house of Deacon Putnam, which would
not probably so often have been the case, had he remained on his farm;
and we know that there were two dwelling-houses, some time afterwards,
on the Ingersoll lot. It was a pleasant arrangement: the two deacons
and the minister being thus brought close together, and reaching each
other through Ingersoll's garden and the minister's orchard. Of the
personal friendship, attachment, and genial affection between the two
good old deacons, the foregoing extract is a pleasing illustration.
Nathaniel Ingersoll's property was never very large; and, as he had
enjoyed the luxury, all his life long, of benevolence and beneficence,
there was no great amount to be left after suitably providing for his
wife. But there was enough to enable him to express the family
affection to which he was always true, and to give a parting assurance
of his devotion to the church and people of the village. By his will,
certain legacies were required to be paid by the residuary legatee and
final heir within a reasonable time specified in the document. It bears
date July 8, 1709, and was offered for Probate, Feb. 17, 1719. It
begins thus:—
"In the name of God, Amen. I, Nathaniel Ingersoll, of Salem, in the
county of Essex, in the Province of Massachutetts Bay, in New England,
being through God's mercy in good health of body and of perfect memory,
but not[i.176] knowing how soon my great change may come, do make this
my last will, in manner and form following: First, I give up my soul to
God, in and through Jesus Christ my Redeemer, when he shall please to
call for it, hoping for a glorious resurrection, in and through his
merits; and my body to decent burial, at the discretion of my
executors; and, as for the worldly estate God hath been pleased to give
me, I dispose of it in the manner following," &c.
He gives a small sum of money, varying from thirty shillings to four
pounds, to each and every nephew and niece then living, twenty-two in
number. He provides for an annuity of twenty shillings a year for a
sister, the only remaining member of his own immediate family, to be
paid into the hands of the daughter who took care of her. Not being
able to leave a large amount to any, he preferred to express his love
for all. There were two items in the will which may be specially
preserved from oblivion.
"I give to the church in Salem Village the sum of fifty shillings in
money, for the more adorning the Lord's Table, to be laid out in some
silver cup, at the discretion of the Pastor, Deacons, and my
overseers."—"After my wife's decease, I give to Benjamin (my adopted
son) who was very dutiful to me, while he lived with me, and helpful to
me since he has gone from me, all the remaining part of my whole
estate, both real and personal,—excepting a small parcel of land of
about two acres, that lyeth between Mrs. Walcots and George Wyotts by
the highway, which I give to the inhabitants of Salem Village, for a
training place for ever." [i.177]
The bonds required of the executors by the Probate Court were to the
amount of two hundred pounds only, showing that his movable or personal
estate was a very moderate one. There is a feature in the will, which
is, I think, worthy of being mentioned, as evincing the excellent
judgment and practical wisdom of this man.
"I give to Hannah, my well-beloved wife, the use and improvement of my
whole estate during her natural life: and my will is, that, if my wife
should marry again, he that she so marrieth, before she marry, shall
give sufficient security to my overseers not to make strip or waste
upon any of my estate; and, if he do not become so bound, I give
one-half of my whole estate to Benjamin Hutchinson, at the time of my
wife's marriage."
He did not cut her off entirely, as is sometimes attempted to be done,
in the event of a second marriage, but secured her and the estate
against suffering in case she took that step. He adopted an effectual
method to prevent any one from seeking to marry her for the purpose of
getting the benefit of her whole income and a comfortable establishment
upon his property without providing for its preservation; and, if she
should be so improvident as to marry again without having his
conditions complied with, he took care that she should not thereby
expose to injury or loss more than one-half of his estate. Ingenuity is
much exercised in making wills, particularly in reference to the
rights, interests, and security of wives. It is worthy of
consideration, whether, all things considered, Nathaniel[i.178]
Ingersoll's plan is not about as skilful and just as any that has been
devised.
We shall meet this man again in the course of our story. I trust to
your good feeling in vindication of the space I have given to his
biography; being strongly impressed with a conviction, that you will
agree with me,—taking into view the influence he constantly exerted,
his steadfast integrity and honor, his personal dignity and public
spirit,—that the life of this citizen of a retired rural community,
this plain "husbandman," is itself a monument to his memory more truly
glorious than many which have been reared to perpetuate the names of
men whom the world has called great. The "training place" has been
carefully preserved. Occupying a central point, by the side of the
principal street, this pretty lawn is a fitting memorial of the Father
of the village. In its proper character, as a training-field, it is
invested with an interest not elsewhere surpassed, if equalled. Within
its enclosure the elements of the military art have been imparted to a
greater number of persons distinguished in their day, and who have left
an imperishable glory behind them as the defenders of the country, a
brave yeomanry in arms, than on any other spot. It was probably used as
a training field at the first settlement of the village. From the
slaughter of Bloody Brook, the storming of the Narragansett Fort, and
all the early Indian wars; from the Heights of Abraham, Lake George,
Lexington, Bunker Hill, Brandywine, Pea Ridge, and a hundred other
battle-fields, a lustre[i.179] is reflected back upon this village
parade-ground. It is associated with all the military traditions of the
country, down to the late Rebellion. Lothrop, Davenport, Gardners,
Dodges, Raymonds, Putnams, Porters, Hutchinsons, Herricks, Flints, and
others, who here taught or learned the manual and drill, are names
inscribed on the rolls of history for deeds of heroism and prowess.
There was the usual diversity and variety of character among the people
of the village. John Procter originally lived in Ipswich, where he, as
well as his father before him, had a farm of considerable value. In
1666, or about that time, he removed to Salem, and carried on the
Downing farm, which had before been leased to the Flints. After a
while, Procter purchased a part of it. If a conclusion can be drawn
from the prevalent type of his posterity of our day, he was a man of
herculean frame. There is, I think, a tradition to this effect. At any
rate, his character was of that stamp. He had great native force and
energy. He was bold in his spirit and in his language,—an upright man,
no doubt, as the whole tone of the memorials of him indicate, but free
and imprudent in speech, impulsive in feeling, and sometimes rash in
action. He was liable from this cause, as we shall see, to get into
contention and give offence. There was Jeremiah Watts, a representative
of a class of men existing in every community where the intellect is
stimulated and idiosyncrasies allowed to develop themselves. By
occupation he was a dish-turner, but by temperament an
enthu[i.180]siast, a zealot, and an agitator. He was not satisfied with
things as they were, nor willing to give time an opportunity to improve
them. He took hold of the horns of the altar with daring hands. He
denounced the Church and the world,—undertook to overturn every thing,
and to put all on a new foundation. He entered on a crusade against
what he called "pulpit preaching," whereby particular persons, called
ministers, "may deliver what they please, and none must object; and
this we must pay largely for; our bread must be taken out of our
mouths, to maintain the beast's mark; and be wholly deprived of our
Christian privileges. This is the time of Antichrist's reign, and he
must reign this time: now are the witnesses slain, and the leaders in
churches are these slayers. But I see plainly that it is a vain thing
to debate about these things with our fellow-brethren; for they are all
for lording it, and trampling under foot." This man imagined that he
"was singled out alone to give his testimony for Christ, discovering
Antichrist's marks." "If any," he cried out, "will be faithful for
Christ, they must witness against Antichrist, which is self-love, and
lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God. The witnesses are now
slain, but shortly they will rise again," &c. He tried to get up
"private Christian meetings," to run an opposition to "pulpit
preaching." After going about from house to house, declaiming in this
style, denouncing all who would not fall in with his notions and act
with him, and not succeeding in overthrowing things in general, he hit
upon a new ex[i.181]pedient. As his neighbors had wit enough to let him
alone, and did not suffer themselves to be tempted to resort to the
civil power to make him keep quiet, he did it himself. He instituted
proceedings against the ministers and churches, on the charge, that, by
taking the rule into their own hands, they were supplanting the
magistrates and usurping the civil power. This was not in itself a bad
move; but the Court wisely declined to engage in the proceedings. They
neither prosecuted the case nor him, but let the whole go by. They
adhered severely to the do-nothing policy. What a world of mischief
would have been avoided, if all courts, everywhere, at all times, had
shown an equal wisdom! Watts was allowed to vex the village, torment
the minister, and perplex those who listened to him by the ingenuity
and ability with which he urged his views. He continued his brawling
declamations until he was tired; but, not being noticed by ministers or
magistrates, no great harm was done, and he probably subsided into a
quiet and respectable citizen.
The prominent place Giles Corey is to occupy in the scene before us
renders an account of him particularly necessary. It is not easy to
describe him. He was a very singular person. His manner of life and
general bearing and conversation were so disregardful, in many
particulars, of the conventional proprieties of his day, that it is not
safe to receive implicitly the statements made by his contemporaries.
By his peculiarities of some sort, he got a bad name. In the Book of
Records of the First Church in Salem, where[i.182] his public
profession of religion is recorded, he is spoken of as a man of eighty
years of age, and of a "scandalous life," but who made a confession of
his sins satisfactory to that body. It cannot be denied that he was
regarded in this light by some; but there is no reason to believe,
that, in referring to the sinfulness of his past life, the old man
meant more than was usually understood by such language on such
occasions. He was often charged with criminal acts; but in every
instance the charge was proved to be either wholly unfounded or greatly
exaggerated. He had a good many contentions and rough passages; but
they were the natural consequences, when a bold and strong man was put
upon the defensive, or drawn to the offensive, by the habit of
inconsiderate aspersion into which some of his neighbors had been led,
and the bad repute put upon him by scandal-mongers. He was evidently an
industrious, hard-working man. He was a person of some means, a holder
of considerable property in lands and other forms. Deeds are often
found on record from and to him. He owned meadows near Ipswich River.
His homestead, during the last thirty years of his life, was a farm of
more than a hundred acres of very valuable land, which has been in the
possession of the family, now owning it, for a hundred years. The
present proprietor, Mr. Benjamin Taylor, some twenty years ago,
ploughed up the site of Corey's dwelling-house; the vestiges of the
cellar being then quite visible. It was near the crossing of the Salem
and Lowell, and Georgetown and Boston Railroads,[i.183] about three
hundred feet to the west of the crossing, and close to the track of the
former road, on its south side. The spot is surrounded by beautiful
fields; and their aspect shows that it must have been, in all respects,
an eligible estate. What is now known as "the Curtis Field" is a part
of Corey's farm.