Thomas Lothrop originally lived in the town, between Collins Cove and

the North River. He became a member of the First Church in Salem, and

was admitted a freeman in 1634. He soon removed to the Farms; and his

name appears among the rate-payers at the formation of the village

parish. For many years he was deputy from Salem to the General Court;

and after Beverly was set off, as his residence at the time was on that

side of the line, he was always in the General Court, as deputy from

the new town, when his other public employments permitted. No man was

ever more identified with the history of the Salem Farms. He

contributed to form the structure of its society, and the character of

its population, by all that[i.104] a wise and good man could do. During

his whole life in America, he was more or less engaged in the military

service, in arduous, difficult, and dangerous positions and operations;

acting sometimes against Indians, and sometimes against the French, or,

as was usually the case, against them both combined. He was

occasionally sent to distant posts; commanding expeditions to the

eastward as far as Acadia. He was at one time in charge of a force at

Port Royal, now Annapolis, Nova Scotia. Increase Mather calls him a

"godly and courageous commander." When the last decisive struggle with

King Philip was approaching, and aid was needed from the eastern part

of the colony to rescue the settlements on the Connecticut River from

utter destruction, the "Flower of Essex" was summoned to the field. It

was a choice body of efficient men, "all culled out of the towns

belonging to this county," numbering about one hundred men. Lothrop, of

course, was their captain. In August, 1675, they were on the ground at

Hadley, the place of rendezvous. On the 26th of that month, Captain

Lothrop, with his company, and Captain Beers, of Watertown, with his,

after a vigorous pursuit, attacked the Indians in a swamp, about ten

miles from Hatfield, at the foot of Sugar-Loaf Hill. Ten were killed on

the side of the English, and twenty-six on the side of the Indians, who

were driven from the swamp, and scattered in their flight; to fall, as

was their custom, upon detached settlements; and continuing to waste

and destroy, by fire and sword, with[i.105] hatchet, scalping-knife,

torch, and gun. On the 18th of September, Lothrop, with his company,

started from Deerfield, to convoy a train of eighteen wagons, loaded

with grain, and furniture of the inhabitants seeking refuge from

danger, with teamsters and others. Moseley, with his men, remained

behind, to scout the woods, and give notice of the approach of Indians;

but the stealthy savages succeeded in effecting a complete surprise,

and fell upon Lothrop as his wagons were crossing a stream. They poured

in a destructive fire from the woods, in all directions. They were

seven to one. A perfect carnage ensued. Lothrop fell early in the

unequal fight, and only seven or eight of his whole party were left to

tell the story of the fatal scene. The locality of this disastrous and

sanguinary tragedy has ever since been known as "Bloody Brook." In the

list of those who perished by bullet, tomahawk, or arrow, on that

fearful morning, we read the names of many village neighbors of the

brave and lamented commander,—Thomas Bayley, Edward Trask, Josiah

Dodge, Peter Woodbury, Joseph Balch, Thomas Buckley, Joseph King,

Robert Wilson, and James Tufts. One of Lothrop's sergeants, who was

among the slain, Thomas Smith, then of Newbury, originated in the

village. His family had grants of land, including the hill called by

their name.

Captain Lothrop was as remarkable for the benevolence of his spirit and

the tenderness of his nature as for his wisdom in council, energy in

command, or gallantry in battle. Indeed, his character in private

life[i.106] was so beautiful and lovable, that I cannot refrain from

leading you into the recesses of his domestic circle. It presents a

picture of rare attractiveness. He had no children. His wife was a kind

and amiable person. They longed for objects upon which to gratify the

yearnings of their affectionate hearts. He had a large estate. His

character became known to the neighbors and the country people around.

If there was an occurrence calling for commiseration anywhere in the

vicinity, it was managed to bring it to his notice. Orphan children

were received into his household, and brought up with parental care and

tenderness. Many were, in this way, the objects of his charity and

affections. Persons especially, who were in any degree connected with

his wife's family, naturally conceived the desire to have him adopt

their children. This was the case particularly with those who were in

straitened circumstances. Others, knowing his disposition, would bring

tales of distress and destitution to his ears. Some, perhaps, turned

out to be unworthy of his goodness. In one instance, at least, where he

had taken a child into his family in its infancy, touched by appeals

made to his compassion by the parents, brought it up carefully, watched

over its education, and become attached to it, when it had reached an

age to be serviceable, the parents claimed and insisted on their right

to it, and took it away, much against his will. But the good man's

benevolence was not impaired, nor the stream of his affectionate

charities checked, by the misconduct[i.107] or ingratitude of his wards

or of their friends. His plan was to do all the good in his power to

the children thus brought into his family, to prepare them for

usefulness, and start them favorably in life. In the case of boys, he

would get them apprenticed to worthy people in useful callings. At the

time of his death, there were two grown-up members of his family, who

appear to have been foisted upon his care in their earliest childhood.

But there was no blame to be attached to them in the premises; and they

were regarded by him with much affection. There were no relations of

his own in this country in need of charitable aid or without adequate

parental protection; and it was not strange that several of his wife's

connections should have availed themselves of the benefit of his

generous disposition. She herself gives a very interesting account of

an instance of this sort, in a deposition found wrapped up among some

old papers in the county court-house. The object of the statement was

to explain how a connection of hers became domesticated in the family.

"When the child's mother was dead, my husband being with me at my

cousin's burial, and seeing our friends in so sad a condition, the poor

babe having lost its mother, and the woman that nursed it being fallen

sick, I then did say to some of my friends, that, if my husband would

give me leave, I could be very willing to take my cousin's little one

for a while, till he could better dispose of it; whereupon the child's

father did move it to my husband. My dear husband, considering my

weakness, and the incumbrance I had in the family,[i.108] was pleased

to return this answer,—that he did not see how it was possible for his

wife to undergo such a burden. The next day there came a friend to our

house, a woman which gave suck, and she understanding how the poor babe

was left, being intreated, was willing to take it to nurse, and

forthwith it was brought to her: but it had not been with her three

weeks before it pleased the Lord to visit that nurse with sickness

also; and the nurse's mother came to me desiring I would take the child

from her daughter, and then my dear husband, observing the providence

of God, was freely willing to receive her into his house."

At the time when this addition was made to his family, there was

certainly already in it another of his wife's connections, who had been

brought there when an infant in a manner perhaps equally singular, and

who had grown up to maturity. The particular "incumbrance," however,

spoken of by her, related to another matter. She was an only daughter.

Her father had died many years before, at quite an advanced age. Her

mother, who was sickly and infirm as well as aged, was taken

immediately into her family, and remained under her roof until her

death. In her weak and helpless condition, much care and exertion were

thrown upon her daughter. The only objection the captain seemed to have

to increasing the burden of the household, by receiving into it this

additional child with its nurse, resulted from conjugal tenderness and

considerateness. It must be confessed that there are some indications

of well-arranged management in the foregoing account. The friend who

happened to[i.109] call at the house the "next day," and who was able

to supply what the "poor babe" needed, certainly came very opportunely;

and there was altogether a remarkable concurrence and sequence of

circumstances. But all that he saw was a case of suffering, helpless

innocence, and an opportunity for benevolence and charity; and in

these, with a true theology, he read "a providence of God." That child

continued, to the hour when he took his last farewell of his family,

beneath his roof, and was an object of affectionate care, and in her

amiable qualities a source of happiness to him and his good wife. It is

stated that the children, thus from time to time domesticated in the

family, called him father, and that he addressed them as his children.

While they were infants, he was "a tender nursing father" to them. When

fondling them in his arms, in the presence of his wife, he would

solemnly take notice of the providence of God that had "disposed of

them from one place to another" until they had been brought to him; and

"would present them in his desires to God, and implore a blessing upon

them."

The picture presented in the foregoing details is worth rescuing from

oblivion. Such instances of actual life, exhibited in the most private

spheres, constitute a branch of history more valuable, in some

respects, than the public acts of official dignitaries. History has

been too exclusively confined, in its materials, to the movements of

states and of armies. It ought to paint the portraits of individual men

and[i.110] women in their common lives; it ought to lead us into the

interior of society, and introduce us to the family circles and home

experiences of the past. It cannot but do us good to know Thomas

Lothrop, not only as an early counsellor among the legislators of the

colony, and as having immortalized by his blood a memorable field of

battle and slaughter, but as the centre of a happy and virtuous

household on a New England farm. He made that home happy by his

benignant virtue. Although denied the blessing of children of his own,

his fireside was enlivened with the prattle and gayeties of the young.

Joy and hope and growth were within his walls. He was not a parent; but

his heart was kept warm with parental affections. He had a home where

dear ones waited for him, and rushed out to meet and cling round him

with loving arms, and welcome him with merry voices, when he returned

from the sessions of the General Court, or from campaigns against the

French and Indians.

Besides these offices of beneficence in the domestic sphere, we find

traces, in the local records, of constant usefulness and kindness among

his rural neighbors. He was called, on all occasions, to advise and

assist. As a judicious friend, he was relied upon and sought at the

bedside of the sick and dying, and in families bereaved of their head.

His name appears as a witness to wills, appraiser of estates, trustee

and guardian of the young. He was the friend of all. I know not where

to find a more perfect union of the hero and[i.111] the Christian; of

all that is manly and chivalrous with all that is tender, benevolent,

and devout.

Somewhere about the year 1650, after he had been married a considerable

time, he revisited his native country. A sister, Ellen, had, in the

mean while, grown up from early childhood; and he found her all that a

fond brother could have hoped for. With much persuasion, he besought

his mother to allow her to return with him to America. He stated that

he had no children; that he would be a father to her, and watch over

and care for her as for his own child. At length the mother yielded,

and committed her daughter to his custody, not without great

reluctance, trusting to his fraternal affection and plighted promise.

He brought her over with him to his American home. She was worthy of

his love, and he was true to his sacred and precious trust.

Ellen Lothrop became the wife of Ezekiel Cheever, the great

schoolmaster; and I should consider myself false to all good learning,

if I allowed the name of this famous old man to slip by, without

pausing to pay homage to it. His record, as a teacher of a Latin

Grammar School, is unrivalled. Twelve years at New Haven, eleven at

Ipswich, nine at Charlestown, and more than thirty-eight at

Boston,—more than seventy in all,—may it not be safely said that he was

one of the very greatest benefactors of America? With Elijah Corlett,

who taught a similar school at Cambridge for more than forty years, he

bridged over the wide chasm between the education brought with

them[i.112] by the fathers from the old country, and the education that

was reared in the new. They fed and kept alive the lamp of learning

through the dark age of our history. All the scholars raised here were

trained by them. One of Cotton Mather's most characteristic productions

is the tribute to his venerated master. It flows from a heart warm with

gratitude. "Although he had usefully spent his life among children, yet

he was not become twice a child," but held his faculties to the last.

"In this great work of bringing our sons to be men, he was my master

seven and thirty years ago, was master to my betters no less than

seventy years ago; so long ago, that I must even mention my father's

tutor for one of them. He was a Christian of the old fashion,—an old

New England Christian; and I may tell you, that was as venerable a

sight, as the world, since the days of primitive Christianity, has ever

looked upon. He lived, as a master, the term which has been, for above

three thousand years, assigned for the life of a man." Mather

celebrated his praises in a poetical effusion:—

"He lived, and to vast age no illness knew,

Till Time's scythe, waiting for him, rusty grew.

He lived and wrought; his labors were immense,

But ne'er declined to preterperfect tense.

* * * * *

'Tis Corlett's pains, and Cheever's, we must own,

That thou, New England, art not Scythia grown."

To our early schoolmasters, as Mather says, and the later too, I may

add, it is owing, that the whole country did not become another

Scythia.[i.113]

Ezekiel Cheever was in this country as early as 1637. He was then in

New Haven, sharing in the work of the first settlement of that colony,

teaching school as his ordinary employment, but sometimes preaching,

and in other ways helping to lay the foundations of church and

commonwealth. While there, he had a family of several children. The

first-born, Samuel, became the minister of Marblehead. In 1650, he was

keeping a school at Ipswich. About this time, he lost his wife. On the

18th of November, 1652, he married Ellen, the sister whom Captain

Lothrop had brought with him from England. They had several children;

one of them, Thomas, was ordained first at Malden, and afterwards at

Chelsea. The old schoolmaster died on the 21st of August, 1708, aged

ninety-three years and seven months. His son Thomas reached the same

age. Samuel, the minister at Marblehead, was eighty-five years old at

his death. The name of Ezekiel, jr., appears on the rate-list of the

village parish as late as 1731, so that he must have reached the age of

at least seventy-seven years.

The antiquarians have been sorely perplexed in determining the

relationship of the Cheevers and Reas, as they appear to be connected

together as heirs of the Lothrop property, in an order of the General

Court of the 11th of June, 1681.

The facts are these: Captain Lothrop married Bethia, daughter of Daniel

Rea. He died without issue, and had made no will. As he was killed in

battle, his widow undertook to set up a nuncupative[i.114] will. A

snow-storm, on the day appointed to act upon the matter, so blocked up

the roads, that neither Ezekiel Cheever nor his son Thomas, who had

charge of his mother's rights, could get to Salem; and the court

granted administration to the widow. The Cheevers demanded a rehearing:

it was granted; and quite an interesting and pertinacious law-suit

arose, which was finally carried up to the General Court, who decided

it in 1681. The widow does not appear to have been actuated by merely

selfish motives, but sought to divert a portion of the landed estate

from the only legal heir, Ellen, the wife of Ezekiel Cheever, to other

parties, in favor of whom her feelings were much enlisted. There is no

indication of any unfriendliness between her and her "sister Cheever."

Lothrop's wife had become much attached to one of her connections, who

had been brought into the family. Her husband, having been fond of

children, had often expressed great affection for those of her brother,

Joshua Rea. He had also sometimes, in expressing his interest in the

Beverly Church, evinced a disposition to leave to it "his ten acre lot

and his house upon the same," as a parsonage. Perhaps, if he had not

been suddenly called away, he might have done something, particularly

for the latter object. It appeared in evidence, from her statements and

from others, that he had been importuned to make a will, and that it

was much on his mind, particularly when recovering from a long and

dangerous sickness the winter before his death; but he never could

be[i.115] brought to do it. There was no evidence that he had ever

absolutely determined on any thing positively or specifically. His

widow, who seems to have been a perfectly honest and truthful woman,

testified to a conversation that passed between them on the subject, as

they were riding "together towards Wenham, the last spring, in the week

before the Court of election." In passing by particular pieces of

property owned by him, he indulged in some speculations as to what

disposal he should make of this or that pasture or plain or woodland.

But she did not represent that his expressions were absolute and

determinate, but rather indicative of the then inclination of his mind.

In another part of her statement, she said, "I did desire him to make

his will, which, when he was sick, I did more than once or twice; and

his answer to me was, that he did look upon it as that which was very

requisite and fit should be done. But, dear wife, thou hast no cause to

be troubled; if I should die and not make a will, it would be never the

worse for thee; thyself would have the more." It is not difficult to

understand the case as it probably stood in the mind of Captain

Lothrop. Whenever the subject of making a will, and doing kind things

for the Beverly parish, and the individuals in whose behalf his wife

was so anxious, was brought up, he felt the force, as he expressed it,

"of the duty which God required of a master of a family to set his

house in order;" and he was no doubt strongly moved, and sometimes

almost resolved, to gratify her wishes: but he remembered the[i.116]

solemn promise he had made to his mother, as he parted from her for

ever, and received his sister from her hands, and every sentiment of

honor, and of filial and fraternal love, restrained him; and his mind

settled into a conviction that it was his duty to allow his sister the

benefit of the final inheritance of his property. As the particular

persons to whom his wife wished him to make bequests were her

relatives, and the law would give her an ample allowance in the use,

for life, of his large landed property, she would be able to provide

for them after his death, as he had been in the habit of doing.

The General Court took a just view of the case, and decided that she

should have the whole movable estate for her own "use and dispose," and

the "use and benefit" for life of the houses and lands, "making no

strip nor waste;" after her death, the same to go to Ellen, the wife of

Ezekiel Cheever. The widow was to pay all debts due from the estate,

and also twenty pounds to the children of her brother, Joshua Rea. The

Court seemed to think, that, if any expectations had been excited in

that quarter, she was fully as responsible for it as her late husband;

and, as the Cheevers were to get nothing, while she lived, out of the

estate, the Court required her to pay the sum just named to her nephews

and nieces. They ordered Ezekiel Cheever to pay five pounds as costs

for their hearing the case, which he did on the spot.

It may be mentioned, by the way, that the widow of Captain Lothrop was

married again within eight[i.117] months of his death; but that was

quite usual in those days. She and her new husband concluded that it

would be troublesome to take care of Captain Lothrop's several farms.

They preferred to live in the town. She was probably over sixty years

of age. The conclusion of the whole matter was, that, in consideration

of sixty pounds paid down, they surrendered all claim whatever to the

"houseing and lands" left by Captain Lothrop, to Cheever and his wife.

They conveyed them "free and clear of and from all debts owing from the

estate of said Lothrop, and gifts or bequests pretended to be made by

him, or by any ways or means to be had, claimed, or challenged

therefrom by any person or persons whomsoever." The relict of Captain

Lothrop died in 1688.

Ezekiel Cheever and his wife, having thus become possessed of all her

brother's real estate, conveyed the lands belonging to it in Salem

Village to their son, Ezekiel Cheever, Jr. He had, for some years, been

living in the town of Salem, carrying on the business of a tailor. He

was a member of the First Church, and appears to have been a

respectable person. His dwelling-house stood on the lot in Washington

Street occupied by the late Robert Brookhouse. He sold it to the Rev.

Nicholas Noyes, on the 14th of April, 1684, removed to the village,

took possession of the Lothrop farm, and was there in time to bear a

share in the witchcraft delusion.

In 1636, a grant of land was made to Thomas Gardner of one hundred

acres. He came to this[i.118] country as early as 1624, and resided at

Cape Ann. Subsequently he removed to Salem, and, with his wife, was

admitted to the church. He was deputy to the General Court in 1637. His

grant was in the western part of the township, and embraced land

included within the limits of Salem Village. The name still remains on

the same territory. His sons became proprietors of several additional

tracts in the neighborhood. One of them, Joseph, is connected, in the

most conspicuous and interesting manner, with our military history.

Salem Witchcraft, Volumes I and II With an Account of Salem Village and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects · 第 9 / 72 段