The Count of Meghen was equally violent in his language. Aremberg was

for ordering "their reverences; the confederates," to, quit Brussels

without delay. The conversation, carried on in so violent a key, might

not unnaturally have been heard by such of the gentlemen as had not yet

left the grand hall adjoining the council chamber. The meeting of the

council was then adjourned for an hour or two, to meet again in the

afternoon, for the purpose of deciding deliberately upon the answer

to be given to the Request. Meanwhile, many of the confederates were

swaggering about the streets, talking very bravely of the scene which had

just occurred, and it is probable, boasting not a little of the effect

which their demonstration would produce. As they passed by the house of

Berlaymont, that nobleman, standing at his window in company with Count

Aremberg, is said to have repeated his jest. "There go our fine beggars

again," said he. "Look, I pray you, with what bravado they are passing

before us!"

On the 6th of April, Brederode, attended by a large number of his

companions, again made his appearance at the palace. He then received

the petition, which was returned to him with an apostille or commentary

to this effect:--Her Highness would despatch an envoy for the purpose of

inducing his Majesty to grant the Request. Every thing worthy of the

King's unaffected (naive) and customary benignity might be expected as to

the result. The Duchess had already, with the assistance of the state

and privy councillors, Fleece knights and governors, commenced a project

for moderating the edicts, to be laid before the King. As her authority

did not allow her to suspend the inquisition and placards, she was

confident that the petitioners would be satisfied with the special

application about to be made to the King. Meantime, she would give

orders to all inquisitors, that they should proceed "modestly and

discreetly" in their office, so that no one would have cause to complain.

Her Highness hoped likewise that the gentlemen on their part would

conduct themselves in a loyal and satisfactory manner; thus proving that

they had no intention to make innovations in the ancient religion of the

country.

Upon the next day but one, Monday, 8th of April, Brederode, attended by

a number of the confederates, again made his appearance at the palace,

for the purpose of delivering an answer to the Apostille. In this second

paper the confederates rendered thanks for the prompt reply which the

Duchess had given to their Request, expressed regrets that she did not

feel at liberty to suspend the inquisition, and declared their confidence

that she would at once give such orders to the inquisitors and

magistrates that prosecutions for religious matters should cease,

until the King's further pleasure should be declared. They professed

themselves desirous of maintaining whatever regulations should be

thereafter established by his Majesty, with the advice and consent of the

states-general, for the security of the ancient religion, and promised to

conduct themselves generally in such wise that her Highness would have

every reason to be satisfied with them. They, moreover, requested that

the Duchess would cause the Petition to be printed in authentic form by

the government printer.

The admission that the confederates would maintain the ancient religion

had been obtained, as Margaret informed her brother, through the

dexterous management of Hoogstraaten, without suspicion on the part of

the petitioners that the proposition for such a declaration came from

her.

The Duchess replied by word of mouth to the second address thus made

to her by the confederates, that she could not go beyond the Apostille

which she had put on record. She had already caused letters for the

inquisitors and magistrates to be drawn up. The minutes for those

instructions should be laid before the confederates by Count Hoogstraaten

and Secretary Berty. As for the printing of their petition, she was

willing to grant their demand, and would give orders to that effect.

The gentlemen having received this answer, retired into the great hall.

After a few minutes' consultation, however, they returned to the council

chamber, where the Seigneur d'Esquerdes, one of their number, addressed

a few parting words, in the name of his associates, to the Regent;

concluding with a request that she would declare, the confederates to

have done no act, and made no demonstration, inconsistent with their duty

and with a perfect respect for his Majesty.

To this demand the Duchess answered somewhat drily that she could not be

judge in such a cause. Time and their future deeds, she observed, could

only bear witness as to their purposes. As for declarations from her,

they must be satisfied with the Apostille which they had already

received.

With this response, somewhat more tart than agreeable, the nobles were

obliged to content themselves, and they accordingly took their leave.

It must be confessed that they had been disposed to slide rather

cavalierly over a good deal of ground towards the great object which they

had in view. Certainly the petitio principii was a main feature of their

logic. They had, in their second address, expressed perfect confidence

as to two very considerable concessions. The Duchess was practically to

suspend the inquisition, although she had declared herself without

authority for that purpose, The King, who claimed, de jure and de facto,

the whole legislative power, was thenceforth to make laws on religious

matters by and with the consent of the states-general. Certainly, these

ends were very laudable, and if a civil and religious revolution could

have been effected by a few gentlemen going to court in fine clothes to

present a petition, and by sitting down to a tremendous banquet

afterwards, Brederode and his associates were the men to accomplish the

task. Unfortunately, a sea of blood and long years of conflict lay

between the nation and the promised land, which for a moment seemed so

nearly within reach.

Meantime the next important step in Brederode's eyes was a dinner. He

accordingly invited the confederates to a magnificent repast which he had

ordered to be prepared in the Culemburg mansion. Three hundred guests

sat down, upon the 8th of April, to this luxurious banquet, which was

destined to become historical.

The board glittered with silver and gold. The wine circulated with more

than its usual rapidity among the band of noble Bacchanals, who were

never weary of drinking the healths of Brederode, of Orange, and of

Egmont. It was thought that the occasion imperiously demanded an

extraordinary carouse, and the political events of the past three days

lent an additional excitement to the wine. There was an earnest

discussion as to an appropriate name to be given to their confederacy.

Should they call themselves the "Society of Concord," the restorers of

lost liberty, or by what other attractive title should the league be

baptized? Brederode was, however, already prepared to settle the

question. He knew the value of a popular and original name; he possessed

the instinct by which adroit partisans in every age have been accustomed

to convert the reproachful epithets of their opponents into watchwords of

honor, and he had already made his preparations for a startling

theatrical effect. Suddenly, amid the din of voices, he arose, with all

his rhetorical powers at command: He recounted to the company the

observations which the Seigneur de Berlaymont was reported to have made

to the Duchess, upon the presentation of the Request, and the name which

he had thought fit to apply to them collectively. Most of the gentlemen

then heard the memorable sarcasm for the first time. Great was the

indignation of all that the state councillor should have dared to

stigmatize as beggars a band of gentlemen with the best blood of the

land in their veins. Brederode, on the contrary, smoothing their anger,

assured them with good humor that nothing could be more fortunate. "They

call us beggars!" said he; "let us accept the name. We will contend with

the inquisition, but remain loyal to the King, even till compelled to

wear the beggar's sack."

He then beckoned to one of his pages, who brought him a leathern wallet,

such as was worn at that day by professional mendicants, together with a

large wooden bowl, which also formed part of their regular appurtenances.

Brederode immediately hung the wallet around his neck, filled the bowl

with wine, lifted it with both hands, and drained it at a draught.

"Long live the beggars!" he cried, as he wiped his beard and set the

bowl down. "Vivent les gueulx." Then for the first time, from the lips

of those reckless nobles rose the famous, cry, which was so often to ring

over land and sea, amid blazing cities, on blood-stained decks, through

the smoke and carnage of many a stricken field. The humor of Brederode

was hailed with deafening shouts of applause. The Count then threw the

wallet around the neck of his nearest neighbor, and handed him the wooden

bawl. Each guest, in turn, donned the mendicant's knapsack. Pushing

aside his golden goblet, each filled the beggars' bowl to the brim, and

drained it to the beggars' health. Roars of laughter, and shouts of

"Vivent les gueulx" shook the walls of the stately mansion, as they were

doomed never to shake again. The shibboleth was invented. The

conjuration which they had been anxiously seeking was found. Their

enemies had provided them with a spell, which was to prove, in after

days, potent enough to start a spirit from palace or hovel, forest or

wave, as the deeds of the "wild beggars," the "wood beggars," and the

"beggars of the sea" taught Philip at last to understand the nation which

he had driven to madness.

When the wallet and bowl had made the circuit of the table, they were

suspended to a pillar in the hall. Each of the company in succession

then threw some salt into his goblet, and, placing himself under these

symbols of the brotherhood, repeated a jingling distich, produced

impromptu for the occasion.

By this salt, by this bread, by this wallet we swear,

These beggars ne'er will change, though all the world should stare.

This ridiculous ceremony completed the rites by which the confederacy

received its name; but the banquet was by no means terminated. The

uproar became furious. The younger and more reckless nobles abandoned

themselves to revelry, which would have shamed heathen Saturnalia. They

renewed to each other, every moment, their vociferous oaths of fidelity

to the common cause, drained huge beakers to the beggars' health, turned

their caps and doublets inside out, danced upon chairs and tables.

Several addressed each other as Lord Abbot, or Reverend Prior, of this

or that religious institution, thus indicating the means by which some

of them hoped to mend their broken fortunes.

While the tumult was at its height, the Prince of Orange with Counts Horn

and Egmont entered the apartment. They had been dining quietly with

Mansfeld, who was confined to his house with an inflamed eye, and they

were on their way to the council chamber, where the sessions were now

prolonged nightly to a late hour. Knowing that Hoogstraaten, somewhat

against his will, had been induced to be present at the banquet, they had

come round by the way of Culemburg House, to induce him to retire. They

were also disposed, if possible, to abridge the festivities which their

influence would have been powerless to prevent.

These great nobles, as soon as they made their appearance, were

surrounded by a crew of "beggars," maddened and dripping with their,

recent baptism of wine, who compelled them to drink a cup amid shouts of

"Vivent le roi et les gueulx!" The meaning of this cry they of course

could not understand, for even those who had heard Berlaymont's

contemptuous remarks, might not remember the exact term which he had

used, and certainly could not be aware of the importance to which it had

just been elevated. As for Horn, he disliked and had long before

quarrelled with Brederode, had prevented many persons from signing the

Compromise, and, although a guest at that time of Orange, was in the

habit of retiring to bed before supper, to avoid the company of many who

frequented the house. Yet his presence for a few moments, with the best

intentions, at the conclusion of this famous banquet, was made one of the

most deadly charges which were afterwards drawn up against him by the

Crown. The three seigniors refused to be seated, and remained but for a

moment, "the length of a Miserere," taking with them Hoogstraaten as they

retired. They also prevailed upon the whole party to break up at the

same time, so that their presence had served at least to put a conclusion

to the disgraceful riot. When they arrived at the council chamber they

received the thanks of the Duchess for what they had done.

Such was the first movement made by the members of the Compromise. Was

it strange that Orange should feel little affinity with such companions?

Had he not reason to hesitate, if the sacred cause of civil and religious

liberty could only be maintained by these defenders and with such

assistance?

The "beggars" did not content themselves with the name alone of the time-

honored fraternity of Mendicants in which they had enrolled themselves.

Immediately after the Culemburg banquet, a costume for the confederacy

was decided upon.

These young gentlemen discarding gold lace and velvet, thought it

expedient to array themselves in doublets and hose of ashen grey, with

short cloaks of the same color, all of the coarsest materials. They

appeared in this guise in the streets, with common felt hats on their

heads, and beggars' pouches and bowls at their sides. They caused also

medals of lead and copper to be struck, bearing upon one side the head

of Philip; upon the reverse, two hands clasped within a wallet, with the

motto, "Faithful to the King, even to wearing the beggar's sack." These

badges they wore around their necks, or as buttons to their hats. As a

further distinction they shaved their beards close, excepting the

moustachios, which were left long and pendent in the Turkish fashion,

--that custom, as it seemed, being an additional characteristic of

Mendicants.

Very soon after these events the nobles of the league dispersed from the

capital to their various homes. Brederode rode out of Brussels at the

head of a band of cavaliers, who saluted the concourse of applauding

spectators with a discharge of their pistols. Forty-three gentlemen

accompanied him to Antwerp, where he halted for a night. The Duchess had

already sent notice to the magistrates of that city of his intended

visit, and warned them to have an eye upon his proceedings. "The great

beggar," as Hoogstraaten called him, conducted himself, however, with as

much propriety as could be expected. Four or five thousand of the

inhabitants thronged about the hotel where he had taken up his quarters.

He appeared at a window with his wooden bowl, filled with wine, in his

hands, and his wallet at his side. He assured the multitude that he was

ready to die to defend the good people of Antwerp and of all the

Netherlands against the edicts and the inquisition. Meantime he drank

their healths, and begged all who accepted the pledge to hold up their

hands. The populace, highly amused, held up and clapped their hands as

honest Brederode drained his bowl, and were soon afterwards persuaded to

retire in great good humor.

These proceedings were all chronicled and transmitted to Madrid. It was

also both publicly reported and secretly registered, that Brederode had

eaten capons and other meat at Antwerp, upon Good Friday, which happened

to be the, day of his visit to that city. He denied the charge, however;

with ludicrous vehemence. "They who have told Madame that we ate meat in

Antwerp," he wrote to Count Louis, "have lied wickedly and miserably,

twenty-four feet down in their throats." He added that his nephew,

Charles Mansfeld, who, notwithstanding the indignant prohibition of his

father, had assisted of the presentation of the Request, and was then in

his uncle's company at Antwerp, had ordered a capon, which Brederode had

countermanded. "They told me afterwards," said he, "that my nephew had

broiled a sausage in his chamber. I suppose that he thought himself in

Spain, where they allow themselves such dainties."

Let it not be thought that these trifles are beneath the dignity of

history. Matters like these filled the whole soul of Philip, swelled

the bills of indictment for thousands of higher and better men than

Brederode, and furnished occupation as well for secret correspondents and

spies as for the most dignified functionaries of Government. Capons or

sausages on Good Friday, the Psalms of Clement Marot, the Sermon on the

Mount in the vernacular, led to the rack, the gibbet, and the stake, but

ushered in a war against the inquisition which was to last for eighty

years. Brederode was not to be the hero of that party which he disgraced

by his buffoonery. Had he lived, he might, perhaps, like many of his

confederates, have redeemed, by his bravery in the field, a character

which his orgies had rendered despicable. He now left Antwerp for the

north of Holland, where, as he soon afterwards reported to Count Louis,

"the beggars were as numerous as the sands on the seashore."

His "nephew Charles," two months afterwards, obeyed his father's

injunction, and withdrew formally from the confederacy.

Meantime the rumor had gone abroad that the Request of the nobles had

already produced good fruit, that the edicts were to be mitigated, the

inquisition abolished, liberty of conscience eventually to prevail.

"Upon these reports," says a contemporary, "all the vermin of exiles and

fugitives for religion, as well as those who had kept in concealment,

began to lift up their heads and thrust forth their horns." It was known

that Margaret of Parma had ordered the inquisitors and magistrates to

conduct themselves "modestly and discreetly." It was known that the

privy council was hard at work upon the project for "moderating" the

edicts. Modestly and discreetly, Margaret of Parma, almost immediately

after giving these orders, and while the "moderation" was still in the

hands of the lawyers, informed her brother that she had given personal

attention to the case of a person who had snatched the holy wafer from

the priest's hand at Oudenarde. This "quidam," as she called him--for

his name was beneath the cognizance of an Emperor's bastard daughter--had

by her orders received rigorous and exemplary justice. And what was the

"rigorous and exemplary justice" thus inflicted upon the "quidam?" The

procurator of the neighboring city of Tournay has enabled us to answer.

The young man, who was a tapestry weaver, Hans Tiskaen by name, had,

upon the 30th May, thrown the holy wafer upon the ground. For this

crime, which was the same as that committed on Christmas-day of the

previous year by Bertrand le Blas, at Tournay, he now met with a similar

although not quite so severe a punishment. Having gone quietly home

after doing the deed, he was pursued, arrested, and upon the Saturday

ensuing taken to the market-place of Oudenarde. Here the right hand with

which he had committed the offence was cut off, and he was then fastened

to the stake and burned to death over a slow fire. He was fortunately

not more than a quarter of an hour in torment, but he persisted in his

opinions, and called on God for support to his last breath.

This homely tragedy was enacted at Oudenarde, the birth place of Duchess

Margaret. She was the daughter of the puissant Charles the Fifth, but

her mother was only the daughter of a citizen of Oudenarde; of a "quidam"

like the nameless weaver who had thus been burned by her express order.

It was not to be supposed, however, that the circumstance could operate

in so great a malefactor's favor. Moreover, at the same moment, she sent

orders that a like punishment should be inflicted upon another person

then in a Flemish prison, for the crime of anabaptism.

The privy council, assisted by thirteen knights of the Fleece, had been

hard at work, and the result of their wisdom was at last revealed in a

"moderation" consisting of fifty-three articles.

What now was the substance of those fifty-three articles, so painfully

elaborated by Viglius, so handsomely drawn up into shape by Councillor

d'Assonleville? Simply to substitute the halter for the fagot. After

elimination of all verbiage, this fact was the only residuum. It was

most distinctly laid down that all forms of religion except the Roman

Catholic were forbidden; that no public or secret conventicles were to

be allowed; that all heretical writings were to be suppressed; that all

curious inquiries into the Scriptures were to be prohibited. Persons who

infringed these regulations were divided into two classes--the misleaders

and the misled. There was an affectation of granting mercy to persons in

the second category, while death was denounced upon those composing the

first. It was merely an affectation; for the rambling statute was so

open in all its clauses, that the Juggernaut car of persecution could be

driven through the whole of them, whenever such a course should seem

expedient. Every man or woman in the Netherlands might be placed in

the list of the misleaders, at the discretion of the officials.

The pretended mercy to the misguided was a mere delusion.

The superintendents, preachers, teachers, ministers, sermon-makers,

deacons, and other officers, were to be executed with the halter, with

confiscation of their whole property. So much was very plain. Other

heretics, however, who would abjure their heresy before the bishop, might

be pardoned for the first offence, but if obstinate, were to be banished.

This seemed an indication of mercy, at least to the repentant criminals.

But who were these "other" heretics? All persons who discussed religious

matters were to be put to death. All persons, not having studied

theology at a "renowned university," who searched and expounded the

Scriptures, were to be put to death. All persons in whose houses any act

of the perverse religion should be committed, were to be put to death.

All persons who harbored or protected ministers and teachers of any sect,

were to be put to death. All the criminals thus carefully enumerated

were to be executed, whether repentant or not. If, however, they abjured

their errors, they were to be beheaded instead of being strangled. Thus

it was obvious that almost any heretic might be brought to the halter at

a moment's notice.

Strictly speaking, the idea of death by the halter or the axe was less

shocking to the imagination than that of being burned or buried alive.

In this respect, therefore, the edicts were softened by the proposed

"Moderation." It would, however, always be difficult to persuade any

considerable slumber of intelligent persons, that the infliction of a

violent death, by whatever process, on account of religious opinions, was

an act of clemency. The Netherlanders were, however, to be persuaded

into this belief. The draft of the new edict was ostentatiously called

the "Moderatie," or the "Moderation." It was very natural, therefore,

that the common people, by a quibble, which is the same in Flemish as in

English, should call the proposed "Moderation" the "Murderation." The

rough mother-wit of the people had already characterized and annihilated

the project, while dull formalists were carrying it through the

preliminary stages.

The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 10: 1566, part I · 第 2 / 6 段