THE CHANCELLOR ON BULGARIA AND SERVIA, AUSTRIA AND RUSSIA, THE
BATTENBERGER AND THE TSAR--HIS VIEW OF THE TREATMENT OF THE
RUSSIAN BALTIC PROVINCES--A COMPARISON BETWEEN ENGLISH PARTIES
AND OUR OWN--GERMANY AND ENGLAND IN AFRICA--THE CHANCELLOR
ON THE MILITARY QUESTION, AND THE THREATENED CONFLICT IN THE
REICHSTAG--WHAT HE SAID THERE WAS ADDRESSED TO RUSSIA--THE
TSAR’S CONFIDENCE IN THE CHANCELLOR--THE CROWN PRINCE AND HIS
CONSORT--BISMARCK AND HIS WORK--WHAT IS GREATNESS?--THE CHIEF
ON HIS OWN DEATH--INTERVIEW WITH THE CHIEF ON THE MARRIAGE OF
THE BATTENBERGER, AND INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE “GRENZBOTEN” ARTICLE,
“FOREIGN INFLUENCES IN THE EMPIRE”--BEWARE OF THE PRESS LAWS--NOT
TOO VENOMOUS--A SURVEY OF BRITISH POLICY--THE CATALOGUE OF
ENGLAND’S SINS--TWO EMPRESSES AGAINST THE CHANCELLOR--QUEEN
VICTORIA AT CHARLOTTENBURG--DEATH OF THE ‘INCUBUS.’
At 11 A.M., on the morning of the 5th of January, 1886, I handed
in at the Imperial Chancellor’s residence in the Wilhelmstrasse a
letter offering, as usual, my services and requesting an interview.
Having received a favourable reply, I was at the palace punctually
at 3 P.M., and was at once shown in to the Prince. He shook hands
saying: “How do you do, Büschlein?” I sat down at the writing-table
opposite to him. On my remarking that he looked exceptionally well,
he complained of the continuance of his faceache, which did not arise
from a bad tooth, as I had supposed, and for which Schweninger could
do nothing. His cure had only prevented him from getting stouter and
relieved his biliousness. He then said: “There is nothing going on in
politics just now.”
I: “One sees that from the newspapers. You take care that they shall
have nothing of importance to write about. You have again preserved
the peace for us.”
He: “In Bulgaria, where the Austrian policy was inconceivably bad.
It was as if they had no agents whatever there, no one to observe
and report. They were of opinion that the Rumelian business was
instigated by the Russians and in their interest, and so they thought
‘If you let your Bulgarians loose we will march out our Servians.’
They obviously promised the latter more than they could perform,
and when the war went against Milan made enemies of both sides.
Khevenhüller acted too roughly. He threatened the Prince that if he
did not call a halt within twenty-four hours the Austrians would
march against him. And the Servians were also obliged to stop and
their action crippled. Now the Bulgarians complain, ‘If you had
not crossed our path we should be in Belgrade by this time,’ and
the Servians, on the other hand, assert that if they had not been
ordered to keep the peace they would have renewed the struggle with
fresh forces, and wiped out their defeat. The policy which they
are carrying on in Vienna is that of the father confessor and the
banker. The Länderbank, which advanced the Servians the money for the
war, is acting like the Caisse d’Escompte in Paris, and exercises
similar influence. It is as if Cohn, the banker at Dresden, wanted to
influence our policy. They ought to know in Vienna that the events
in Rumelia are the result of English wire-pulling, and that it is
England who supports the Prince. He has been on bad terms with the
Emperor Alexander for years past. He is a man of intelligence, but
false and untrustworthy, and that is known in St. Petersburg. At the
present moment the Battenberger is the main hindrance in the way of a
satisfactory settlement of the Bulgarian question. The Emperor does
not trust him even after his recent praise of the Russian officers.
Order must be re-established from the outside, through an occupation
by foreign troops--but who is to supply them? It would not do for the
Russians to undertake the job, and just as little for the Austrians.”
I: “Might I ask what is your opinion of the character of the Emperor
Alexander?”
He: “He is better than his reputation in our newspapers, more
sensible, a simpler nature, and above all more honourable. Quite
different to his father, more manly, and neither imaginative
nor sentimental. He is a respectable father of a family, has no
_liaisons_ and makes no debts. Having nothing to conceal, it is not
necessary for him to trouble his head with vain imaginings and tricky
deceptions. But he is subject to ecclesiastical influences.”
I: “Pobedonoszeff?”
He: “Yes, and others.” He then related: “He was in Copenhagen during
the complications with the English respecting Afghanistan, and Giers
telegraphed to him repeatedly begging him to return. He remained,
however, saying, ‘Giers has his hands full (hat die Hosen voll) but
he must see for himself how he is going to put the matter straight.’”
I: “He has been described to me as stupid, exceedingly stupid; but
that was from a Baltic source.”
He: “In a general way that is saying too much, but of course
allowance must be made for the inhabitants of the Baltic Provinces.
Poor people! But we cannot help them. History furnishes many
instances in which Divine Providence has permitted such nobler
communities and peoples to be swallowed up by a larger but less noble
nation. In this case it is unwise on the part of the Government,
and it does more harm to Russia than to us, when they allow such a
breeding establishment for good generals, like Todtleben, and for
capable diplomatists as they possess in the nobility of the Baltic
Provinces to be ruined. They have in view the unity of the Empire and
not without reason, as is shown in the case of the Poles, but that
they should carry it so far and go to work in such a crude way, and
in particular that they should incite the populace against the upper
classes! I have often wondered why more of them do not sell out and
emigrate. But this oppression is more damaging to the Russians than
to us, and, moreover, the Baltic Germans never formed part of the
German Empire, although they have always been closely associated with
the popular life of Germany.”
I asked: “Might I inquire on what footing your Serene Highness now
stands with the Crown Prince? You have recently been dining with
him.”
He: “Oh, quite satisfactory, and for several months past, as also
with _her_. When the Emperor seemed to be drawing near his latter
end, he approached me, as he saw that the time was at hand when he
must plunge into the water and swim on his own account. Ever since we
have been on good terms. He wishes to retain me, and when he commands
as King I must remain, although I am ill and require rest--but we
must come to an understanding first. The main point for him is to get
some one to conduct the foreign policy. Domestic affairs would go on
all right under Bötticher, who manages them quite well, except that
he is rather too vehement, so that water must sometimes be poured
into his wine.” He then spoke against the “collegial system”[12] and
in favour of a homogeneous administration.
I mentioned the Emperor and the jubilee of his reign, observing
that a good text for a sermon on that occasion would be found in
Ecclesiasticus, where it is said “The work praiseth the master, and
his hands do honour to a wise prince”; and in particular the further
passage “the prosperity of a ruler resteth with God; he giveth him a
worthy Chancellor;” and again, “A wise servant shall be ministered
unto by his master, and a master that hath understanding murmureth
not thereat.” (I had already directed attention to these passages[13]
in the _Grenzboten_ of the 31st of December of the previous year.) He
smiled; after remarking that the Emperor had acted conscientiously
in State affairs and knew how to subordinate his _amour propre_ to
the interests of the country, he said: “He always gave me to a great
extent a free hand, although he had been accustomed previously to
command, while his brother, on the other hand, could never have got
on with any independent Minister.”
I then referred to the Irish crisis and the English parties,
observing that there one saw plainly what Parliamentarism resulted
in, and whither it led a State. Our Liberals would have had a similar
experience in Posen and in Polish affairs generally, but, happily,
they had not the same influence here as they have in England. He
said: “Parliamentarism only works where there are merely two rival
parties that come to power alternately, and where the members of the
Legislature are well off and unselfish, and do not find it necessary
to struggle for their personal advancement. I am no advocate of
absolutism. Parliamentarism is good even here, as a veto upon the
resolutions of unwise Governments and bad monarchs--for purposes of
criticism. In England, up to the present, there have been two great
parties, whose principles have latterly not differed very widely, and
both desired the welfare of the country and nothing for themselves.
They were the representatives of a few hundred families who were
well enough off not to want more, and who could therefore study
exclusively the welfare of the whole community--a remark which at
bottom also applies to Kings, who should be under no necessity to
think of their own interests. The Irish are now coming in as a third
party, together with the Radicals, who are still more dangerous.
It is worse here in Germany. We have eight or ten parties and the
leaders are place hunters, who want to improve their own positions
and become Ministers, and who also put themselves at the service of
the capitalists--not without a consideration.”
He then spoke about the Kulturkampf, and mentioned that the Pope was
now thoroughly well disposed. I said: “Of course you have done him
a great pleasure in asking for his mediation in the difference with
Spain, and given him an importance for which he has every reason to
be grateful.” He smiled and said: “Well, he has invested me with his
highest Order, and has at the same time written me a very flattering
letter.” We then spoke of other Orders and I asked him how many he
had now. In 1872 he had, I believed, already sixty-four.
He: “There can hardly have been so many. Since then, however, the
Siamese and other Asiatics have added theirs.”
I: “Japan was also included with the two great razors, the case
containing the swords with which you were raised to the rank of
Daimio.”
He: “Even the Emperor of China has made me a present, a great
elephant tusk with carved figures, flowers, houses and birds, all
so deeply cut out that you almost see through the carving. It is
believed that the carving took eight years. You ought to have a
look at it some time. It stands in the corner on the black chimney
piece in the second room upstairs, near the large _salon_.” He rang
the bell and instructed the servant to show me upstairs when I was
leaving.
“Why have we not been able to secure the Santa Lucia Bay?” I asked.
“Ah!” he replied, “it is not so valuable as it seemed to be at first.
People who were pursuing their own interests on the spot represented
it to be of greater importance than it really was. And then the Boers
were not disposed to take any proper action in the matter. The bay
would have been valuable to us if the distance from the Transvaal
were not so great. And the English attached so much importance to it
that they declared it was impossible for them to give it up, and they
ultimately conceded a great deal to us in New Guinea and Zanzibar.
In colonial matters we must not take too much in hand at a time, and
we already have enough for a beginning. We must now hold rather with
the English, while, as you know, we were formerly more on the French
side. But, as the last elections in France show, every one of any
importance there had to make a show of hostility to us.”
I inquired as to the spirit monopoly, and he replied: “They will
scarcely pass it, but we shall introduce it. They will look upon
us as people who have evil intentions against the country, and in
particular against themselves, their rights and powers, and who must,
therefore, be kept in check and taught to entertain proper respect
towards the representatives of the people, to which category, of
course, we do not belong. But after all we are only fulfilling the
duties of our office, part of which is to promote the interests of
the State to the best of our ability.”
On my saying, “Well, Münster is now in Paris,” he observed: “A change
has taken place in him. He is now less phlegmatic, more diligent, and
sends fuller reports, which, moreover, have something in them.” (...)
“Bucher is also away,” I observed, “on a long leave of absence, for
the present.”
He: “Yes, because he has begged me, I should say ten times, to allow
him to retire on account of his health. I have at length given
him leave for six months on full pay. He was an excellent book of
reference for all occasions, as his good memory had enabled him to
read and collect a great deal of information. In addition to that he
is a good and worthy man”--a statement in which I heartily concurred.
By this time it was nearly 4 o’clock, and on his pausing for a moment
I rose to go. Before leaving I begged him to let me know when he
thought I could be of any active use in the press, and he promised
to do this. The servant then showed me upstairs through the large
_salon_ (in which a Christmas tree was still standing, as well as
a table covered with presents), and from this into a room opening
on the garden. Here were large full length portraits in oils of the
Emperor William, in ermine robes, and the Emperors of Austria and
Russia, an oil painting of the proclamation of the German Empire at
Versailles (at that time only the frame, the picture having been
removed to be varnished), and on the black chimney piece the Chinese
elephant tusk, almost two metres in length. In another room I saw
an excellent new portrait of the Chancellor (painted by Angeli,
according to the servant), and, leaning against a sofa, a half length
portrait of Pope Leo XIII., by Lenbach. (...)
_May 29th._--I called on Bucher ... who told me he had received the
Emperor’s order placing him on the retired list, together with the
instructions of the Imperial Chancellor, by which it was accompanied.
In conclusion the Chancellor thanked him for his long service, and
added “hearty” good wishes for his future....
We remained good friends, and Bucher frequently joined Hehn and
myself at our Wednesday evening meetings at Trarbach’s. I visited him
repeatedly in the autumn and winter of 1886 and in January, 1887,
on his return from the visit to Stirum. On the 13th of January I
took him the payment for an article which he had written for the
_Grenzboten_ and which was published in No. 41 of that paper, on “Two
Diminishers of the Realm.” (These were Gladstone and Windthorst,
the comparison having been drawn at the suggestion of Bismarck.)
On this occasion Bucher told me that he prepared the draft of the
Constitution of the North German Confederation. At that time (after
the return from Nikolsburg in the autumn of 1866) Bismarck lay
seriously ill at Putbus. Savigny, who as Secretary of State should
have attended to the matter, took Keudell into his counsels and they
thought the thing could be done by introducing a few alterations
into the old Constitution of the German Bund. Bucher had to draft
the preamble for it. On his return he was summoned to the Chief, who
declared Savigny’s performance to be worthless, and dictated to him,
Bucher, with the assistance of “a little book,” probably Pölitz’s
work on the various Constitutions, the main lines of a Constitution
for the new Federal State, which he then wrote out with the help of
a clerk, and--when the latter was unable to write any longer--in his
own hand. He began work in the afternoon and went on with it all
night through and until next morning. After the Chief had made a few
alterations he immediately had twelve copies of the Constitution
written out in the Foreign Office. Bucher also gave me some
particulars of Keudell’s stupidity. When he was going to Rome the
Chief, for his personal information, explained to him his views about
Italy, saying that we should not tolerate a move towards France.
Keudell thought he should mention this to Visconti-Venosta, and did
so. The Chief disapproved, and instructed him to take the first
opportunity of stating to the Italian Minister that what he had said
was merely the expression of his personal views. He has, however,
omitted to report whether he had carried out these instructions.
On the 15th I wrote to the Prince asking for an appointment, and in
accordance with the reply, called at the palace in the Wilhelmstrasse
on the 27th of January, 1887. While I was waiting, first Rottenburg
and then three little Rantzaus with their nurserymaid passed through
the antechamber. (...) At 2.15 P.M. Theiss called me in to the
Prince. He came towards me, reached out his hand and asked how I was.
I replied: “Well, and as one sees from the newspapers it is the same
with yourself.”
He: “Not during the last few days. I have an oppression and pains
here (he passed his hand over his chest), I fancy something like
inflammation of the lungs”--a statement which was open to grave
doubt, as he looked quite healthy and rosy.
When Tiras had been driven away and I had taken a seat opposite him
at the writing-table, he asked: “Now then, what have you been doing
in the press recently?”
I replied: “A variety of things in the _Grenzboten_ on the situation.
But you yourself have said the last word on the subject in the
Reichstag, fully and convincingly--for sensible people. But I fear it
will not last long. The stupid people will not die out in the land,
and no sooner have you enlightened them, than somebody will take
pains to put the light out again. The clerical press continues to
pile up misrepresentations and lies, and the large and small sheets
of the Progressist party do the same to the best of their ability;
while the judicial luminaries of the provinces help to stir up
discontent.”
He: “Yes, and all the pettifogging attorneys. I fancy, too, from the
credulity of the public there is little improvement to be hoped for
from the new elections.”
I: “It is a pity that the representatives of the people, as they call
themselves--the representatives of the cliques--were not excluded
by the Constitution from all interference in military and foreign
affairs. It should only have been allowed in exceptional cases, and
on the special invitation of the Government. Such a provision had
been unfortunately omitted from the North German Constitution.”
He said that was not quite the case, but it was true that at that
time mistakes had been made, as he was ill at the beginning, and
the “Ministry of War,” which was jealous of the “Military Cabinet,”
introduced various unpractical provisions. He then explained to
me the present legal position, much as he had already done in
the Reichstag, reading and commenting upon the paragraphs in the
Constitution which affected this question, beginning with § 60. He
concluded with the words: “Things may again develop into a conflict,
if the three Powers which have equal authority cannot come to an
understanding in the hour of danger. Our first and greatest necessity
is a strong and steadfast army, as that secures our external freedom,
our existence, our possessions against the foes that threaten us
from without. Of course we could defend these without the present
Constitution, and could certainly do so more successfully without
a Reichstag like the last one, which was much less an expression
of our unity than of our divisions and Particularism and which was
little else than a hindrance in the defence of our most important
interests. I could immediately secure the sanction of the Emperor to
a change in this respect, and that of the Federal Governments also.
But that must wait yet awhile--until we see how these and perhaps
the next elections turn out. If no better Reichstag is elected, when
the compromise, _i.e._, the septennate, has run out, the first thing
will be to put into force the provision which allows the Emperor
to call out contingents proportionate to the population, the only
restriction arising from financial considerations. He has always
the right to raise as many soldiers as he considers necessary, and
of course the expense thus incurred must be voted.--But what I
wanted to say to you is this. I have used reassuring language in the
Reichstag with regard to the present attitude of Russia towards us.
But many considerations had to be passed over in silence to which
it would not have served my purpose to give utterance, but which
may be indicated in the press--cautiously. There, I was speaking
not only to the members of the Reichstag and the German public,
but also to foreign countries, and to a particular quarter where I
wished to let it be seen that I trusted to their insight, good will
and love of peace, and where such confidence is appreciated--the
Emperor Alexander--especially when it comes from a quarter in which
he himself may and really does repose unlimited confidence. That is
quite true. The Emperor and Giers now anticipate no danger for Russia
from Germany, and consequently do not think of attacking us; and so
far as the immediate future is concerned they will in all probability
not adopt a hostile attitude towards us, if things remain as they now
are in Germany and Russia. At the same time a change may occur in the
situation. There is, in addition to the Emperor, a kind of public
opinion, parties that must be reckoned with even now, and which in
a war between Germany and France would exercise all the greater
influence on the decisions of the Crown, in that their views and
demands would appear to coincide with the real interests of Russia.
There you have the pan-Slavists, with their hatred of the Germans
and their leaning towards France. And then there are the Poles and
the Liberal Russians, who desire a war with us in the hope that it
would result in the defeat of Russia and secure their ultimate aim,
namely, independence for the Poles and a Constitution for the others.
In case of a conflict between Germany and France, these parties would
exert a stronger pressure in exalted regions than they have ever been
able to do up to the present, through their newspapers, and their
allies in the army, in the Ministries, and in Court circles. Even
the possibility of their efforts ultimately affecting the judgment
and love of peace prevailing there--as did actually occur under
the late Emperor, before the last Russo-Turkish war--would force
us to send an army of observation of at least 100,000 men to our
eastern frontier to watch the 200,000 soldiers stationed by Russia
in her western provinces, thus considerably weakening our available
forces against France. Moreover, supposing that, in spite of this,
we were victorious, public opinion in St. Petersburg and Moscow,
and ultimately the Government under its pressure, would scarcely
suffer us to turn our victory to sufficiently good account in order
to thoroughly weaken France for the next thirty or forty years,
as that would be a strengthening of the German Empire which might
arouse serious apprehension in Russia. Finally, it may be regarded as
well-nigh certain that while we were engaged in the west the Russians
would attack Austria, as her armaments, even more than ours, require
strengthening--a duty which she has hitherto with culpable levity
neglected--and in the long run we should doubtless be obliged to
come to her assistance. Of course I could not say all that, and even
in the press it must be very cautiously dealt with.”
I observed: “I do not know whether I am right, but I fear a war with
Russia less from any apprehension of defeat, than because, in case
of victory, I do not see what we could take to compensate us for the
great sacrifices incurred.”
He: “Certainly, and for the great number of troops we should lose.
That keeps me from a war with France also. In that case, too, it is a
question of ‘Was kannst Du, armer Teufel, geben?’ (Thou, poor devil,
what canst thou give?)”
I: “In the long run the milliards were also no blessing, at least not
for our manufacturers, as they led to over-production. It was merely
the bankers who benefited, and of these only the big ones.” From
this we came to speak of the Stock Exchange and the present fall of
prices, whereupon he remarked: “Bleichröder told me recently that he
too has mobilised his forces, and at the right moment, some time ago.”
I mentioned having read in the _Boersenzeitung_ that, according to
a small South German newspaper, the Emperor had been much incensed
at the rejection of the Army Bill, and had spoken in the presence
of Bismarck and the Crown Prince of a step which, if carried into
effect, would have aroused the deepest regret. People thought that
this referred to his abdication. But who could have circulated
and made public the account of such an incident? He said: “The
only element of truth in the story is that he was very angry with
the Opposition. There was no question of abdicating. But he might
very well be induced to agree to a step which would put an end
to all the difficulties that the Reichstag can raise in military
matters.” He then spoke once more of the Opposition parties, and
their mendacity and fictions; as that he (Bismarck) wants to abolish
or to restrict universal suffrage, and with the assistance of an
accommodating Parliament, to introduce tobacco and spirit monopolies,
and what not besides, even to the revival of serfdom. “That is
only credited by the stupid voters. They themselves, Richter and
his apostles, do not for a moment imagine that anything of the
kind is intended. It is a mere electioneering dodge of a gross and
audacious description, according to Goethe’s recipe: ‘_Willst Du
sie betrügen, so mach es nur nicht fein_.’ And it is the same with
that lying rascal Windthorst, and his priestly followers. At one
moment liberty is threatened, and then the Church, and all this
merely to hide the fact that he will not let the Empire have peace,
and wants to pave the way for the return of the Guelphs to Hanover.
The whole crowd are hypocrites, and wear masks, and in all this
Parliamentary mummery I am the only one who shows his face. They are
Particularists one and all, in spite of their professions. The German
Liberals are Particularists for their party, and the others are
territorial Particularists. They are all striving for disintegration
and dissolution. But when all is said and done, a Prussian King of
to-day can, if they don’t want him, renounce the Empire and exist for
himself alone.”
I asked: “How do you stand with the old gentleman at present?”
He: “With the Pope? Excellently, and in this question, too. He also
trusts me and has reason to believe in my fair play. I told him I was
prepared to go still further, meaning that I should even be pleased
to see a Papal Nuncio in Berlin. But the King will not have it. He
thinks in that case he would have to become a Catholic in his old
age. The Ministers are also against it, but without reason. I am not
afraid of it. On the contrary, things would go better. At present,
Windthorst is the Nuncio, the Father of Lies. We know now exactly
how he carries on with Rome. We have letters of his in our hands.
A real Nuncio could not lie in that fashion to us and to the Pope,
who is well disposed and reasonable. He would be an ecclesiastical
diplomatist, whose aims would be purely ecclesiastical, and who
would not wish to lose credit with the Government and render himself
impossible. He would have to carry out the instructions of his
superiors in Rome--not at Gmunden--and those instructions would
be imbued with a peace-loving spirit and would be favourable to
the maintenance of the Empire--as may now be seen from the desire
expressed by the Pope that the Centre party should vote for the Army
Bill.”
I: “What I was really thinking of was the Emperor and your relations
to him.”
He: “I have also been on the best of terms with him for a long time
past. Apart from the question of the Nunciature we are in perfect
agreement upon all points. The Crown Prince, too, is at present
everything I could wish him to be, _she_ is likewise thoroughly well
disposed towards me.”
I: “Mr. Gladstone’s admirer? Why, that is most satisfactory.”
He: “They are now quite reasonable. They have no intention of
introducing any change when the old gentleman goes, and they have
repeatedly told me so. They are still afraid that I may not remain.
And really I often wish it were otherwise, as I would rather go and
spend my last days at Friedrichsruh, as a mere spectator.”
I: “And have Dr. Busch to arrange your papers, as your Serene
Highness suggested three years ago.”
He: “Yes, that too. But I must remain as long as a Prussian King
wants my services and wishes to retain me.”
I: “And after all you would not like to desert your work and let it
fall into the hands of people like Virchow and Forckenbeck. You once
spoke to me about Götz von Berlichingen and Metzler, the ringleader
of the peasants.”
He: “That by remaining I could at least prevent the worst from
happening. Such an eventuality is no longer to be apprehended.
People deceive themselves greatly if they imagine there will be
any considerable difference under the new King. But my position is
difficult enough now that I no longer have the strength to work
continuously at all manner of things, although there is always so
much to be done. All the Ministers come to consult me upon subjects
which, properly speaking, do not concern me, and make me responsible
for them. That is the case even with the Ministry of the Household,
where Schleinitz, the lazy fellow, neglected everything, and Stolberg
is often away. But one must do his duty. As to what you say about my
work, it looks great, but after all it is of the earth and transient.
Besides, what is the meaning of ‘great?’ Germany is great, but the
earth is greater, and how small the earth is in comparison with the
solar system, to say nothing of the whole universe. And how long will
it last?”
I: “Hegel maintained that the earth was the sole planet with
intellectual life, thought and history.”
He: “Yes, because it was upon the earth he philosophised. Certainly
there are worlds where things of much greater importance are thought
and done. But that is the way of these professors (he mentioned
Virchow, Du Bois Reymond, and then asked what was the name of the
third natural philosopher--I suggested ‘Helmholtz’), they speak as
if they knew everything; while they undoubtedly know a great deal in
their own science, even there they are ignorant of the real root of
things, to say nothing of other matters. They go as far as the cell,
but what causes the cell?”
I: “I picture the world to myself as a point, that may be termed the
first cause of God, which then extends itself to a ball, filling the
void.”
He: “And yet permits it to exist for ever.” I rose to take leave. He
gave me his hand and said: “I am glad to see you look so well and
not in the least changed. And such a lot of hair still. Let me see.”
I bent down in order that he might see the crown of my head, and he
said: “Yes, it’s your own. I thought you wore a wig. But the beard
is growing white. You should get it cut off and have your moustache
dyed. Then you would be quite young.”
The most important part of this interview, which finished at 3
o’clock, was worked up into the article, “War Clouds in the West,”
which appeared in No. 6 of the _Grenzboten_, and was forwarded to the
Prince.
_March 25th._--For about a week past various newspapers have
published a statement to the effect that Keudell has tendered his
resignation on the ground that the alliance between Germany and Italy
which was concluded a short time since was not drawn up through
him but through the Italian Ambassador in Berlin. A diplomatic
negotiation of the highest importance had therefore been carried on
over his head, and he had been merely instructed quite at the end to
hand over to Robilant the reward for his good offices in the shape
of the Black Eagle. In other words, Bismarck had looked upon him as
fit only to fulfil representative functions of a formal order, and
had acted accordingly. At last! How often does the pitcher go to the
well before it is broken, said I to myself, as I read a _démenti_ in
the _Kreuzzeitung_. So not yet awhile? (...)
At 10 A.M. on the 28th of April one of the Chancery attendants
brought me the following note: “The Imperial Chancellor would feel
obliged if Dr. Busch would do him the honour to call upon him to-day
at 2.30 P.M. Berlin, April 28th, 1887.” (No signature.) I went at
the hour appointed and was told by the porter that Rottenburg wished
to see me first. The latter said that the Prince had two commissions
for me: one a description of the League of Patriots, and the other
an article on the Hammerstein motion (respecting the Evangelical
Church). At 3 o’clock Theiss showed me into the Prince, with whom I
remained until 3.45 P.M. He again complained a great deal about his
ailments and insomnia, as well as of being overburdened with work
by all the Ministries. “Nevertheless,” I remarked, “on your last
birthday you outlived the year in which you prophesied you were to
die,” and I reminded him of what he had said at Versailles and at
Varzin, adding that I now took the liberty for the first time of
congratulating him on his birthday, because the last one marked an
important division of his life. He smiled and said: “Yes, a division.
I had observed that there were certain divisions in my life, with
changes and alterations physical and mental, a certain recurrent
cycle of years (I believe he said eleven) and from that and some
cabalistic figures I had reckoned that I should reach the age of
seventy-one years and die in 1886. As that has not happened I shall
now probably live to the age of eighty-three or eighty-four.” He
then came to speak of the subject which had led him to send for me.
It appeared that he was not thinking so much of Hammerstein and Co.,
as of the embarrassment of the Ultramontanes in dealing with their
“priestocracy,” the demagogues of the middle and lower clergy, whom
they had summoned to their assistance against the Government, and who
had now cast off discipline and were disinclined to follow the Pope’s
instructions. He compared their embarrassment to that of the wizard’s
apprentice in Goethe, and spoke of the “Anti-Papal Catholics.” He
concluded: “I should not like to have that said in one of our papers.
We still want the Centre party for the sugar and spirit taxes.”
I then mentioned the League of Patriots, and afterwards turned
the conversation on to Alsace-Lorraine. On my observing that it
might, perhaps, be possible to annex it to Prussia, or divide it
between Bavaria and Baden, he replied: “To unite it to Prussia would
strengthen by thirty votes the Opposition in the Lower House of the
Prussian Diet, where things are now very tolerable. The Bavarians
will not hear of it either, and still less the people in Baden, who
are in absolute terror of such a change. If we were only living in
the time of Charlemagne we could remove the Alsacians to Posen, and
place the inhabitants of the latter country between the Rhine and
the Vosges, or form an uninhabited desert between ourselves and the
French. As it is, however, we must try some other method.” We then
spoke about the Crown Prince, who, he said, was understood to have a
polypus in the throat. It would be no wonder if he did not recover,
as “she” never allowed him to have more than eleven degrees (Réaumur)
of warmth in his room, and obliged him at Ems to go into the cold
and windy mountain districts, and to cross the Rhine in storm and
rain, &c.
I said: “It appears that Diest-Daber wishes to proceed with his
action once more.”
He: “But how can he do that?” He then gave me an account of the
affair, which originated in an action against Diest for libel. This
was afterwards transformed by Klotz into a prosecution against him,
Bismarck, which resulted in his vindication. He concluded: “Diest
is suffering from the mania of persecution, that is to say, in its
active form--he must persecute somebody. It would now seem to have
turned into megalomania.” On our coming to speak of his fortune,
I said: “To show what superstitions prevail on this subject, a
tradesman, who is otherwise a sensible man, told me recently that you
possess a fortune of at least a hundred millions.” He thereupon gave
me a detailed account of his circumstances, and spoke of the value of
his various estates, adding that he was not thinking--“as his sons
wished him to do”--of increasing his capital, but rather of rounding
off and improving his property. He mentioned Chorow and Sedlitz, and
the purchases of land in the Sachsenwald, and similar matters. “I
cannot help it,” he said. “When a neighbour’s property wedges itself
into mine, and I see a fine clump of trees on it that are going to be
cut down, I must buy that piece of ground.” In making such purchases
he often paid too much, and frequently the estates were not well
managed by those to whom they were entrusted. Thus, although in good
years, when high prices were to be had for timber, &c., his profits
might amount to about 100,000 thalers, he had, on several occasions,
had no surplus whatever over his expenses. “Moreover,” he continued,
“it costs me more to live in the country than in Berlin; and in
Varzin my horses, with their fodder, cost me more than here. If I
could sell my estates at what is probably their real value, I might
doubtless get four millions for them.” He referred me to Rottenburg
for the material for the articles. The latter handed me for use in
the article on the League of Patriots the indictment drawn up by
Tessendorf of Leipzig, the Imperial Chief Prosecutor (21st April,
1887), against ten inhabitants of the Reichsland (beginning with
Köchlin-Claudon of Mülhausen, and winding up with Humbert of Metz),
giving the history and description of the association. For the second
article on the “Anti-Papal Catholics,” he sent me a few days later,
by a Chancery messenger, a report of the Oberpräsident of Westphalia
to the Minister of Public Worship, together with about a dozen
newspaper extracts. The article on Deroulede’s horde appeared in No.
19 of the _Grenzboten_ under the title of “The League of Patriots,”
and the other, “Embarrassments of the Centre Party,” in No. 20 (of
the 12th of May). I personally left both at the palace for the
Chancellor.
During May and June Bucher met Hehn and myself regularly every
Wednesday evening, sometimes at Huth’s and sometimes at Trarbach’s.
He wrote for me the _Grenzboten_ article on “Maharajah Dhuleep
Singh,” which appeared in No. 26. He also promised a further article
for that paper, drawing a comparison between the reigns of Queen
Victoria and Queen Bess, of course not to the advantage or credit
of the former, as, according to him, the Chief, with whom he had
recently dined, and who had invited him to pay him shortly a visit at
Friedrichsruh, wished to see something of the kind done in connection
with the Queen’s jubilee. On the 28th of June Bucher started for
the dragon’s lair in the Sachsenwald, having sent me a card on the
previous day to let me know. He was back in Berlin in about ten
days. Five of these were spent at Friedrichsruh, and the remainder
of the time with Kusseroff in Hamburg. He told me that the Chief was
not disposed to let him fire off the articles on the two English
Queens. He would think over the matter, but in any case it should not
appear in the _Grenzboten_, as that paper’s connection with him was
suspected.
On the 1st of March, 1888, I received a letter from Rottenburg
requesting me to call upon him, as the Imperial Chancellor had
instructed him to discuss a certain matter with me. I went to
him on the morning of the 2nd of March, and he told me that
the Prince wished to have a portion of Beust’s book, _Aus drei
Viertel-Jahrhunderten_, beginning on page 346 of the second volume,
dealt with in the press, and for that purpose he would give me verbal
instructions. I should first, however, read up the book in order to
inform myself on the subject. When I had done so I was to send him,
Rottenburg, a few lines, and he would then report to the Chancellor
and let me know the day and hour on which the latter would receive
me. I borrowed Beust’s book from Hehn on the same day, and carefully
read over the part in question several times. This referred to the
attitude of Austria before and during our last war with France,
together with the differences it produced between Beust and Grammont.
On the 5th I wrote to Rottenburg that I now believed myself to be
sufficiently acquainted with the subject to understand and turn to
good account any further information which the Imperial Chancellor
might give me. I received no answer, however, inviting me to see the
Chief. He was occupied with more important matters than Beust’s
former policy, the illness and death of the Emperor William, and the
accession of his son to the throne.
On the evening of the 28th of March at Knoop’s Bucher related the
following particulars to myself and Hehn. (Casually foreseeing what
was generally known a few days later, or informed of and prepared for
it.)
“Princess Victoria, the daughter of our new Emperor and Empress,
now about twenty-two years of age, was to have been married some
time since to the Battenberger, who at that time was still Prince
of Bulgaria, but already a tool of English policy. He made the
acquaintance of the Queen of England’s granddaughter during his
European tour. The thought of a marriage was probably suggested by
the grandmother in London, who wished to see the position of her
servant secured against Russia by an alliance with our Court. The
scheme leaked out, and came to the ears of the Chief. Of course he
was anything but pleased, and did not conceal his objections from the
Emperor, but on the contrary expressed them both verbally and in a
statement which I had to prepare. It would show us in a bad light at
St. Petersburg, and it was not right to subject a Prussian Princess
to the eventuality of a compulsory departure from Sofia. The Emperor
recognised this and issued his veto, which must have been very
unpleasant for the Crown Princess.” (...)
_April 6th._--On the Chief’s birthday Prince William, now the Crown
Prince, while offering his congratulations in person, invited
himself to dine with the Chancellor. During dinner, according to
the newspapers, he proposed a toast to the following effect: “The
Empire is like an army corps that has lost its commander-in-chief
in the field, while the officer who stands next to him in rank lies
severely wounded. At this critical moment forty-six million loyal
German hearts turn with solicitude and hope towards the standard and
the standard bearer in whom all their expectations are centred. The
standard bearer is our illustrious Prince, our great Chancellor.
Let him lead us. We will follow him. Long may he live!” Coming from
a member of the reigning house such language should mean a great
deal. “Our great Chancellor”--words already used a short time ago by
his Imperial and Royal Highness--“let him lead us; we will follow
him!” What high appreciation and what modest self-suppression and
honourable subordination on the part of the future Emperor! May God
reward him for it, and grant him victory under that standard! But
what does his mother think of it? Yesterday a Vienna telegram in
the _Kölnische Zeitung_, which was greeted with scarcely concealed
satisfaction by the Progressist newspapers, reported that Bismarck
intended to retire. This leads one to think of the “Englishwoman”
on the throne of the Hohenzollerns, and of “Friedrich der Britte”
(Frederick the Briton) who is to govern according to her views. Has
the toast of the 1st instant given offence to Guelphish self-conceit?
Or has the Chief again advised against the suitor with the Bulgarian
kalpak, who may have pressed his suit again and with a better
prospect of success after the death of the Emperor William? At 10.45
A.M. this morning I handed the following letter to the porter at the
palace to be immediately forwarded to the Chief: “In presence of
the extraordinary report of the _Kölnische Zeitung_, which is now
being circulated in the newspapers, I would beg your Serene Highness
kindly to remember that in the future as in the past I hold myself
absolutely and unconditionally at your disposal, and shall always
continue to do so.”
_April 7th._--At 11 A.M. a Chancery attendant brought me a letter of
this day’s date from the Imperial Chancellerie, with an appointment
to call upon the Prince at 2 o’clock. I was punctually in attendance;
but on entering the antechamber, Friedberg, the Minister of Justice,
arrived and was shown in to the Chief before me, remaining for
about three-quarters of an hour. During this time Minister von
Puttkamer also came in, and went away again after a conversation with
Rottenburg. Thereupon the latter came to me and said it was doubtful
if the Prince could receive me to-day, as he was very much exhausted.
He had, however, informed him that I should be there at 2 o’clock.
When he called me in, would I “make short work of it?” I replied that
that depended upon the Chancellor and not upon me, but I would offer
to come on another day if he were not disposed for the interview at
present. At 2.45 P.M. Theiss showed me in to him. He was in undress
uniform, and looked quite well, although, after he had shaken hands
and asked how I was, he complained of his nervous excitement and
insomnia. “I can only get a little sleep with the help of opium and
morphia. I am over-worked, and, in addition to that, as you have
read in the newspapers, I have latterly been worried by the people
at Charlottenburg--by the women. The doctors insist that I should go
to the country. Schweninger prophesies that otherwise I shall suffer
from all possible forms of nervous diseases, together with typhoid.
Besides, I ought to go to Varzin, to see after the damage done by the
inundations. The Wipper has carried away all my mills, and to rebuild
them may cost hundreds of thousands; but I cannot leave, for who
knows what they would do when my back is turned--the women who want
to have a share in the government--the Englishwomen? You have seen in
the papers that I am thinking of retiring on account of conflicts and
Court influence--not with the Emperor, who is much more reasonable
and shares my views. The question now is as to the marriage of the
Battenberger to Princess Victoria, which the Queen of England has in
view. Three years and more ago, under the old master, it was actively
promoted by her daughter, the present Empress, at first in secret. As
soon as I then heard of it, I made representations to the Emperor,
verbally and in writing. He allowed himself to be convinced by the
reasons I adduced, and refused to give his consent, although she said
the Princess loved him. Of course, he is a handsome man, with a fine
presence; but I believe her nature is such that she would accept any
other suitor, providing he were manly. Moreover, that is entirely
beside the question. We must look at the political objections and
dangers. The old Queen is fond of match-making, like all old women,
and she may have selected Prince Alexander for her granddaughter,
because he is a brother of her son-in-law, the husband of her
favourite daughter, Beatrice. But obviously her main objects are
political--a permanent estrangement between ourselves and Russia--and
if she were to come here for the Princess’s birthday, there would be
the greatest danger that she would get her way. In family matters
she is not accustomed to contradiction, and would immediately bring
the parson with her in her travelling bag and the bridegroom in
her trunk, and the marriage would come off at once. Probably the
Battenberger, too, would have been here by this time if I had not
stepped in, for they are in a mighty hurry over there in London.”
I asked: “What is the actual condition of his Majesty at
Charlottenburg? Is it really cancer, and how long is it likely to
last?” He: “Cancer, and Bergmann has already given his opinion,
some time ago: it is a question of three weeks or three months.
Externally it is not very noticeable. He holds himself upright, and
walks with a quick step. But his face (he pointed with his fingers
between the cheekbones and the nose) has during the last few days
become thinner, and he looks tired and depressed from the excitement.
They actually ill-treated, abused and martyred him when he declined.
He is glad that I have come to his assistance, as she is too much
for him in argument. It is true that so far only a postponement has
been secured. If the marriage nevertheless takes place, I can no
longer remain in office, for I should then have lost all confidence
in the future. That young and impetuous woman’s will would prevail
more or less in other things too, while I should lose at St.
Petersburg that reliance on my straightforwardness which I have so
laboriously regained with the Emperor Alexander in spite of all
sorts of incitements against me. It is true that in Charlottenburg
they are most anxious to retain me--she also. They wrap me up in
cotton wool and velvet. That also found expression in the rescript;
but as the recognition was of too generous a character it aroused
in my mind less pleasure and hope than doubt as to its sincerity,
and as to whether something was not concealed behind it. If I can
merely postpone and not entirely prevent these English influences
upon our policy, if my remonstrances are no longer successful, and my
voice not listened to, why should I continue to torment and overwork
myself? I will not be a mere cloak for the follies of other people.
If it were still the old Emperor with whom I was called upon to
blunder along in this way--but to allow myself to be made use of by
this Englishwoman, for her whims, for foreign interests, with danger
and detriment to ourselves!”
I said: “The Emperor was after all a splendid old gentleman, a real
King, with a high sense of duty and well-intentioned, and who knew
how to appreciate you.”
He: “A trustworthy comrade, who would not leave one in the lurch.”
I: “It is true that he sometimes made your life a burden, and did not
always treat you well.”
He: “Yes, but that was not done through ill-will, but through
misunderstandings and insufficient knowledge of the matter in hand.
When anything of importance was going on he usually began by taking
the wrong road, but in the end he always allowed himself to be put
straight again. Thus during the period of conflict when he could no
longer get any Ministers, he wished to abdicate. When I was summoned
to him at Babelsberg he had the act of abdication ready signed. He
said: ‘If I cannot find any Ministers who will govern as I think
right then my son had better try his hand.’ I assured him that I was
prepared to be the Minister he wanted. ‘Even against the majority?’
he asked. ‘Yes, even against the majority,’ I replied. ‘Well then,
that’s all right,’ he said, and tore up the document, and with it a
whole sheet of concessions to the Liberals, which he had previously
read to me.”
I: “Then afterwards when you travelled to Jueterbogk to meet him.
The ladies at Baden had filled him with apprehensions as to an
impending revolution, and he already saw the scaffold awaiting him,
and you--you infused courage into him by appealing to his honour and
grasping his sword knot, as you once expressed it to me?”
He: “Yes, and on other occasions he had too much courage, and wished
to move too rapidly and take too much. Thus in 1864 he wished to
march into Jutland without Austria, and at Nikolsburg to continue the
war as far as Vienna.” I recalled the attack of hysterical weeping
there. “Then at first he wanted to have half of Saxony, half of
Hanover, Ansbach and Bayreuth, and a piece of Bohemia from Austria,
until I persuaded him how unpractical that was.”
“And in 1870 the military conspiracy at Mainz before the march into
France, and afterwards at Versailles his attitude towards the claims
of the Bavarians?” I added.
He: “Certainly, when they actually proposed to proceed to violence
against Bavaria and afterwards intended to deny her rights which she
was entitled to claim.”
I said: “The expression ‘cloak’ reminds me of its converse. Monarchs
are often adorned with other people’s feathers. If a battle is won at
which one of them happens to be present as a spectator, he is said to
have won it, although of course the staff has really won it; and so
it is in your case in the field of politics.”
“Why, yes,” he replied; “but if the work is done and succeeds that is
the main point. It is a matter of indifference who did it.”
He reflected for a moment, and then continued: “The new Empress has
always been an Englishwoman, a channel for English influence here, an
instrument for the furtherance of English interests. In her present
position she is more than ever so, and the Battenberger is to be
another tool of the same kind. In England they do not tolerate any
foreign influence--you know how Palmerston and the others accused,
opposed and persecuted the Prince Consort for his alleged or real
influence over the Queen. We however are expected to submit to
that sort of thing, and regard it as a matter of course. We are an
inferior race, ordained to serve them. So the Queen thinks too, and
her daughter is of exactly the same opinion. They are working in
partnership. I would suggest to you to take the present opportunity
of treating this subject fully, dealing with it from a diplomatic and
historical standpoint, showing how England has at all times sought
and still seeks to influence us for her own ends, and often against
our interest, to use us for promoting her own security and the
extension of her power, lately through women, daughters and friends
of Queen Victoria. In doing so, please to make use of a small work
that was published a few years ago in Switzerland under the title
of _Co-Regents and Foreign Influence in Germany_ (_Mitregenten und
fremde Hände in Deutschland_). The anonymous author is not unknown
to me. It is Duke Ernst of Coburg, and his account is on the whole
correct.”
I said: “Doubtless it must be, since he belongs to the clique:
Leopold of Belgium, Victoria in London, Victoria in Berlin, Stockmar,
and also Josias Bunsen in the heyday of his career.”
He: “Yes, but that is no longer the case, as you will see when you
read the pamphlet. You can go further back, however. Give a survey of
English policy during the last couple of centuries.”
I: “Something of the kind must have existed even previously. An
Englishman was once even German Emperor, Richard of Cornwall, before
Rudolf of Hapsburg.”
He: “Yes, but confine yourself to modern history, going back as far
as the beginning of the last century. Throughout that period the
policy of England has constantly been to sow dissensions between
the Continental Powers or to maintain existing discord, on the
principle of _Duobus litigantibus tertius gaudens_, and to use the
one against the other so that they should be weakened and damaged for
the benefit of England. These efforts were first directed against
France, then against Russia. First it was the Emperor in Vienna
who had to wage war on their behalf, and then we were to take up
the cudgels for them. Remember the Spanish War of Succession and
the Battle of Dettingen. At that time it is true every State in
Europe was threatened in its liberty and existence by the universal
monarchy which was then in course of development in France, but none
so much as England herself. And then think of the Seven Years’ War
in which the English took the lion’s share of the booty, although
they had ventured and accomplished comparatively little, while we
conquered the French colonies for them. Latterly they have tried to
play us off against the Russians who have become a danger for them
on the Bosphorus, and still more on their Indian frontier. We are
expected to make good the deficiencies of their military forces,
threaten the Russian flank, and hold them back when they propose
to march. First, during the Crimean War, in which by the way the
French had little reason to join, we were urged, quite against our
own interests, to co-operate with the Western Powers in opposing
the Emperor Nicholas. I assisted in preventing that. Later on, in
1863, England wanted to see the Polish insurrection supported, as a
means of weakening Russia, a course whereby we should have forfeited
an old friend who might prove a still better friend to us in the
future, and have gained no trustworthy friendship in the West by
way of compensation; while in the Poles we should have strengthened
an ancient foe, and created a natural ally for France. In 1877, when
it was seen that a Russo-Turkish war was imminent, we were expected
to exert our influence at St. Petersburg to prevent it--in the
interest of humanity--as _The Times_ demonstrated. Queen Victoria
urged us to do so in a letter to the Emperor, which was handed to
him by Augusta, who added her own intercession, and in two letters
to myself. Humanity, peace and liberty,--those are always their
pretexts when they cannot by way of a change invoke Christianity
and the extension of the blessings of civilisation to savage and
semi-barbarous peoples. In reality, however, _The Times_ and the
Queen wrote in the interests of England, which had nothing in common
with ours. It is in the interest of England that the German Empire
should be on bad terms with Russia. Our interest is that we should
be on as good terms with Russia as the situation allows. Latterly I
have directed my endeavours towards this end, and I have succeeded,
in spite of various opposing influences;--and now the Battenberger
is to be called in to nullify my success, to inspire the Emperor
Alexander with fresh suspicions, and to supply the Moscow press
with plausible grounds, which would have at least appearances in
their favour, for asserting that we entertain secret designs. Prince
Alexander, who has been selected as bridegroom for the daughter of
the German Emperor, would, if that marriage were to take place, not
only appear but actually be a permanent channel for English influence
with us--that is the essence of the scheme--emphasise and repeat
that--so far as this influence is directed against Russia. He is
really a Pole, through his mother, who married, as a Fräulein Hauke,
a member of a family which is neither old nor illustrious. (...) Such
a relationship is decidedly not suitable for the Prussian Royal House
and a daughter of the German Emperor. The Emperor Frederick sees and
feels that too, perhaps even more than we do, for he has a very high
opinion of his family and its dignity. But apart from that the more
important point is that the Emperor Alexander hates the Battenberger
with his whole heart, indeed there is perhaps no one else whom he
knows and hates so thoroughly.”
I said: “The unheard-of rudeness of the letter striking his name
off the Army List, a communication well nigh unparalleled in the
intercourse of Princes.”
He rejoined: “Yes, and other things too. But he richly deserved it
through his falsehood and treachery. As a nephew of the deceased
Empress he was regarded in St. Petersburg as a fitting instrument
for advancing Russian interests as Prince of Bulgaria; and that was
quite legitimate in view of the gratitude which the Bulgarians owed
to Russia for their liberation, while it was also the ultimate and
real object of the war of 1877. At first he governed in this sense,
but he afterwards took up with the English, who wished to create a
Greater Bulgaria to serve their purposes, and like Rumania be under
obligations to them. It was to be developed into a new kingdom,
which should stand in the way of Russia. That had been planned long
beforehand, and the way had been prepared by various measures; but
the Prince always tried to dispel any uneasiness by beautifully
reassuring speeches and categorical promises. Finally he pledged
himself to Giers not to make any kind of change in Eastern Rumelia;
and yet shortly afterwards the revolution broke out in Philippopolis,
with his previous knowledge and co-operation. It would be a miracle,
and utterly opposed to human nature, if the Emperor Alexander did
not hate him with a deadly hatred for this dishonourable conduct,
this breach of faith. He will never forgive him, and will always
look upon him as a sworn enemy, embittered moreover by having been
driven out. If he were accepted as a member of the German Imperial
House, it would fill the Emperor with a suspicion which nothing could
dissipate. It would be a permanent threat to peace. He would not on
that account declare war upon us immediately and without more ado, as
Napoleon did in similar circumstances in 1870; but he would hold it
to be a confirmation of all the old doubts as to our sincerity which
we had proved to be unfounded, and the Russian press would renew its
agitation with the same violence and malice as formerly, and with
more success. It is not yet certain that Russia would take up arms
against us if we were to be again attacked by the French; but if the
Russians were to declare war upon us the French would certainly join
them immediately. And after all in such a war we should not be so
very certain to win, while it would be a great misfortune even if we
were victorious, as in any case we should lose a great deal of blood
and treasure, and also suffer considerable indirect damage through
the interruption of work and trade, and we should never be able to
take anything from the French or Russians that would compensate us
for our losses. It is only the English who would benefit by it. It
would be an English war if the Battenberg marriage led Russia to join
the French attack on us. We are well armed, but at all events large
masses of troops would be put into the field against us, and Austria
has not yet developed her defensive forces as she could and should
do; and no real confidence could be placed in Italy. It is possible
that the French may regain their footing there and win back the
Italian friendship, if other parties came into power. Indeed even a
Republic is possible, and Italy may resume her irredentist schemes
and claims against Austria.”
I said: “I shall keep all that in mind, and write the article as well
as I can. Perhaps I may be allowed to mention the influence brought
to bear by the English ladies against the bombardment of Paris. You
remember: ‘Schurze und Schürzen’” (aprons and petticoats; that is to
say, freemasons and women).
“Yes, do that,” he replied; “but at the same time remember the
press laws. Be very cautious, diplomatic, and not too venomous; and
always emphasise the fact that it is foreign influences that are
working against me; not the Emperor, but the reigning lady and her
mother.”... “But,” I said, “will it not throw an unfavourable light
on the Emperor, making him appear weak and pitiable, if one says that
he is opposed to the Battenberg project, but may be brought to give
in to the demands of the ladies?” He replied: “It is not necessary
to say that in so many words; but it is nevertheless a fact--and it
was much the same with the late Emperor, who had also to struggle
against feminine influence, and was thankful to me when I stiffened
him against it. In these cases he used to say to me: ‘Do it in such a
manner that they may fancy they have had their way, while we really
manage as it should be.’ On the whole, I got on well with him.”
After I had been with him somewhat over three-quarters of an hour, he
called my attention to a very curious little work of art which stood
on his writing-table. It consisted of a large grey pearl mounted with
diamonds and rubies, representing the head of a greyhound with a
golden tobacco pipe in its mouth. This, he explained, was “a present
from Mexico.” I then took my leave, and he was about to lie down to
sleep. In the antechamber Theiss told me that while I had been with
the Chancellor the Grand Duke of Baden called to see him. He had told
him, however, that the Prince “had a conference,” and he accordingly
went away. I proceeded direct to Bucher’s in order to repeat to him
as literally as possible my conversation with the Chief, and thus
to impress it more firmly on my mind. He had the Duke of Coburg’s
pamphlet, which he lent me. He also gave me the following example of
the manner in which the feminine half of the present Imperial family
have been anglicised. “Princess Victoria, the Battenbergerin _in
spe_, had a difference with her brother on one occasion respecting
some household arrangement. ‘After all, that is much better managed
at home,’ she said. ‘At home? What do you mean?’ he asked. ‘Why, at
home in England,’ she replied. The particular epithet which Prince
William applied to her is not known for certain, but it was either
‘goose’ or ‘sheep’”. (...)
On my return home at 6 o’clock I found the following note, enclosing
an extract from the _Deutsches Tageblatt_, lying on my table:--“Dear
Sir,--Prince Bismarck begs you to kindly introduce the article
discussed to-day by a reference to the enclosed statements of _The
Times_, in order that it should not appear to be written without any
immediate occasion.--Yours truly, Rottenburg.”
On the 8th of April, having again been summoned to the Chief, I
called at the Chancellor’s palace, and was shown in without much
delay. The Prince, who was reclining in a _chaise longue_ near the
window, was reading the _Kölnische Zeitung_. I had to draw up an
armchair close to him. He said: “Here is the _Kölnische Zeitung_
writing against _The Times_, and also the _Frankfurter Zeitung_. You
might also mention this in the article of which we were speaking
yesterday, and correct them where necessary. The main point is that
the Emperor is on my side. A syllable must be added here” (he pointed
to the word “Kaiser,” which was underlined in red)--“Kaiser_in_.
It is a struggle between the Emperor and Empress. She, as an
Englishwoman, is in favour of the Battenberger; he will not have
him, first for political reasons, like myself, and then because he
actually hates him, for he dislikes the idea of a _mésalliance_,
as he is very proud of his dynasty and position. Two Empresses are
fighting against his opinion and mine,--those of India and Germany;
and Victoria the daughter simply talks him down. She can make
much better use of her tongue than he can. It has always been so,
and now more than ever, owing to his illness and the way in which
worry affects him. Besides, he is deeply devoted to his family. I
was present on one occasion when she set at him so violently with
her feminine logic and volubility that at last he sat there quite
silent and depressed. He is delighted every time that I come to his
assistance against his combative wife.” I related Bucher’s story
about Victoria No. 3 and her brother. “Yes,” he said, “that is quite
credible. At home with her daughters, she, the German Empress, only
speaks English, the language of the Chosen People, and the Princesses
write English letters to their father.”
He continued: “Look here! There they talk of my attachment to the
dynasty. Well, that is quite correct, but it was more so under
the father, the old master. I had all along wanted to retire at
his death, and if I remain it may be taken as certain that I do
so only on an understanding that I continue the old policy I have
followed hitherto, and am protected from foreign influence and
from the interference and misgovernment of women, which was never
carried to such lengths as it is at present. I would therefore beg
of you to call attention to the Progressist journals, to these
Court Jacobins--use that word--who receive their orders from
Charlottenburg, through the women whose names figure at the head
of the Address, Frau Helmholtz, Schrader, and Stockmar, whose
late husband was Secretary to the Englishwoman when she was Crown
Princess. These Byzantine hypocrites, these democrats who wag their
tails and crawl more abjectly than the most extravagant absolutist,
would like to degrade me from being a servant of the State and of its
head into a Court menial, although of course it is both my right and
my duty to form my own opinion and maintain it like anybody else,
all the more as I bear the responsibility for the mistakes, or, as
in the present instance, the obvious follies that are committed in
important matters.” He continued to dilate on this theme for a few
minutes; and then again suggested that I should make use of the
pamphlet of Duke Ernst of Coburg. He sent for Rottenburg, and told
him that in using it elsewhere the passages which I should quote were
not to be employed. When Rottenburg had gone I asked: “Are you quite
sure that it was he who wrote it? It is very strong for him, although
from the style, which is rather vulgar and careless, it might well
be his work, besides which he is acquainted with the facts through
being closely connected with the Queen.” He replied, smiling: “He
himself told me so” (in English). I then spoke of his autobiography,
which I described as badly arranged and prolix. “Yes,” he said, “he
has somewhat the same failing as Beust. He can suppress nothing--not
the most trifling circumstance respecting what he has done or tried
to do, and collected.” I inquired as to the instructions respecting
Beust’s book. He replied: “That must wait. We have now more important
matters to deal with. Later on, perhaps. For the present you might
get them to give you the book. I have underlined a few things which
appear to me to be incorrect. But now I must try to get some sleep.
At present my pulse goes on an average fifteen beats in the minute
faster than it did during the preceding reign.” I took my leave,
with good wishes for his speedy improvement. I had been with him
about twenty minutes. In the following three days I wrote the desired
article, and sent it to the _Grenzboten_, where it appeared in No.
17, under the title, “Foreign Influences in the Empire.”
_April 25th._--This evening at Knoop’s, Bucher described the
candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern, in which he himself had
taken a part, as a “trap for Napoleon.” He added that neither the
Emperor William nor the Crown Prince had the least idea of this
feature of Bismarck’s manœuvre, of which he, Bucher, also gave
particulars to the Crown Prince after his journey. They both regarded
the candidature as a means of exalting the glory of their House.
_April 28th._--This afternoon met Bucher in the Königin Augusta
Strasse.... He said, smiling: “I have just heard a surprising piece
of news. Grandmamma behaved quite sensibly at Charlottenburg. She
declared the attitude of the Chief in the Battenberg marriage scheme
to be quite correct, and urged her daughter to change her ways. Of
course it was very nice of her not to forget her own country and to
wish to benefit it where it was possible for her to do so, but she
needed the attachment of the Germans, and should endeavour to secure
it; and finally she brought about a reconciliation between Prince
William and his mother.” I asked, “Have you that on good authority?”
“On very good authority,” he replied. “Well,” I said, “that is
highly satisfactory, and we shall act accordingly in the immediate
future, for, of course, we do not hate Victoria II. on account of her
extraction, but because she feels as an Englishwoman and wishes to
promote English interests at our expense, and because she despises us
Germans. The question is whether in the long run she will heed this
maternal admonition. It is not easy to rid one’s self of a habit of
thought of such long standing.” He agreed with me in this.
_April 29th._--I read this morning in the _Berliner Boersenzeitung_:
“We are in a position to state that the Imperial Chancellor, as was
indeed to be expected, is most indignant at the notorious article
in the _Grenzboten_ slandering the Empress Victoria, and that he
has given expression to his condemnation in very strong terms. In
this connection exceptional importance is to be attached to the
sympathetic article in the _Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_ on
the Queen of England’s visit.” Doubtless as that paper is in the
Bleichröder’s service, this utterance has been inspired by that firm,
over which floats the flag of the British Consulate General. Well
informed? Possibly, indeed probably. A disclaimer? Why not! Quite
in order! _Tempora mutantur_? But I shall never change towards him,
nor he doubtless towards me. He will once more call for his little
archer when he again wants an arrow shot into the face of this or
that sun, and “Büschlein’s” bow shall never fail him. My “libellous
article” was, I see, indignantly denounced in the _Daily Telegraph_
and the _Neue Freie Presse_. In doing so the former described the
_Grenzboten_ as “a publication which, for well-known reasons, is
read with attention throughout Germany.” The _Neue Freie Presse_
spoke of a want of tact which would be regarded as impossible if it
were not in evidence in black on white. Excellent! In this manner
what I had written secured a wide circulation, particularly as other
journalistic hacks will probably without wishing it have recommended
the article in a similar way. (...)
After the death of the Emperor Frederick, I wrote to Bucher a few
lines expressing the satisfaction I felt that we were relieved of
that incubus, and that his place was now to be taken by a disciple
and admirer of the Chief.