THE INTRODUCTION--CONVICTION
As soon as the persuasive portion of an introduction has rendered the
audience friendly, attentive, and open to conviction, the process of
reasoning should begin. First of all, it is the duty of the arguer to
see that the meaning of the proposition is perfectly clear both to
himself and to all the people whom he wishes to reach. If the arguer
does not thoroughly comprehend his subject, he is likely to produce
only a jumble of facts and reasoning, or at best he may establish a
totally different proposition from the one that confronts him; if the
audience fails to understand just what is being proved, they remain
uninfluenced. The amount of explanation required to show what the
proposition means varies according to the intelligence of the people
addressed and their familiarity with the subject.
DEFINITION.
To begin with, if there are any unfamiliar words in the proposition,
any terms or expressions that are liable to be misunderstood or not
comprehended instantly, they must be defined. At this point the arguer
has to exercise considerable judgment both in determining what words
to define and in choosing a definition that is accurate and clear.
Synonyms are almost always untrustworthy or as incomprehensible as the
original word, and other dictionary definitions are usually framed
either in too technical language to be easily grasped or in too
general language to apply inevitably to the case at hand.
DEFINITION BY AUTHORITY. As a rule, the very best definitions that can
be used are _quotations_ from the works of men distinguished for
their knowledge in the special subject to which the word to be defined
belongs. The eminent economist defines economic terms; the statesman,
political terms; the jurist, legal terms; the scientist, scientific
terms; the theologian, the meaning of religious phraseology. To
present these definitions accurately, and to be sure of the author's
meaning, one should take the quotations directly from the author's
work itself. If, however, this source is not at hand, or if time for
research is lacking, one may often find in legal and economic
dictionaries and in encyclopaedias the very quotations that he wishes
to use in defining a term. It is always well, in quoting a definition,
to tell who the authority is, and in what book, in what volume, and on
what page the passage occurs.
Another convenient way of using definition by authority is not to
quote the entire definition but to _summarize_ it. Frequently an
authoritative definition is so exhaustive that it covers several pages
or even chapters of a book. In such a case the arguer may well
condense the definition into his own words, not omitting, however, to
name the sources used. The following example is an excellent
illustration of this method:--
The bearing of the Monroe Doctrine on all these contentions and
counter contentions is not at once evident to the casual observer....
Of course with changing times its meaning has changed also, for no one
attempts to declare it to be as immutable as the law of the Medes and
Persians. It is applied in various ways to meet varying conditions.
Nevertheless, I may say I believe, after a perusal of the more
important works on the subject, that during the forescore years of its
existence two principles have steadily underlain it: (1) that Europe
shall acquire no more territory for permanent occupation upon this
continent; (2) that Europe shall affect the destinies of, that is
exert influence over, no American state.[Footnote: A. B. Hart,
_Foundations of American Foreign Policy_, chap. VII; J. W.
Foster, _A Century of American Diplomacy_, chap. XII; J. A.
Kasson, _The Evolution of the Constitution of the United States of
America_, pages 221 ff. [Footnote: Nutter, Hersey & Greenough,
Specimens of Prose Composition, p. 218. ] ]
DEFINITION BY ILLUSTRATION. Since the purpose of each step in the
reasoning portion of the introduction is to convey information
accurately, quickly, and, above all else, clearly, a particularly good
method for defining terms is by illustration. In using this method,
one holds up to view a concrete example of the special significance of
the word that is being explained. He shows how the law, or custom, or
principle, or whatever is being expounded works in actual practice.
For example, if he is advocating the superiority of the large college
over the small college, he should define each term by giving specific
examples of large colleges and of small colleges. The advantage of
this method lies in its simplicity and clearness, qualities which
enable the audience to understand the discussion without much
conscious effort on their part. Investigation reveals that the
definitions of great writers and speakers are replete with
illustration. Whenever the student of argumentation has something to
define that is particularly intricate or hard to understand, he should
illustrate it. If he fails to find already prepared an illustrative
definition that exactly fits his needs, he will often do well to learn
just what the term means, and then make his own illustration.
Consider how this method has been used. The Hon. Charles Emory Smith
defines reciprocity as follows:--
Its principle, rightly understood, is axiomatic. Brazil grows coffee
and makes no machinery. We make machinery and grow no coffee. She
needs the fabrics of our forges and factories, and we need the fruit
of her tropical soil. We agree to concessions for her coffee and she
agrees to concessions for our machinery. That is reciprocity.
The following is a definition of free silver by The Hon. Edward O.
Leech, former Director of the Mint:--
It is important to understand clearly and exactly what the free
coinage of silver under present conditions means. It may be defined as
the right of anyone to deposit silver of any kind at a mint of the
United States, and have every 371.25 grains of pure silver (now worth
in its uncoined state about 52 cents) stamped, free of charge, "One
Dollar," which dollar shall be a full legal tender at its face value
in the payment of debts and obligations of all kinds, public and
private, in the United States.
In upholding his opinion that a majority of the members of the House
of Representatives have the right to make the rules governing
parliamentary procedure in the House, The Hon. Thomas B. Reed
carefully defines the term "rights":--
It is the fault of most discussions which are decided incorrectly that
they are decided by the misuse of terms. Unfortunately, words have
very little precision, and mean one thing to one man and a different
thing to another. Words are also used with one meaning and quoted with
another. When men speak of the rights of minorities and claim for them
the sacredness of established law, they are correct or incorrect
according as they interpret the word "rights."
A man has a right to an estate in fee simple, a right to land, and
there is no right more indisputable under our system. Nothing but the
supreme law can take the estate away, and then only after
compensation. The same man has a right of passage over land used as a
highway, but his town or county can take that privilege away from him
without his consent and without compensation. In both cases the man
has rights, but the rights are entirely different, and the difference
arises from the nature of things. It is good for the community, or at
least it has been so thought, that a man should have unrestricted
right over his land. On it he can build as high as heaven or dig as
deep as a probable hereafter. This is not because it is pleasant for
the man, but because it is best for the community. Therefore his right
to build or dig is limited by the right of eminent domain--the right
of the whole people to take his property at any time for the common
benefit on paying its value.
For the same reason the right of a man to walk over the land of a
roadway is an inferior right which may more easily be taken from him;
for if it be more convenient for the whole community that nobody
should walk over that land, each man's right, which is a perfect right
while it exists, is taken away from him, and he alone bears the loss.
It is hardly necessary to multiply examples in order to lay a
foundation for the assertion that the rights, so called, of any man or
set of men, have their foundation only in the common good.
EXPLANATION.
Not only must the arguer define the unfamiliar words that occur in the
proposition, but he must also explain the meaning of the proposition
_taken as a whole_. Since an audience often has neither the
inclination nor the opportunity to give a proposition careful thought
and study, the disputant himself must make clear the matter in
dispute, and show exactly where the difference in opinion between the
affirmative and the negative lies. This process is of great
importance; it removes the subject of dispute from the realm of mere
words--words which arranged in a formal statement are to many often
incomprehensible--and brings out clearly the _idea_ that is to be
supported or condemned.
To discover just what the proposition means, the arguer must weigh
each word, carefully noting its meaning and its significance in the
proposition. To neglect a single word is disastrous. An
intercollegiate debate was once lost because the affirmative side did
not take into consideration the words "present tendency" in the
proposition, "_Resolved_, That the present tendency of labor
unions is detrimental to the prosperity of the United States." The
negative side admitted everything that the affirmative established,
namely, that unions are detrimental; and won by showing that their
_tendency_ is beneficial. In another college debate on the
subject, "_Resolved_, That the United States should immediately
dispose of the Philippines," one side failed to meet the real point at
issue because it ignored the word "immediately." A thorough
explanation of the proposition would have shown the limitations that
this word imposed upon the discussion.
In the next place, the arguer should usually present to the audience a
brief history of the matter in dispute. Many debatable subjects are of
such a nature that the arguer himself cannot, until he Has studied the
history of the proposition, fully understand what constitutes the
clash in opinion between the affirmative and the negative sides. To
understand the debate, the audience must possess this same
information. A history of the idea contained in the proposition would
be absolutely necessary to render intelligible such subjects as: "The
aggressions of England in the Transvaal are justifiable"; "The United
States should re-establish reciprocity with Canada"; "Football reform
is advisable."
In the last place, the arguer must give his audience all essential
information concerning the matter in dispute. For example, if the
proposition is, "Naturalization laws in the United States should be
more stringent," a mere definition of "naturalization laws" is not
enough; the disputant must tell just what naturalization laws exist at
the present time, and just how stringent they are to-day. Again, if
the subject is, "The United States army should be enlarged," the
arguer must tell exactly how large the army is now. If the proposition
is, "The right of suffrage should be further limited by an educational
test," the arguer must state what limits now exist, and he must also
tell what is meant by "an educational test." In a debate the work of
the affirmative and of the negative differ slightly at this point.
Since the proposition reads _an educational test_, the advocate
for the affirmative has the privilege of upholding any sort of
educational test that he wishes to defend, provided only that it comes
within the limits of "an educational test." He may say that the test
should consist of a knowledge of the alphabet, or he may advocate an
examination in higher mathematics; _but he is under obligation to
outline carefully and thoroughly some specific system_. The
negative, on the other hand, must be prepared to overthrow whatever
system is brought forward. If the affirmative fails to outline any
system, the negative has only to call attention to this fact to put
the affirmative in a very embarrassing position.
The following quotations are good illustrations of how a proposition
may be explained:--
The supremely significant and instructive fact, in the dealings of
society with crime in our day, and one which has not been fully
grasped as yet by the legal profession, not even by those who practice
in criminal courts, and who should be familiar with it, is this: We
have now two classes of institutions fundamentally distinct in
character and purpose, both of which are designed by society, erected
and conducted at public expense, for the purpose of dealing with
criminals. The most numerous class of these institutions consists of
prisons, in which to confine men for terms specified by the trial
courts as penalties for their offenses. The laws, under which
offenders are sentenced to these prisons, aim at classifying crimes
according to the degree of guilt they imply, and assigning to each of
them the penalty which it deserves. Thus, to these prisons are sent
men sentenced to confinement for two, five, ten, fourteen, or thirty
years, or for life, according to the name which the law attaches to
the crime proved upon them; and each man, when he has served the
prescribed term, is turned loose upon society. The other class of
institutions includes what are known as "reformatories." The
fundamental principle here is that an offender is sent to them not for
a term, but for a specified work. It is assumed that his character and
habits unfit him for social life. For reasons to be found in his own
nature, he cannot yet be trusted with freedom and the responsibilities
of citizenship. But he may possess the capacity to become an honest,
industrious, and useful citizen. To the reformatory, then, he is sent
to be educated; to be trained to habits of industry; above all, to be
disciplined in the habit of looking forward to the future with the
consciousness that his welfare and happiness to-morrow depend on his
conduct to-day, and that he is constantly shaping his own destiny. He
is expected to remain until it satisfactorily appears that this
training is effective, and he may then go forth with a prospect of
leading an honest and respectable life. This, in brief, is the
distinction between these two classes of institutions.
For a generation past, these two kinds of prisons have been standing
side by side in New York, Massachusetts, and other States. Each of
them has received many thousands of criminals under sentence for grave
offenses. Each of them has sent out thousands of inmates into the
world of human society, with whatever impress the life, teachings, and
associations of the institutions could make upon their natures, as a
preparation for their after career. What is the result?
[Footnote: Charlton T. Lewis, in North American Review, August, 1904.]
Congress has at last decided that the long-talked-of canal shall be
built, and shall be built at Panama. Those issues no longer confront
us. The question now to be decided concerns the kind of canal that
shall be constructed. Two plans have been suggested: the lock-canal
plan and the sea-level plan. The advocates of the lock-canal plan aim
to build a gigantic dam in the valley of the Chagres River; the
enormous artificial lake thus formed being used as part of the
passageway for the vessels. They say that this lake will be at an
elevation of about eighty-five feet above mean sea-level; the passage
to and from it will be made by means of canals at both ends, each
canal containing three locks. Thus there will be, if this plan is
adopted, six locks in the entire system. The canal will be of
sufficient width and depth to accommodate vessels of such size as may
be expected to be built when the canal is completed.
If the canal is built at sea-level, it will be of the same depth and
width as the lock-canal, but it will be at the level of the sea
throughout its entire length. Owing to the fact that the Atlantic and
the Pacific have a difference in extreme level of twenty feet, an
automatic tide-lock will have to be installed. A small lake will also
be built, merely to divert the Chagres and to furnish light and power.
The question that now confronts us is, "Which plan should be adopted?"
ISSUES.
Following the discovery of the real meaning of the proposition, comes
the finding of the issues. Whenever a man in business, professional,
or political life, or in any circumstances whatsoever, must determine
upon some policy or come to some decision regarding theoretical or
practical matters, he formulates his belief and chooses his line of
action in accordance with the answers that he makes to certain
questions either consciously or unconsciously present in his mind. For
instance, if he considers the purchase of a certain piece of real
estate, he says to himself: "Is the price fair?" "Have I the money to
invest?" "Can I sell or use the property to good advantage?" "How much
pleasure shall I derive from it?" If he answers these questions in one
way, the purchase is likely to be made; if in another, it is not.
Again, a board of college trustees may be considering the abolishment
of football. In arriving at a decision, they are confronted with these
questions: "Is the game beneficial or detrimental to the player?" "How
does it affect the college as a whole?" Those who favor the game will,
of course, say that it is a benefit to the player and the whole
college; while those who oppose it will maintain that it is a
detriment to all concerned. But evidently the same questions must be
met and answered by both sides. These questions are called
_issues_.
Issues are subdivisions of the subject under discussion, and are
always essentially the same for any given idea. The first requirement
for the issues of any proposition is that they be comprehensive; that
is, the sum of their ideas must equal the main idea expressed in the
proposition. To those who are carrying on the discussion and to the
audience, if there be one, it must be perfectly evident that these
questions cover the entire field of controversy; that if these
questions are satisfactorily answered in one way or the other, the
discussion is settled and nothing remains to be said. The second
requirement is that the issues consider only disputed matter. A
question that gives rise to no disagreement, that admittedly has but
one answer, is never an issue. _Issues, therefore, may be defined as
the questions that must be answered by both the affirmative and the
negative sides of the proposition under discussion and that, if
answered in one way, establish the proposition, and if answered in
another way, overthrow it_.
The issues of a proposition exist independently of the side that is
being upheld. The affirmative will find the same issues as the
negative, but it rarely happens that two men will divide a proposition
in exactly the same manner and thus state the issues in precisely the
same language. If, however, the work of both has been fair and
complete, their issues will not vary in any important particular. For
example, under the subject, "The Federal government should own and
operate the railroads of the United States," one person might give as
issues:--
1. Has the government the right to take the roads without the consent
of the present owners?
2. Is the government financially able to buy the roads?
3. Does the present system contain serious defects?
4. Will the proposed system remove these defects without bringing in
new evils equally serious?
Another might state as issues:--
1. Is the proposed plan practicable?
2. Will it benefit the people?
The issues in both instances, however, are essentially the same, as
questions one and two of the first list are equivalent to one of the
second; and three and four of the first, to two of the second.
At this point it may be well to mention a common error that must be
guarded against. It often happens that a question is stated as an
issue which is not a subdivision of the proposition at all, but is the
entire proposition itself, framed in slightly different language. Such
would be the error if the question, "Would the change be desirable?"
were used as an issue for the proposition, "All state colleges should
abolish military drill"
It sometimes happens that one is forced to defend or attack what has
been called a "combined proposition," a proposition that contains two
distinct subjects for argument. Such subjects are to be avoided as
much as possible, but when they must be met, it is usually necessary
to have two separate sets of issues. An example of such a proposition
would be, "All American colleges and universities should adopt the
honor system."
The only practicable method of finding the issues of a proposition is
to question it from all pertinent points of view, and then to
eliminate all questions that have no vital bearing on the subject, or
that are acknowledged to have but one answer. The questions that
remain are the issues. In using this method of analysis, one must be
careful to consider the proposition in all its phases and details, and
from both the affirmative and the negative sides. Neglect to give the
subject thorough consideration often results in one's being suddenly
confronted with an issue that he has not previously discovered and
consequently cannot meet. Failure to cast aside all questions that are
not real issues may cause equal embarrassment: an arguer never wishes
to waste time and effort in establishing proof that is not essential
to the argument, or that is admitted by the other side.
It is hardly possible even to suggest all the various kinds of
questions that may be asked about debatable subjects. An arguer must
depend largely upon his own judgment and common sense in analyzing
each proposition that he meets. He may, however, find the issues of
many propositions by carefully questioning them from certain important
and comprehensive points of view. The list of standpoints indicated
here is not exhaustive; only the more important and general
standpoints are considered. The student should bear in mind that the
following instructions are designed to teach him a practical method of
analysis; they do not constitute a formula that can be applied in all
instances.
First, the analysis of propositions of policy will be taken up;
secondly, the analysis of propositions of fact.
PROPOSITIONS OF POLICY.
1. IS THE PLAN PRACTICABLE? Whenever a plan is proposed, first ask
whether or not it is practicable. If those who oppose the idea can
maintain that great obstacles exist which will prevent the undertaking
of the project or hinder its execution, then the question of
practicability constitutes an important issue. For instance, one who
contemplates a thorough argument on the proposition, "The United
States navy should be greatly enlarged," must prove that the plan is,
or is not, practicable. Plainly, such hindrances as enormous expense,
inadequate facilities for building and repairing battleships, and the
increased demand for officers and sailors render questionable the
expediency of such a measure. This issue, however, is not found in
connection with all propositions; it does not concern propositions
that merely approve or condemn existing conditions or assert the
occurrence of an event. For example, practicability does not enter
into such subjects as these: "Strikes are justifiable"; "The present
powers of the Speaker of the House of Representatives are dangerously
great"; "Athletics have been excessively developed in American
colleges and universities." But all propositions that advocate a
change, that propose some new system of operation, usually have this
issue involved. Such subjects are: "American cities should own and
operate public plants for the furnishing of light, heat, and power";
"Military drill should be taught in the public schools"; "Porto Rico
should be given a territorial form of government."
2. WILL THE PROPOSED PLAN BE A MORAL BENEFIT OR DETRIMENT TO THOSE
CONCERNED? Not all propositions, by any means, but many, are of such a
character that they must be considered from the standpoint of
morality. The arguer must ask whether the idea involved in the subject
is morally right or wrong; whether it is morally beneficial or
harmful. This point of view includes more than at first appears. It
takes into consideration justice, duty, honesty, faithfulness,
religion, everything that pertains to what is right or wrong. Under
the proposition, "The treatment of the American Indians by the United
States should be condemned," appears the moral issue, "What is our
_duty_ toward the people of this race?" The proposition, "Public
libraries, museums, and art galleries should be open on Sunday,"
presents this issue, "Is the method of recreation afforded by the
opening of these buildings in accordance with the teachings of the
Christian religion?" The proposition, "Football is an undesirable
college game," must be settled in part by the answer to the question,
"Is the game beneficial or harmful to the player's character?"
3. WILL THE PROPOSED PLAN BE A MATERIAL BENEFIT OR DETRIMENT? In the
third place the proposition should be questioned from a material point
of view, to determine whether the plan is, or is likely to be, a
benefit or a detriment. In some form this issue will doubtless be
found in connection with almost every proposition of policy. In all
systems of government, of business, and even of education, material
betterment is invariably one of the ultimate objects sought. The
question of national expansion presents the issue, "Will such a course
add to the glory, the prestige, or the wealth of the nation?" When a
boy considers going to college, he desires to know whether a college
education is a valuable asset in business, social, or professional
life. An issue which puts to the touch the matter of personal gain is
sure to involve a substantial portion of the controversy. The arguer
who can decisively settle the question of dollars and cents always has
a strong argument. Usually the issue involving the question of
material benefit or detriment is plain and direct; sometimes, however,
it is partially concealed. A man debating on the affirmative side of
the proposition, "_Resolved_, That United States Senators should
be elected by a direct popular vote of the people," may urge as a
reason that such a method will result in purer politics. This
particular line of argument he may carry no farther, taking it for
granted that everyone will recognize the connection between honest
office holders and material gain.
4. WILL THE PROPOSED PLAN BE AN INTELLECTUAL BENEFIT OR DETRIMENT? All
propositions that deal with education or with other matters that
pertain to man's progress and advancement should be viewed from an
intellectual standpoint. No person in discussing a measure bearing
upon the welfare of an individual, of a community, or of a nation, can
afford to neglect questioning its influence for mental advancement or
retrogression. Propositions relating to schools, colleges, and similar
institutions, and propositions dealing with social and industrial
conditions present this issue. Modern theories of government, both
municipal and national, are frequently based to some extent upon the
idea of teaching the people how to live and how to govern themselves.
The policy of the United States in the Philippines and in the West
Indies has been greatly influenced by the query, "How will it affect
the intellectual welfare of the people concerned?"
5. WILL THE PROPOSED PLAN BE A PHYSICAL BENEFIT OR DETTRIMENT? All
subjects that concern the life, health, strength, or in any way bear
upon the physical well-being of man present this issue. An argument on
government ownership of railroads would have to answer the question,
"Under which system will fewer accidents occur?" All such propositions
as, "Eight hours ought legally to constitute a working day"; "State
boards of health should compel all persons afflicted with contagious
diseases to be quarantined"; "Football is an undesirable college
game," give rise to the issue of physical welfare.
6. WILL THE PROPOSED PLAN BE A POLITICAL BENEFIT OR DETRIMENT? If a
plan is of such far-reaching significance that its adoption or
rejection would affect a whole town, state, or nation, then its merits
usually depend to some extent upon its political significance. The
issue may take some such form as, "How will the system affect the
country politically?" "Will the system encourage bribery and graft, or
will it tend to do away with these evils?" "What will be its effect
upon bossism?"
7. HOW HAS THE PLAN SUCCEEDED WHERE IT HAS BEEN TRIED? This question
frequently occurs as an issue in connection with all sorts of
propositions. Its importance and significance are so evident that no
explanation is needed. The value of precedent is known to every one.
8. DOES THE PRESENT SYSTEM CONTAIN SERIOUS EVILS? The asking of this
question is frequently one of the very best ways to get at the heart
of a proposition of policy. To be sure, this question overlaps and
embraces several other questions that have been suggested, but a
comprehensive issue like this is sometimes preferable from the
standpoint both of the arguer and of the audience. It removes from the
arguer the necessity of classifying each evil under the head of
_moral_, _financial_, _intellectual_, etc.; and in many
cases it results in an argument more easily understood by the
audience. In some form this issue applies to nearly all political,
economic, and financial propositions.
9. IF THE PRESENT SYSTEM DOES CONTAIN SERIOUS EVILS, WILL THE PROPOSED
SYSTEM REMOVE THEM? Equal in importance with the question as to
whether the existing system is defective, is the question as to
whether the proposed system will remove these defects, without, of
course, introducing equally great disadvantages. These two issues
almost invariably go together; they set the system advocated by the
affirmative and the system advocated by the negative side by side, and
compare and contrast each with the other.
10. IF THE PRESENT SYSTEM CONTAINS SERIOUS EVILS, IS THE PROPOSED
SYSTEM THE ONLY REMEDY? This last question is very closely connected
with the two preceding questions. The whole discussion may hinge not
on whether evils exist, but on how they shall be remedied. If the
argument takes this turn, the advocates of a certain system must show
that their plan is the only one suitable for adoption, or, at least,
is the best plan, while the negative must introduce and uphold a
totally different scheme. For instance, under the proposition, "The
United States army should be greatly enlarged," the first two issues
would probably be these: "Is the present army adequate to protect the
nation?" and "Is the enlargement of the army the _only_ means of
rendering the nation safe from invasion?"
PROPOSITIONS OF FACT.
1. DOES THE PROPOSITION STATE A POSSIBLE TRUTH? To find the issues of
a proposition of fact, first ask whether the occurrence in question
could have happened or the condition alleged in the proposition could
possibly have existed. This question is so important that if it can
conclusively be answered in the negative the discussion is ended.
Legal proceedings invariably center around some form of a proposition
of fact. In the criminal court a man to prove his innocence has only
to establish an alibi or prove physical inability to commit the crime
with which he is charged. Not always, of course, does the question of
possibility constitute an issue, since frequently the possibility is
admitted. Such would be the case if the following propositions came up
for discussion: "Joan of Arc was burned at the stake"; "Nero was
guilty of burning Rome." In these instances possibility gives way to
probability.
2. DOES THE PROPOSITION STATE A PROBABLE TRUTH? If the question of
possibility has been answered affirmatively or inconclusively, the
issue of probability next arises. In connection with many propositions
of fact this is the most important issue to be encountered. Unless a
condition or an event--its possibility being admitted--can be affirmed
or denied by reliable witnesses who testify from their own personal
knowledge of the matter, the most that any arguer can do is to
establish a balance of probability. Those who believe that Bacon wrote
the plays attributed to Shakespeare try to show how improbable it is
that a man like Shakespeare could have produced such works, and how
very likely it is that Bacon was the real author. Many criminals are
convicted or acquitted on evidence that establishes merely a strong
probability of guilt or of innocence.
3. IS THERE ANY DIRECT EVIDENCE BEARING ON THE PROPOSITION? In the
third place, a person who is trying to prove or disprove a proposition
of fact must consider the direct evidence involved. Indirect evidence
tends to establish the possibility or probability that a statement is
true or false, while direct evidence asserts that it is true or false.
Direct evidence on the question, "Country roads in New England are
inferior to those of the Middle West," would not be a description of
the topographical and geographical features of both regions, for this
information could at its best establish only a strong probability;
direct evidence on this subject would be the testimony of people who
have investigated the roads, and could thus speak from direct personal
knowledge.
This issue of direct evidence has two phases. The arguer must ask, "Is
any direct evidence available?" and "If there is any, what is its
value?" It is easily seen that not all evidence is equally reliable.
Both the man and what he says must be tested: the man for such
qualities as truthfulness, intelligence, and experience; the
statements for consistency and general credibility. The tests of
evidence are given in detail in another chapter.
TESTS FOR ISSUES.
After an arguer has secured his list of issues, he should test his
work by asking the four following questions:--
1. Does each issue really bear upon the proposition?
2. Is each issue a subdivision of the proposition, or is it the
proposition itself formulated in different language?
3. Does each issue comprise only disputed matter?
4. Do the issues, taken collectively, consider all phases of the
proposition?
Several illustrations will show more plainly just what issues are and
how they are used in connection with other parts of an introduction.
SHALL GREEK BE TAUGHT IN HIGH SCHOOLS?
In taking up the discussion of Greek in the high schools, I shall
consider these three questions: First, is Greek more valuable than
other studies in training the mind? Second, does the study of Greek
acquaint us with the best that has been known and said in the world,
and, therefore, with the history of the human spirit? And third, where
shall Greek be taught? [Footnote: W.F. Webster, The Forum, December,
1899, page 459.]
DOES COLONIZATION PAY?
The points to be considered in determining the somewhat mercenary
question, "Does Colonization Pay?" as viewed with regard to the
interests of the colonizing country, are: (1) the market that the
colonies afford for the goods which the colonizing country has to
sell; and whether control gives to the mother-country a larger share
of their market than she would have without that control; (2) the
supplies the colonies are able to furnish for use in the mother-
country; and whether the purchase of these supplies from the colonies
proves more advantageous to the mother-country than if they should be
purchased from other parts of the world; (3) the advantages, if any,
which accrue to the native population of the country controlled.
[Footnote: O. P. Austin, The Forum, January, 1900, p. 623.]
The following passage, taken from Daniel Webster's speech in which, as
counsel for the city of Boston, he argues that a certain piece of land
has not become a public highway, is a good illustration of an
introduction on what was virtually a proposition of fact. Notice with
what skill he cast aside all irrelevant matter and reduced the
proposition to clearly stated and indisputable issues:--
If this street, or land, or whatever it may be, has become and now
is a public highway, it must have become so in one of three ways, and
to these points I particularly call your honors' attention.
1st. It must have either become a highway by having been regularly
laid out according to usage and law; or
2nd. By _dedication_ as such by those having the power to
dedicate it, and acceptance and adoption so far as they are required;
or
3d. As a highway by long user, without the existence of proof of any
original laying out, or dedication.
It is not pretended by any one that the land in question is a highway,
upon the last of these grounds. I shall therefore confine myself to
the consideration of the other two questions: namely. Was there ever a
formal and regular laying out of a street here? or was there ever a
regular and sufficient dedication and acceptance? [Footnote: The Works
of Daniel Webster, Vol. VI, p. 186. Little, Brown & Co., Boston,
1857.]
PARTITION.
In college debate, though not frequently elsewhere, the issues as a
rule are immediately followed by a series of statements that show how
each issue is to be answered. These statements constitute what is
known as the _partition_. When a partition is made, each
statement becomes a main point to be established by proof in the
discussion. The following portion of a student's argument contains
both the issues and the partition:--
In considering, then, whether colleges should adopt the system of
exempting from final examinations all students who have attained an
average daily grade of eighty-five per cent. or over, we have only to
consider the effect such a rule would have upon the students,
individually and collectively. Would the system raise or lower the
standard of scholarship? Would it assist or retard the growth of other
qualities which a college course should develop? The negative will
oppose the adoption of this rule by establishing the three following
points:--
1. Such a system will lower the scholarship both of those who are
exempted from examinations and of those who are not.
2. Such a system will foster dishonesty, jealousy, and conceit.
3. Such a system will deprive those who are exempted from examinations
of valuable discipline in preparing for examinations and in taking the
examinations.
There are several forms in which the partition may be expressed: it
may consist of a single sentence that indicates how the issues are to
be answered; it may consist of the issues themselves turned into
declarative sentences so that they read in favor of the side being
upheld; or it may answer each issue by means of several statements.
The following will illustrate the several methods:--
Proposition: _Resolved_, That football is an undesirable college
game.
Issues:
1. Does football benefit or injure the player?
2. Does football benefit or injure the college as a whole?
Partition (negative):
_First method._
1. We will establish our side of the argument by proving that in each
case football is a benefit.
_Second method._
1. Football benefits the player.
2. Football benefits the college as a whole.
_Third method._
1. Football benefits the player physically.
2. Football benefits the player mentally.
3. Football benefits the player morally.
4. Football benefits the students who do not participate in the game.
5. Intercollegiate football games advertise the college.
The partition is usually found in college debate because in a contest
of this sort absolute clearness is a prerequisite for success. As but
little interest customarily centers around the subject itself, each
debater knows that if he is to make any impression on the audience he
must so arrange his argument that it will, with a minimum amount of
effort on the part of the listener, be clear to every one. To one
reading an argument, a partition, unless of the simplest kind, will
probably seem superfluous; to one listening to a speech in which he is
truly interested, the partition may seem labored. But when the whole
interest centers in the method of presentation, and in the processes
of reasoning rather than in the subject matter, the partition does
increase the clearness of the argument, and should, therefore, be
used.
By way of summary, then, it may be said that the work of conviction in
the introduction is to show the relation between the proposition and
the proof. The arguer accomplishes this task, first, by defining all
words the meaning of which is not generally comprehended; secondly, by
explaining, in the light of these definitions, the meaning of the
proposition taken as a whole; thirdly, by discovering the issues
through a careful process of analysis; and fourthly, by making a
partition when he is engaged in debate and has reason to think that
the audience will not see the connection between the issues and the
discussion.
HOW TO INVESTIGATE A SUBJECT.
A student will hardly have reached this point in the study of
Argumentation before finding it necessary to search for information
that will assist him in the construction of his argument. To one
unfamiliar with a library, a search after facts bearing upon a given
subject is likely to prove tedious. For this reason a few words of
advice concerning the proper way in which to use a library may be of
great help to a beginner. Nothing, however, can be given here that
will even approximate the value of a few hours' instruction by the
librarian of the college in which the student is enrolled. In the
absence of such instruction, one can seldom do better at the outset
than to become familiar with indexes to periodical and contemporary
literature, encyclopaedias, government reports, and the library
catalogue.
The best indexes are the _Reader's Guide, Poole's Index, The Annual
Library Index,_ and the _Current Events Index_. These give
references to all articles published in the principal magazines and
newspapers for many years. In these articles one will find almost
limitless material on nearly every popular topic of the day--
political, economic, scientific, social, educational. The writers,
too, are often of national and even of international reputation, and
the opinions and ideas given here are frequently as weighty and
progressive as can be found. In searching through an index for
articles upon a certain subject, one should invariably look under
several headings. For example, if one is seeking material in regard to
the abolishment of baseball from the list of college sports, he ought
not to consult just the one heading _baseball_; he should in
addition look under _athletics_, _college sports_, and
similar topics.
Other valuable sources of information are encyclopaedias. They often
give broad surveys and comprehensive digests that cannot readily be
found elsewhere. Although they do not, as a rule, discuss subjects
that are of mere local or present-day interest, yet the thorough
searcher after evidence will usually do well to consult at least
several. A fact worth bearing in mind is that in connection with these
articles in encyclopaedias, references are often given to books and
articles that treat the subject very thoroughly.
In the next place, official publications frequently furnish invaluable
help in regard to public problems. Both state governments and the
national government constantly publish reports containing statistics,
the opinions of experts, and suggestions for economic and political
changes. Some of the most valuable of these documents for the purposes
of the arguer are Census, Immigration, Education, and Interstate
Commerce Commission reports, the messages of the Presidents, and the
_Congressional Record_. There are indexes to all these, and one
can easily find out how to use them.
Furthermore, one should not fail to consult the library catalogue. To
be sure, if the books are catalogued only according to titles and
authors, one will probably get little assistance from this source
unless he knows beforehand what particular books or authors to search
for. If, on the other hand, the books are also catalogued according to
the subjects of which they treat, one can see almost at a glance what
books the library has that bear upon the matter under investigation.
EXERCISES
A. Define the following terms:--monopoly, free trade, railway pooling,
income tax, honorary degree, tutorial system of instruction,
industrial education, classical education, German university method of
study, vivisection, temperance, Indian agency system, yellow peril,
graft, sensational, mass play, monarch, civilization, autonomy.
B. Criticise the issues that are given for the following
propositions:--
1. _Resolved,_ That in the United States naturalization laws
should be more stringent.
a. Are the present laws satisfactory?
b. Have the results of the laws been satisfactory?
c. Would a change be wise?
2. _Resolved,_ That in the United States the reformatory system
of imprisonment should be substituted for the punitive.
a. Is the reformatory system practicable?
b. Does it reform the criminal?
c. What has been its success thus far?
d. Is it in accordance with modern civilization?
3. _Resolved_, That education in the United States should be
compulsory to the age of sixteen.
a. Is compulsory education practicable?
b. Will compulsory education benefit the child?
c. Will compulsory education benefit the public?
4. _Resolved_, That American universities should admit women on
equal terms with men.
a. Is woman's education as important as man's?
b. Is coeducation a benefit to both sexes?
c. Is coeducation a benefit to the college?
d. Is the desirable system of separate education worth the extra
money it costs?
5. _Resolved_, That in the United States there should be an
educational test for voting.
a. Is voting a privilege or a natural right?
b. Ought illiterates to be excluded from the polls?
c. Would the test be unfair to any class of citizens?
d. Could such a test be easily incorporated into our laws?
6. _Resolved_, That vivisection should be prohibited.
a. Is vivisection of great assistance to medicine?
b. Is vivisection humane?
c. Is it right for us as human beings to sanction the many
forms of needless and excessive cruelty practised by
vivisectors?
C. Make a brief introduction to each of the following propositions,
defining all words that require definition, explaining the meaning of
the proposition, stating the issues, and making the partition:--
1. All colleges should debar freshmen from participation in
intercollegiate athletic contests.
2. Playing baseball with organizations not under the national
agreement should not render athletes ineligible for college teams.
3. ---- College should adopt the honor system of holding examinations.
4. All colleges should abolish hazing.
5. The climate of our country is changing.
6. Macbeth's wife was the cause of his ruin.
7. The Rhodes scholarships for the United States will accomplish the
objects of its founder.
8. National expositions are a benefit to the country.