I think first of a recovered Russia and then of a unified and educated

China and a freed and reconstructed India and of many other states which

can claim to be of a civilized quality, such as Egypt, gradually winning

their way from a non-participating to a participating level. The

relationship of China to Japan in a developing Association of Nations

will be something rather analogous to the relationship of a Territory to

a State in the Constitution of the United States of America.

Unless there is a strong, well organized collective mentality in a

nation or state, I do not see how there can be anything but a sham

representation of it upon an Association of Nations, nor how it can be

anything but a responsibility and weakness to such an Association.

And outside the system of participating states, and non-participating

states, there are great regions of the earth—tropical Africa is the most

typical case—which must necessarily have a sort of order imposed upon

them from without and for which a joint control by interested associated

nations is probably the best method of government at the present time.

That, I think, is the vision of the political future of mankind that is

opening out before us; a great system of associated states, locked and

interlocked together by fourfold and sixfold and tenfold treaties, open

treaties, of peace and co-operation, ruling jointly the still barbaric

regions of the earth and pledged to respect and to keep and at last to

welcome to their own ranks the now politically enfeebled regions of old

civilization. Such an Association must necessarily supersede the

“empires” of the nineteenth century and put an end forever to the

imperialistic idea. Of such an Association the fourfold treaty may be

the foundation stone. And within the security of such an edifice of

peace mankind will be able to go on to achievements such as we at

present can scarcely imagine.

XXIX

WHAT A STABLY ORGANIZED WORLD PEACE MEANS FOR MANKIND

I have now come to the last paper I shall write about the Washington

Conference. I have tried to give the reader some idea of the nature of

that gathering and a broad view of the issues involved. I have tried to

prevent the sharp discussions of the foreground, the dramatic moments

and eloquent passages, from blinding us to the dark and darkening

background of Old World affairs. I have tried to show that even the

horrors of war are not the whole or the main disaster which results from

human disunion and disorder in the presence of increasing mechanical

power. I have stressed the theme of economic and social dissolution.

Necessarily, I have had to write much of dangers impending and miseries

which gather and increase, and of hates, suspicions and failures to

comprehend. And on the other hand, when one has turned to the

possibilities and methods of escape from the present conflicts and

apprehensions, necessarily one has been very largely in the thin and

unattractive atmosphere of unrealized projects. I have written of the

defects of the League of Nations scheme, its premature explicitness, its

thinly theoretical and imitative forms, its frequent mere camouflage, as

in the mandatory system, of existing wrongs, and I have brought into

contrast with it this newer and I think more natural and hopeful project

of successive Conferences, throwing off Committees, embodying their

results in treaties and Standing Commissions, and growing at last not so

much into a World Parliament, which I perceive more and more clearly is

an improbable dream, as into a living, growing, organic network of World

Government.

But now in conclusion I will ask the reader to turn his mind from this

necessary discussion of political devices and administrative

contrivances, these bleak inventions that may form the ladder of escape

from the divisions and bitterness of the present time, and to join in an

attempt to realize what the world may become if men do struggle through

these tiresome and perplexing problems to a working solution, if our

race really does get from these wearisome yet hopeful wranglings and

dealings to an organized world peace, to a disarmed world, to a steady

reduction of racial and national antipathies and distrusts, to a growing

confidence in the permanence of peace and the prevalence of good will

throughout our planet, to a comprehensive system of world controls of

the common interests of mankind. Suppose that after these present

darknesses of famine and almost universal insecurity, these confused and

often conflicting efforts we are making; suppose that in ten, or twenty,

or thirty years we shall begin to realize that the thing is, after all,

getting done, that we are indeed pushing through, moving towards the

light, that human affairs are on the up-grade again and on new and

greater and safer lines; let us suppose that and then let us ask what

sort of world it will be for our kind that we shall be moving towards?

Let us go back to one fundamental fact in the present break-up in human

affairs. That break-up is not a result of debility; _it is a result of

ill-regulated power_. It is important to bear that in mind.

Disproportionate development of energy and overstrain are the immediate

causes of our present troubles; the scale of modern economic enterprise

has outgrown the little boundaries of the European States; science and

invention have made war so monstrously destructive and disintegrative

that victory is swallowed up in disaster; we are in a world of little

nations wielding world-wide powers to the general destruction. And it

follows that if, after all, we do struggle out of our old-fashioned and

now altogether disastrous rivalries and hatreds before they destroy us,

we shall still have all this science and power, which are things that

seem now to increase by a sort of inner necessity, on our hands. So that

getting through to an organized world peace does not mean simply

avoiding death and destruction and getting back to “as you were.” It

means getting hold of power by the right end instead of the wrong end

and going right ahead. We are not struggling simply to escape, we are

struggling for the opportunity to achieve.

Personally, I do not think I would have bothered to come to Washington

or to interest myself in this peace business, and to work and blunder

and feel incompetent and be worried and distressed here, if it meant

working for just peace, flat, empty, simple peace. I do not see why the

killing of a few score millions of human beings a few years before they

would naturally and ingloriously die, or the smashing up of a lot of

ordinary, rather ugly, rather uncomfortable towns, or, if it comes to

that sort of thing, the complete depopulation of the earth, or the

prospect of being killed myself presently by a bomb or a shot or a

pestilence, should move me to any great exertions. Why bother to

exchange suffering for flatness? The worst, least endurable of miseries

is boredom. One must die somewhere; few deaths are as painful as a

first-class toothache or as depressing as a severe fit of indigestion;

you can suffer more on a comfortable death bed than on a battlefield;

and meanwhile, there is a very good chance of sunshine and snatched

happiness here or there. But what does stir me is my invincible belief

that the life I lead and the human life about me are not anything like

the good thing that could be and might be. I am not so much frightened

and distressed by these wars and national clashes and all the rest of

this silly flag-wagging, bragging, shoving business as bored and

irritated by these things. I have had some vision of what science and

education can do for life and I am haunted by the fine uses that might

be made of men and of our splendid possibilities. I do not think of war

as a tragic necessity but as a blood-stained mess. When I think of my

Europe now, I do not feel like a weakling whose world has been invaded

by stupendous and cruel powers; I feel like a man whose promising garden

has been invaded by hogs. There is the pacificism of love, the

pacificism of pity, the pacificism of commercialism, but also there is

the pacificism of utter contempt. This is not a doomed world we live in

or anything so tragically dignified; it is a world idiotically spoilt.

Do any of us fully realize the promise of that garden, the promise that

can still be rescued from the trampling dullness of old animosities and

rivalries which is wrecking it? Given unity of purpose throughout the

world, given a surcease of mutual thwarting and destruction, do we

realize what science has made possible now and here for mankind?

I shall not indulge in any imaginative anticipations of things still

undiscovered in the scientific realm, I will only suppose that things

already known and tested are systematically used all over the world,

that the good knowledge we have already stored in our laboratories and

libraries is really applied with some thoroughness and with some

community of purpose to the needs and enlargement of life.

And first let us deal with the commoner material aspects of life in

which there have been great changes and improvements in recent times and

in which, therefore, it is easiest to imagine still further betterment,

given only an assuagement of strife and blind struggle and a spreading

out of generosity and the feeling of community from international to

social affairs.

Take transport, that very fundamental social concern. It is ripe for

great advances. There is all the labor needed in the world, all the

skill and knowledge needed, and all the material needed, for these

advances. There is everything needed but peace and the recognition of a

common purpose. At present, there are railways only over a part of the

inhabited world; there are vast areas of Asia and Africa and South

America with no railway nor road communication at all and with enormous

natural resources scarcely tapped, in consequence. Roads are as yet not

nearly so widespread as railways, abundant good roads are founded indeed

only in Western Europe and the better developed regions of the United

States; there are a few good main roads in such countries as India,

South Africa, and so forth. And in many parts of Europe now, and

especially in Russia roads and railways are going out of use. Large

parts of the world are still only to be reached by a specially equipped

expedition; they are as inaccessible to ordinary travelling people as

the other side of the moon. And if you will probe into the reasons why

road and rail transport fails to develop and is even over wide areas

undergoing degradation, you will come in nearly every case upon a

political bar, a national or an imperial rivalry. These are the things

that close half our world to us and may presently close most of the

world to us. And consider even the railroads and roads we have; even

those of America or Britain, how poor and uncomfortable they are in

comparison with what we know they might be.

And then take housing. I have been motoring about a little in Maryland

and Virginia and I am astounded at the many miserable wood houses I see,

hovels rather than houses, the abodes very often of white men. I am

astounded at the wretched fences about the ill-kept patches of

cultivation and by the extreme illiteracy of many of the poorer folk,

white as well as colored, with whom I have had a chance of talking. I

have to remind myself that I am in what is now the greatest, richest,

most powerful country in the world. But with this country now as with

every country, army, navy, contentious service, war debt charges and the

rest of the legacy of past wars consume the national revenue. America is

not spending a tithe of what she ought to be spending upon schools, upon

the maintenance of a housing standard and upon roads and transport. She

improves in all these things, but at no great pace, because of the

disunion of the world and the threat of war. England and France, which

were once far ahead of her in these respects of housing, transport and

popular education, are now on the whole declining, through the excessive

fiscal burthens they are under to pay for the late war and prepare for

fresh ones. But I ask you to think what would happen to a world from

which that burthen of preparedness was lifted. The first result of that

relief would be a diversion of the huge maintenance allowance of the

war-God to just these starved and neglected things.

Stanch that waste throughout the earth, and the saved wealth and energy

will begin at once to flow in the direction of better houses, towards a

steady increase in the order and graciousness of our unkempt and

slovenly countrysides, to making better roads throughout the globe,

until the globe is accessible, and to a huge enrichment and invigoration

of education.

How fair and lovely such countries as France and Germany and Italy might

be today if the dark threat of war that keeps them so gaunt and

poverty-struck could be lifted from them. Think of the abundant and

various loveliness of France and the wit and charm of its varied

peoples, now turned sour by the toil and trouble, the fears and bitter

suspicions the threat of further war holds over them. Think of France,

fearless and at last showing the world what France can do and be. And

Italy at last Italy, and Japan, Japan. Think of the green hills of

Virginia, covered with stately homes and cheerful houses. Think of a

world in which travel is once more free and in which every country in

absolute security has been able to resume its own peace-time development

of its architecture, its music and all its arts in its own atmosphere

upon the foundations of its own past. Because world unity does not mean

uniformity; it means security to be different. It is war that forces all

men into the same khaki and iron-clad moulds.

But all this recovery of the visible idiosyncracies of nations, all this

confident activity and progressive enrichment which will inevitably

ensue upon the diversion of human attention from war and death and

conflict and mutual thwarting to peace and development, will be but the

outer indication of much profounder changes. Relieved of our war

burthens, it will be possible to take hold of education as educationists

have been longing to do for many years.

They tell us now that every one could be educated up to sixteen or

seventeen and that most people may be kept learning and growing mentally

all their lives, that no country in the world has enough schools, or

properly equipped schools, nor enough properly educated teachers in the

schools we have. The supply of university resources is still more

meager. There is hardly anyone alive who has not a sense of things that

he could know but cannot attain and of powers he can never develop. The

number of fully educated and properly nurtured people in the world,

people who can be said to have come reasonably near to realizing their

full birth possibilities, is almost infinitesimal. The rest of mankind

are either physically or mentally stunted, or both. This insolvent,

slovenly old world has begotten them, and starved them. Our lives, in

strength, in realized capacity, in achievement and happiness are perhaps

20% or 30% of what they ought to be. But if only we could sweep aside

these everlasting contentions, these hates and disputes that waste our

earth, and get to work upon this educational proposition as a big

business man gets to work upon a mineral deposit or the development of

an invention, instead of a 20% result we might clamber to an 80% or a

90% result in educated efficiency. I ask you to go through the crowded

streets of a town and note the many under-grown and ill-grown, the

under-sized, the ill-behaved; to note the appeals to childish,

prejudiced and misshapen minds in the shop windows, in the

advertisements, in the newspaper headlines at the street corners, and

then to try and think of what might be there even now in the place of

that street and that crowd.

The wealth and energy were there to make schools and give physical and

mental training to all these people, and they have gone to burst shells

and smash up the work of men, the organizing power has been wasted upon

barren disputes; the science was there and it has been cramped and

misused; even the will was there, but it was not organized to effective

application. And scarcely a man in the crowd who begets a child, or a

woman who bears one, but will dream of its growing to something better

than the thwarted hope it will become.

Have you ever examined an aeroplane or a submarine, and realized the

thousand beautiful adjustments and devices that have produced its

wonderful perfection? Have you ever looked at a street corner loafer and

thought of the ten thousand opportunities that have been cast away of

saving him from what he has become?

When we follow this line of thought, it becomes clear that our first

vision of a world-wide net of fine roads, great steady trains on renewed

and broader tracks, long distance aeroplane flights of the securest

sort, splendid and beautiful towns, a parklike countryside, studded with

delightful homes, was merely the scene and frame for a population of

well-grown, well-trained, fully adult human beings. All the world will

be accessible to them, mountains to climb, deserts to be alone in,

tropics to explore in wonder, beautiful places for rest. And they will

be healthy, and happy in the way that only health makes possible. For

surely it is no news to any one that a score of horrible tints and

diseases that weaken and cripple us, a number of infections, a multitude

of ill-nourished and under-nourished states of body, can be completely

controlled and banished from life, they and all the misery they

entail—given only a common effort, given only human co-operation instead

of discussion. The largest visible material harvest of peace is the

least harvest of peace. The great harvest will be health and human

vigor.

And happiness! Think of the mornings that will some day come, when men

will wake to read in the papers of something better than the great 5–5–3

wrangle, of the starvation and disorder of half the world, of the stupid

sexual crimes and greedy dishonesties committed by the adults with the

undeveloped intelligence of vicious children, of suggestions of horrible

plots and designs against our threadbare security, of the dreary

necessity for “preparedness.” Think of a morning when the newspaper has

mainly _good_ news, of things discovered, of fine things done; think of

the common day of a common citizen in a world where debt is no longer a

universal burthen, where there is constant progress and no

retrogression, where it is the normal thing to walk out of a beautiful

house into a clean and splendid street, to pass and meet happy and

interesting adults instead of aged children obsessed by neglected spites

and jealousies and mean anxieties, to go to some honorable occupation

that helps the world forward to a still greater and finer life. You may

say that a world may be prosperous and men and women healthy and free

and yet there will still be spites and jealousies and all the bitterness

of disputation, but that is no more true than that there will still be

toothache. A mind educated and cared for, quite as well as a body, can

be healed and kept clean and sweet and free from these maddening

humiliations and suppressions that now fester in so many souls. There is

no real necessity about either physical or mental miserableness in human

life. Given, that is, a sufficient release of human energy to bring a

proper care within the reach of all. And consider the quality of

interest in such a world. Think of the mental quality of a world in

which each day the thought and research of a great host of intelligences

turns more and more the opaque and confused riddles of yesteryear into

transparent lucidity. Think of the forces of personal and national

idiosyncracy, of patriotic and racial assertion, seeking and finding

their expression not in vile mutual thwarting and a brutish

destructiveness, but in the distinctive architecture of cities, in the

cultivated and intensified beauty of the countryside, in a hundred forms

of art, in costume and custom. Think of the freedom, the abundance, the

harmonious differences of such a world!

This is not idle prophecy, this is no dream. Such a world is ours

today—if we could but turn the minds of men to realize that it is here

for the having. These things can be done, this finer world is within

reach. I can write that as confidently today as I wrote in 1900 that men

could fly. But whether we are to stop this foolery of international

struggle, this moral and mental childishness of patriotic aggressions,

this continual bloodshed and squalor, and start out for a world of adult

sanity in ten years, or in twenty years, or a hundred years, or never,

is more than I can say. In Washington, I have met and seen hopes that

seemed invincible, and stupidities and habits and prejudices that seemed

insurmountable; I have lived for six weeks in a tangled conflict of

great phrases, mean ends, inspiration, illogicality, forgetfulness,

flashes of greatness and flashes of grossness. I am no moral accountant

to cast a balance and estimate a date. My moods have fluctuated between

hope and despair.

But I know that I believe so firmly in this great World at Peace that

lies so close to our own, ready to come into being as our wills turn

towards it, that I must needs go about this present world of disorder

and darkness like an exile doing such feeble things as I can towards the

world of my desire, now hopefully, now bitterly, as the moods may

happen, until I die.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

¶ Mr. WELLS has also written the following novels:

LOVE AND MR. LEWISHAM

KIPPS

MR. POLLY

THE WHEELS OF CHANCE

THE NEW MACHIAVELLI

ANN VERONICA

TONO BUNGAY

MARRIAGE

BEALBY

THE PASSIONATE FRIENDS

THE WIFE OF SIR ISAAC HARMON

THE RESEARCH MAGNIFICENT

MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH

THE SOUL OF A BISHOP

JOAN AND PETER

THE UNDYING FIRE

¶ The following fantastic and imaginative romances:

THE WAR OF THE WORLDS

THE TIME MACHINE

THE WONDERFUL VISIT

THE ISLAND OF DR. MOREAU

THE SEA LADY

THE SLEEPER AWAKES

THE FOOD OF THE GODS

THE WAR IN THE AIR

THE FIRST MEN IN THE MOON

IN THE DAYS OF THE COMET

THE WORLD SET FREE

And numerous Short Stories now collected in One Volume under the

title of

THE COUNTRY OF THE BLIND

¶ A Series of books on Social, Religious, and Political questions:

ANTICIPATIONS (1900)

MANKIND IN THE MAKING

FIRST AND LAST THINGS

NEW WORLDS FOR OLD

A MODERN UTOPIA

THE FUTURE IN AMERICA

AN ENGLISHMAN LOOKS AT THE WORLD

WHAT IS COMING?

WAR AND THE FUTURE

IN THE FOURTH YEAR

GOD THE INVISIBLE KING

¶ And two little books about children’s play, called:

FLOOR GAMES and LITTLE WARS

------------------------------------------------------------------------

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Added table of Contents.

2. Moved ads from before the title page to the end.

3. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.

4. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as

printed.

5. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.

Washington and the Riddle of Peace · 第 12 / 12 段