OGIER GHISELIN
DE BUSBECQ
VOL. II.
(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_)
[Illustration: CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE.
THIRTEENTH CENTURY.]
THE
LIFE AND LETTERS
OF
OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ
SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE
KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR
BY
CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A.
_Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_
AND
F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A.
_Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_
Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω
_IN TWO VOLUMES_
VOL. II.
LONDON
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1881
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
PAGE
LETTERS FROM FRANCE TO MAXIMILIAN—I.-XXXVII. 3
” ” ” RODOLPH—I.-LVIII. 141
APPENDIX 265
INDEX 311
LETTERS FROM FRANCE.
BOOK I.
LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN.
In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently
made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the reader to
have some idea of their different characters, and positions, and of the
historical value of their statements.
(1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de
Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and
statesman. Busbecq’s intimate friend and warm admirer.
Quoted as _Thuanus_. Edition, Geneva, 1620, &c.
(2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie
de Paris. A quiet man, who took no part in politics.
He kept a diary which is generally known as _Journal
de Henri III._ and _Henri IV._, but is really _his own
private diary_ during the reigns of those monarchs.
Quoted as _De l’Estoile_. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c.
(3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme.
Soldier and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles
IX. and Henri III. His ideas are those of the French
Court of that period, and consequently his standard of
morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du
Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great
admirer of Marguerite, to whom he dedicated several
of his works. Having been disabled by a fall from his
horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of
the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on
duelling, &c. Quoted as _Brantôme_. Edition, Paris, 1822.
(4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre,
sister of Charles IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an
autobiography which she addressed to Brantôme. Quoted as
_Mémoires de Marguerite_. Edition, Paris, 1842.
(5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of
Henry of Navarre. He wrote a _Histoire universelle_ and
_Mémoires_. Quoted as _Aubigné, Histoire_. Edition S.
Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The _Mémoires_ are quoted from
the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836.
(6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman.
The compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as
_Mémoires de Nevers_. Edition, Paris, 1665.
(7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to
congratulate Henri III. on his coronation and marriage.
Jerome Lippomano, ambassador in 1577-1579. Their reports
are contained in _Collection de Documents inédits
sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations
des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_. Quoted as _Ambassadeurs
Vénitiens_.
(8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at
Saint-Maixent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as _Le
Riche_. Edition, Saint-Maixent, 1846.
(9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the
history of the wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn
largely from his work. Quoted as _Strada_. Edition, Rome,
1648.
LETTER I.
Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed a day at Salzburg
and another at Augsburg, on account of my health. For at my third stage
from Vienna an attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however,
by pain, or any great derangement of the system. The physicians I
consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg told me that, if I neglected it, the
consequences might be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days.
For my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting my journey
for any length of time, but, as I observe that this trouble, whatever
it may be, is aggravated by heat and motion, I intend to stay here over
to-morrow, for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse speed. In
order to save time, I have abandoned my project of passing through the
Netherlands, and intend to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my
health will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King of France, I
can learn nothing here; no one knows where he is, but he is said to be
going straight to Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope
to get there before him.
When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the sister of your
Majesty,[1] who had lately returned from a visit, sent to me, and made
particular inquiries about the health of your Majesty, of the Empress,
and your children. She also gave me messages for the Queen of France,
and sent letters to Augsburg next day for me to take to her.
I was speaking to someone to-day who had come but lately from the
Prince of Orange, and he said that negotiations[2] for peace had been
opened with him through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the hands
of the Royalists. He represented the Prince as strongly inclined for
peace, but said that the cities, which had called him in, were no less
strongly opposed to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity
than trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange away. The same
person told me that Leyden was starving, and must soon surrender.[3]
The Prince, he said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who,
having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, had obstinately
neglected to do so. He also informed me that the Spanish fleet, if it
was really coming, was to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set
up false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among the shoals
and sandbanks.
Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty is not of much
importance, still I feel sure that it will at least do no harm, and
that with your accustomed graciousness you will not take my sending it
amiss. I pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c.
Speyer,[4] August 22, 1574.[5]
LETTER II.
On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen[6] miles from Paris. My
journey was delayed by want of post-horses, for, as the King had just
gone to Lyons, they had almost all been transferred to that road from
their proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed down the
Marne, but, as it winds very much before its confluence with the Seine,
near Paris, I had to change my mode of travelling, and return to land.
As no horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to Paris to
get some, and also to look for lodgings against our arrival. When the
Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, knew of this, she sent two of her own
carriages, which brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th.
On that day the Queen[7] wished me to rest, and did not send for me
till the next day. I found her in excellent health, but her face was
melancholy, and still showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going
through the points mentioned in my instructions, she spoke gratefully
of your Majesty’s thinking of her and sending to console and visit
her in her bereavement. She was not surprised, she added, at the deep
regret expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort had
always felt the warmest affection for you, and had always been most
anxious to meet your wishes. She then made very minute inquiries
about your Majesty’s health. But, when I said that she must wait
patiently till your Majesty should be able to decide, according to the
turn events might take, whether she was to leave or stay, she gently
replied, that all she asked was to be allowed to do that which was most
useful and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then ended, and I
received permission to retire.
The next day the Queen again ordered me to be summoned, and during
the interview I contrived to introduce the question of her marriage
to the new King (Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current;
many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, and if the
union were to take place, it would, in my opinion, harmonise with your
Majesty’s views and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly
plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; and yet I could see
that she did not intend to be obstinate; she will, I am sure, place
herself in her father’s hands, and further his interests and wishes by
every means in her power.[8]
I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as your Majesty directed.
She promised to bear it in mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will
then make it my business to remind her of it.
I went to her a third time to ask that, as your Majesty’s principal
reason for sending me here was that I might look after her interests,
she would kindly give orders to the _maréchaux de logis_ to provide me
with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at once complied
with my request.
As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. The King is
expected to arrive at Lyons today, where the Queen Mother, Alençon,
and Vendôme[9] have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances are
still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. The King, they
say, is preparing to exert his influence, and, if need be, to put them
down with a strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides reiters from
Germany, and some thousands of Italian musketeers.
With regard to our business, not much, I see, can be done here while
the King is away, and so, if I was not afraid I might transgress the
rules of etiquette, I should like to run home for a few days. But I
cannot make up my mind, as I hardly know what people here might think;
otherwise I see no objection, as I had your Majesty’s permission.
Montmorency and Cossé[10] are still confined in the Bastille, and both
are so strictly guarded by the people,[11] that passers-by cannot so
much as bow to them without danger.
Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, whose misfortune has
been a great grief to me. Today I took the letters he brought to the
Queen, and she immediately answered them.
Paris, September 10, 1574.
LETTER III.
A few days ago I sent such news as I had by way of Brussels; I now
write, more because I have a convenient opportunity of forwarding a
letter, than because I have anything particular to tell.
The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army is besieging the town
of Nove,[12] twelve miles from Lyons, which they think will not be
hard to take, as it is commanded on every side by the adjoining hills.
Still, they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate the
King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending the places they
have occupied. Montpensier[13] is besieging the town of Fontenay; a
capitulation, they say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept
it, preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, rather than
forego their plunder, so the result is still uncertain. Great is the
strength of despair, and however things may turn out, their spoils, I
warrant, will be blood-stained.
They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, asked his Council’s
advice, as to whether he should send back the Italian troops he had
brought with him as a body guard, and that Pibrac,[14] whom your
Majesty saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave offence to
the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at Lyons she ordered him to return
to Paris, and resume his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen
Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she hopes thereby
to retain her power.
Damville,[15] they say, received an unfavourable answer from the King,
and consequently remained at Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned
by the King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It will be two
months, it is supposed, before the King gets away from his affairs
at Lyons, and in the meantime business here makes little progress. I
expect the King and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account
of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel justified in saying
that everybody is anxiously looking for a marriage between the King and
your Majesty’s daughter—it is the general topic of conversation.
The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long time in Gascony by the
dangers of the road, has at last started for Lyons.
Paris, September 17, 1574.
LETTER IV.
I have despatched two letters to your Majesty since I arrived here, one
I sent by way of Brussels, the other, dated the 17th, was given to a
servant of the Duke of Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain.
Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending despatches by the hands
of Master John Koch.
The King has determined to continue the war rather than suffer two
religions in his kingdom, or allow the rebels to remain in possession
of the towns they have seized; while they declare that they will
hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left save in their
walls and their despair. Thus the King is again getting entangled in
difficulties, from which he will not easily free himself, and which he
might perhaps have avoided.
Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell at the third
assault. There was great slaughter both of besiegers and besieged.
People think Lusignan will be attacked next. It is a fortress of
considerable strength, five miles from Poitiers, and being built on
a rock is not easily accessible.[16] The siege of Lusignan will give
Montpensier’s army occupation for some time, and though less important
places like these may be easily recovered by the King, at any rate the
reduction of Montauban, Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still
hold out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can say what may
happen in the meanwhile? Time brings about many a surprise, and the
result may turn out far other than what it is expected to be. The King
thinks differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed,
he is entering on the war with a light heart. Within the last few days
an Edict[17] was published, by which all who had fled the country are
invited to return home within six months, under promise of an amnesty;
if they do not avail themselves of this act of indemnity within that
time, they are to be considered outlaws and public enemies. This
proclamation, it is feared, will be the signal for those who distrust
the King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling them to
battle. To people’s astonishment some noble families, as, for instance,
those of Rambouillet and d’Estrées,[18] have been ordered to leave the
Court and retire to their homes.
At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King is said to have
made him a present of two towns which are still held by his
garrisons—namely, Savigliano and Pignerolo, if I remember the names
rightly. This arrangement, however, has been interfered with by
the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, before it was
completed, an event which may possibly make the King change his
intentions.[19]
I am far from satisfied with the state of the business which is the
principal object of my mission—namely, the settlement of the Queen’s
dower. The King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people think,
and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The Queen is thus left in a
state of uncertainty; she knows not what is to happen, or what her
position is to be, and therefore she naturally feels by no means
comfortable. Some people think the King will go down to Avignon, to
be nearer the seat of the war which is imminent; and, if so, it is
supposed he will not be in Paris for full six months from this. If
this be true, though sufficient provision has been made for her in the
meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that a lady, who is now
practically your Majesty’s ward, should be left dependent on another’s
beck and call, and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her
to become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my humble opinion,
a highly improper one; nor do I believe that in any other case the
relatives of a widowed queen ever waited so long before taking steps to
protect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider what is to be
done. Shall I go to the King—which will involve some expense—or shall
I write to him, or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may
be?
If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely to have more
trouble than he expects. For, taking even the most favourable
supposition, and assuming that he reduces a great part of the rebels
to submission, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his task
during the present winter, and that many of them will hold out still.
What then will be the King’s position? His forces will be no longer
what they were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, and
winter will have thinned their ranks. On the other hand, we must be
prepared to see the exiled nobles now in Germany come to the succour of
their friends with such troops as they can raise. All France will then
be in a blaze once more; the issue of the contest it is impossible to
foretell, for who can say how many secret allies the rebels can reckon
on? Those who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not a few.
This forecast of future probabilities is derived in great measure
from a conversation I had, when I was passing through Kaiserslautern,
with an intimate friend of the Palatine and Casimir.[20] The exiles I
speak of have been prevented from invading the country chiefly by two
motives: in the first place, they had some hopes that the King would
be more indulgent to their party, and wished to give him a trial;
secondly, among their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,[21] and
they saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the execution
of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; the Queen Mother has openly
threatened and declared as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced
by the consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose the
moment when the King’s forces are at their best for attacking him,
instead of biding their time.
To turn to another subject. A few days ago a gentleman, who is one of
the King’s councillors, came to see me, and gave me a book to send to
your Majesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the work of
François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy Councillor to the King. He
is an old man of the highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a
near relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his letter,
was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on the mother’s side.[22] His
elder brother, the Comte de Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was
killed by a musket-shot in the head,[23] while fighting under Damville,
who was then engaged in some service for the King. He left only two
daughters, the eldest of whom succeeded to the family property, and is
being brought up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the widow
of the Constable, their father having married one of the Constable’s
daughters. To return to the Bishop. He is a man of the greatest
learning, especially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors
of that science here as one of their most distinguished men. He has
translated Hermes Trismegistus[24]—a writer of such antiquity that
some people make him out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from
Greek into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way to your
Majesty. He has also translated him into French, and has dedicated the
translation to the Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books of
commentaries on the same author in French, which those who have seen
it assert to be a noble work; and this has been published under the
patronage of the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your
Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend to acknowledge the
arrival of the book, and gratify the good old man by thanking him for
the compliment. I will take care to show the passage to his friends,
who brought me the book.
As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to write which your Majesty
will not hear from her own letters. One matter, I think, I should not
omit to mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially the
necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, and lodgings.
With these high prices, I do not see how I am to keep within the salary
allowed by your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for this
half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will kindly see that I
am properly provided for.
To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate prospect of the King’s
arrival, and I can leave Paris for some days without any inconvenience
to the Queen, I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself of
your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the journey home, which
I have so long intended, to arrange my private affairs. I think of
remaining in the Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this
letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty will find to
be the most convenient route for sending an answer. I have nothing more
to add except my earnest prayer that God may long preserve your Majesty
to us and to Christendom.
Paris, September 28, 1574.
Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; Cossé, on account of
his illness, is allowed a more convenient lodging, but is guarded there
with the utmost strictness.
I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to say that, if your
Majesty should think fit to send me to the King, any despatches to the
Duke of Savoy could be conveyed at the same time without any additional
trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far from Lyons, and is nearer
still to Avignon—if I mistake not.
LETTER V.
I have but lately sent all the news I had by the hands of Master John
Koch. Since then nothing has happened worth notice, except that letters
from Lyons have reached Paris, saying that the question of the Queen’s
dower has been discussed at Court, and that the Duchy of Berry has been
assigned to her on account thereof. The annual income, however, of
this Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to the amount
of her dower; whence the rest is to be provided we do not know, but
it certainly ought to be charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The
Queen herself has not heard a word on the subject, though the King
has written several times to her, and the Queen Mother still more
frequently. The report I mention about the dower prevents my starting
for the Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of perhaps
being wanted here.
As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for certain: some think
it is not near, and that he intends going further away; others regard
his movements as a trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start
for the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly follow. I can
make no positive assertion either way; I have not been long in France
and am at a distance from the scene of action; hitherto I have been
unable to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s opinions. Your
Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I am occasionally wrong in my
facts or mistaken in my predictions.
One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,[25] a castle fortified
by the Huguenots, on the bank of the Rhone, a little below Vienne,
I believe, and not many miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with
Montpensier, besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by
about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,[26] the head of the
rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such a following, that they
think he will be master of the town. As to Damville, some people have a
story that, when he found the King intended to arrest him and put him
to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to Montpellier, a city in his
government, and that he has induced it with some of the neighbouring
towns to revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for certain,
and I suspect it is somebody’s invention.
Paris, October, 1574.
LETTER VI.
I lately despatched a letter to your Majesty by a running footman, whom
I sent to Brussels to bring back the answer I am expecting from your
Majesty. Since then nothing new has occurred except that the Queen was
threatened with an attack. The symptoms were sickness, accompanied by
general inflammation and irritation of the skin, while at night she
suffered from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared it
to be a case of bile in the blood; they said that there was danger of
fever if remedies were not promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated
her with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has been a change
for the better, and the physicians now have great hopes that the attack
has been taken in time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is
in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before the illness.
Still I should not like to leave your Majesty in ignorance of what has
happened.
A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from Lyons to offer the
Queen the condolences of the King of Spain; he had already expressed
his master’s regret to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept
a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, and he incurred
serious risks on his way round by Lyons, as parties were watching
at various places on his route with intent to waylay him. He is now
hesitating as to what road he shall choose for his return, and seems
to think the safety of his route a more important consideration than
its length. He has, moreover, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other
countries.
To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here from Lyons; from him
I shall be able to learn how matters stand there. He is also bringing,
they say, the King’s instructions to me with reference to the dower.
Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever I hear.
Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into the King’s hands;
the defenders, according to some accounts, sallied out by night and
escaped from the town.[27] Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two
Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier to concert plans
for war. One of them, I think, is the Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s
name I have not heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take
Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise the standard of
a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate the King, who is at present
inclined towards justice and mercy, as your Majesty will see from
the Edict[28] I enclose. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect
that France will see any termination of the woes with which she is
afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there is no end.
About the King’s coming there are vague reports, which change every
day. I cannot be sure of anything till I have an interview with
Pibrac, and, as soon as I have seen him, I will lose no time in making
my report to your Majesty.
Paris, October 31, 1574.
LETTER VII.
In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of the Queen’s
health; and how her physicians hoped to keep off a fever by timely
remedies. Unhappily, a few days later, though the Queen had felt no
inconvenience in the mean time, there was a return of the complaint,
and it was found necessary to repeat the medicines and to bleed her
again. The blood that was taken was very corrupt, so much so that
her physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness would
be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called in some of the first
physicians in Paris, and held a consultation. The attack, however,
never became dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided
improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, the fever had quite
subsided. Her physicians are not yet altogether free from anxiety,
as there is still some derangement of the system, which they are
endeavouring to remove; the Queen, however, now the fever has left her,
is not in the least nervous about herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she
is in a fair way towards recovery.
There is another matter, as to which it is essential to have explicit
instructions from your Majesty. From the beginning of next January
the Queen, they say, will have her dower assigned to her, and instead
of living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will have to
maintain herself on her own resources and out of the revenues of her
dower. Consequently there are several points that present themselves
for your Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty
will have to indicate the source from which the Queen is to get money
for her maintenance till her own revenues begin to come in; secondly,
your Majesty will have to decide whether she is to remain here for the
winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, or to return
immediately. If the last course is preferred, your Majesty will have
to settle all the questions relating to her route, the expense to be
incurred, the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, and
her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, there is not time to
make all these arrangements, and it should be therefore decided that
she shall stay some months longer in France, still a decision must be
come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or retire to the place
assigned her as dower. For there can be no question that she will live
at much less expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than here
in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. There is a château in
the Duchy of Berry which would just suit her, called Remorantin; the
Queen Mother herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring
thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a residence in the
country would be more in keeping with her position as a widow. Assuming
this to be settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to all
the arrangements of her new establishment, and the gentlemen and ladies
who are to constitute her household. Nothing can be determined till I
receive your Majesty’s instructions.
I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of Berry is to be
assigned to the Queen, and I have now written that after the first
of January she is to live at her own charges. Both these statements
are founded only upon current report and require confirmation, for
neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,[29] nor I have received
any official notice on the subject. However, the fact is in itself so
probable and the rumour has become so general, that neither the Comte
nor myself have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of Pibrac’s
relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be here to discuss the whole
question with me on behalf of the King. However, he has not arrived
yet, though he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing
your Majesty of the result of our interview. In the meantime I have
thought it better to send this letter without waiting for his arrival.
The report, which was at first very general, of the King’s intending to
marry your daughter, is now universally discredited. Some people, whose
opinion is worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or College
of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. of England began to question
the validity of his marriage with his deceased brother’s widow, and
wanted to have it declared null, these divines were consulted as to the
lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation of King Francis I., who
wished to gratify the King of England, knowing that the dissolution of
the marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor Charles
and Henry, they pronounced the marriage unlawful and incestuous, in
opposition to all the other divines and jurists before whom the case
had been laid.[30] This decision being so contrary to the general
opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to forward it to England,
and wished it to be suppressed as far as possible in France. But the
King of England, being anxious to support his case, had the decision
printed, and published far and wide. This precedent is supposed to be a
great stumbling-block to the King, and to make him have scruples of the
lawfulness of a marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby
seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision.
This is one version of the story; whether it be the true one, or
simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. I fully expect that when
I have had a talk with Pibrac I shall be able to make out more of this
matter, or at any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if he
says nothing I shall be able from his very silence to draw my own
conclusions as to the King’s wishes and intentions.
It is considered certain that the King will go down to Avignon. His
object, I imagine, is to be nearer the scene of action, where his
presence is required. Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to
other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive assertion. The
Comte de Bailen will, I understand, leave this to-morrow on his way
back to Spain. He intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and
thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has chosen this as
being by far the shortest route as well as the safest.
I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early answer to this letter,
for, until we have your instructions, we cannot bring this business to
a conclusion with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending the
answer to Leonhard de Taxis[31] at Brussels, who has promised to use
all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s letters to Paris.
Paris, November 9, 1574.
I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac in Paris. Well, he
has arrived, and as we were old friends, having made each other’s
acquaintance when the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went
and called on him. He returned my visit. I took the first opportunity
which offered itself in the course of our conversation of introducing
the Queen’s business, and expressed my surprise at the delay in the
assignment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this kind could
not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters would be set right if I
went to the King myself.
LETTER VIII.
I have little to add to what I told your Majesty in my last two letters
of the Queen’s health. She is still confined to her bed by the orders
of her physicians, but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits.
There is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to your Majesty
herself.
Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in calling upon him, to
ascertain whether he had any instructions with regard to the Queen’s
dower. He avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message the
King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, begging him to return
forthwith. He told me that the Turkish Ambassador had been present
at the meeting of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan
would make it a _casus belli_ if they elected a Muscovite or one of
your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: they must appoint one of
their own countrymen, two of whom he specified as proper candidates.
It was supposed, however, that it was at the instigation of these two
gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac then observed that
there was one of your Majesty’s subjects who was looking out for the
throne.
I remarked that an absent king was not likely to keep his crown long.
He agreed, and was of opinion that the Poles would soon be engaged in
fighting with each other.
The conversation flagged, and as he made no allusion to the subject in
which I was interested, I introduced it myself. I told him that there
was a rumour that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed me
that the report was correct, and represented the settlement which had
been made as most advantageous to the Queen. He said that he understood
your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the Queen with the King
of Portugal. I replied that I knew nothing of the matter beyond the
fact that the King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her hand
before her marriage. At present, I added, he was too much engaged with
his expedition against Fez.[32]
It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that the Queen will
not receive her dower till January, and I am anxious to know what
arrangement your Majesty proposes for providing her with funds in the
meantime.[33]
November 13, 1574.
LETTER IX.
On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty by a gentleman
who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf of the King and Queen Mother,
as he told me that on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city
would be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a letter, which I
enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that I am afraid my letter is hardly
as clear as it should be; I trust your Majesty will, with your usual
kindness, pardon its shortcomings.
The purport of my letter was that the Queen was convalescent, and
that her dower was to commence on the 1st of January. She will then
begin life afresh, and her residence and the arrangements of her
establishment will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. I humbly trust
that your Majesty will make such provision as the case requires.
I understand that in similar cases the widows of French Kings have
been sent home with a French retinue at the charge of the royal
treasury; but I see that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the
source from which funds are to be provided until her revenues shall
begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, and will be still
greater by January 1. At that date she will not owe less than 50,000
francs. The King ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not
do so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely to become
troublesome. I am also anxious as to her income, for I fear that,
whatever reductions are made in her household, she will have difficulty
in meeting her expenses if she remains in France.
As to other matters, there is not much for me to say, except that
the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. The besieged garrison of
Lusignan has made a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many
men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some companies also of the
Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment of cavalry, have likewise,
they say, been cut to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed
to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations for defence.
He holds a commission as Condé’s lieutenant. There are fears that Condé
himself will take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany.
In confirmation of this, we hear that the people of Rochelle have sold
a large quantity of salt to German traders, whose ships are lying in
their harbour, and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of
Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. If this be true,
it is very serious news for France.
As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I cannot speak with
any certainty. Some think that he has set his heart on Monsieur de
Vaudemont’s daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the King is
devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, and most anxious for its
advancement.
However, if he marries her he will cause tongues to wag, and give
offence to those who from interest or jealousy are opposed to the
party of Lorraine. Amongst these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé,
and possibly Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without reason
perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end of the wedge.
Paris, November 16, 1574.
LETTER X.
I received your Majesty’s two letters dated October 31, and also my
instructions, on November 23. I was at Paris when they arrived, having
abandoned my visit to the Netherlands for reasons with which your
Majesty is already acquainted.
I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and at the same time
delivered the letter. I took the opportunity of ascertaining her views
as to the desirability of my visiting the King in accordance with
your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, on the grounds
mentioned by your Majesty. I asked her to think the matter over, and
when I had an interview with her the next day she was still of the same
opinion.
Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) had made a will before
he died? She replied in the negative, telling me that he had only given
verbal instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he had made
no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so far I have not heard from
anyone of his leaving a will. I will, however, make further inquiries.
A few days after I had written my last letter to your Majesty, the
Bishop of Paris,[34] who is the Queen’s Chancellor, paid me a visit,
and we were shortly afterwards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and
Monsieur de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed the
question of the dower; the last two gentlemen expressed their doubts
as to the possibility of getting the pension of 20,000 francs usually
granted to Queens Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case
of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in such a way as to
be absolutely worthless.
It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, your Majesty’s
daughter, if she could have the command of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers
to meet her expenses until the revenues of her dower shall begin to
accrue. I think we could manage without money in hard cash, if a credit
could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so that we might be able to draw
on our agents. My duty to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress,
renders it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall gladly
acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.
Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not received them, and
I think they would be of some service to me; for if anyone should
challenge my right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no
authority to produce except my letter of instructions, and I should not
care to have its entire contents made public.
Paris, November 30, 1574.
LETTER XI.
I set out on the journey which I had undertaken at the desire of your
Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 12. There I waited a couple of
days for the purpose of making inquiries as to the remainder of my
route, and obtaining what was needful for the road.
I felt it my duty to have an interview with the Spanish Ambassador
and ascertain from him how matters were going on. His Excellency had
been ordered to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and there
await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more imperative reason for
remaining—to wit, the gout!
He advised me most kindly with regard to my journey, telling me much
of the dangers to be encountered, both on the river route and that
by land, and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. I think
he would have persuaded me, had I not sent for some boatmen who had
lately made the voyage; from them I ascertained that matters were not
nearly so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was a risk,
but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, not wishing to
waste my time at Lyons, where no intelligence was to be obtained of the
movements of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and thus displease
both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined at all hazards to
continue my journey.
Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and reached Avignon on
the 17th.[35] By God’s mercy, I encountered no difficulty or danger on
the way, and found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been
led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for at Valence Bishop
Montluc,[36] (the chief negotiator in the Polish business), when he
came on board to pay his respects, advised me to take with me six
musketeers, as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, and some
had been killed. I followed his advice.
I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the same month, and was
received most kindly. On my delivering your Majesty’s message and
letter, together with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome
terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do all that lay in his
power for the Queen, and spoke at great length of the attentions
and kind services he had received at your hands. The Queen Mother
(Catherine de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few days
later, held similar language; she had been suffering from constant
sickness, which prevented her giving me an earlier interview. I
ascertained later that the King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris
touching the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they had
been registered by the Parliament of Paris before being presented to
the Queen. I called on his Majesty and made some objections to his
proposal. The King said he must refer the matter to his council, and
also wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He spoke of your
Majesty’s kindness at great length, and specially of the assurances
he had lately received, through Vulcob,[37] that he would have your
Majesty’s support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland.
In the course of our conversation I discovered that the King would do
whatever the Queen Mother wished, so I determined to approach her again
and ask for her services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the
utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for the Queen, who
had been an excellent daughter to her.
A few days later, de Morvilliers,[38] the Bishop of Orleans, and the
Bishop of Limoges called on me and we had a long discussion with regard
to the dower. I must not forget to mention that, when the King told me
that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping his kingdom of
Poland, I was much surprised, but made no reply, as I thought it might
possibly be a trap. I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the
non-payment of the marriage portion[39]; I am afraid they are keeping
this argument in reserve.
I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in the course of my
interview with the Queen Mother, she told me she felt assured of the
kindly feeling which your Majesty entertained for her, because your
Majesty had continually advised her against war, whereas those who
wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. She had followed your
Majesty’s advice, she said, for a long time, and thereby exposed
herself to severe criticism from not a few.
Lyons, January 24, 1575.
LETTER XII.
To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to
be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th.
I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of
France, but content myself with a sketch.
Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the
country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is
the alteration, that those who knew France before would not recognise
her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen
churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken
on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and
inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock
and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is
plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled;
the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning
their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories.
Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are
crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought,
or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand
a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of
experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases
regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or
left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen
are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and
quarrels which affect every grade of society.
In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the
French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received
and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse
the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and
hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their
appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices
in the kingdom; Comte de Retz[40] is a Maréchal; Strozzi is in command
of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the
same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen
murmur.
Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues
so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such
extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint
Bartholomew[41] if they do not take care, and they will be the victims.
The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more
bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of
feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon,
not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and
connections, has a considerable party of its own.
The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at
Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the
death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable.
By his nearest relations the King is feared rather than loved, for,
knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother
(Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness,
though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance
is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see
clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family
are towards him.
The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its
deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising
the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou,
the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c.
Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has
seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the
Royalists.
In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and
Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of
those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents
occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to
render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for
those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses
would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions
and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have
made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such,
undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the
only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain
men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present
moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready
to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one
shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint
Bartholomew[42] is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in
his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the
survivors of that night.
Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run,
whatever the advantage at the time may be!
Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously
entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by
making overtures to some of its members.
Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the
meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the
sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means
in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure
from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,[43] where they
found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One
fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc
de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the
town under cover of its fire.
It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there
were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as
is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may
expect any day to see.
Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now
give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had
opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the
hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out
a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of
French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who
are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say
that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a
weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived.
The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at
Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his
Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they
are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that
the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a
bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his
future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with
the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined
to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the
Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea
is that the Transylvanian[44] is the candidate most popular with the
Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with
regard to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be
recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.[45]
It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for,
though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a
breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack,
two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are
several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the
attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish and _débris_,
which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have
been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so
confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at
the efforts of their enemies.[46] I saw this with my own eyes when I
passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to
close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance
from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain
stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the
walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers
in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law,
who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball,
Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the
place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the
outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola.
Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long ago of the death
of the Cardinal of Lorraine.[47] He died of fever, after an illness
of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his
walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has
been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife
of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted
several days.
There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal
enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same;
his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one
occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies
at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a
very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the
Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell
sick.
He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the
country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker,
an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests
of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State
did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during
his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been
afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was
being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four
Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended
by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of
Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine,
were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to
his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his
death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell,
and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to
point him out to those who were with her.[48]
Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to
Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville
and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of
Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the men
being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to
watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will
have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to
be sometimes given the slip.
Lyons, January 24, 1575.
LETTER XIII.
[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the
dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.]
LETTER XIV.
I received your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which
your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the
dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such
length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the
subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons
said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her
husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one
of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment!
With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the
Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is
escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen
of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in this respect
the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.)
sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall
on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who
accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return.
Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to
the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way,
and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it
in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I
presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both
have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less
difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter
I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some
of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated
December 11 and 16.
As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would
fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are
failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns
as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the
insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees
for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human
society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls
and fortifications.
Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that
anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as
he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s
word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge
himself, when there are a hundred ways in which his guarantee may be
set at nought?
Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and
Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way
of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is
foundering.
But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war
is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their
wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to
abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary.
This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,[49] who
was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when
the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He
assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion,
had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his
ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s
interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly
disobeyed the orders of his master.[50]
The advice that your Majesty gave the King[51]—viz. that he should
avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their
enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred
to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of
closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your
Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though
at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with
regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the
first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the
other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to
the level of a subject and find her reign at an end.
I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty
must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by
my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged
to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my
half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being
remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable
to retain my services for the Queen.
Paris, February 9, 1575.
I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been
occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my
protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title.
It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your
Majesty’s ambassador.
The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report,
which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying
the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be
celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought
to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I
trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly
your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and
go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any
other place your Majesty may prefer.
I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my
letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain
that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and
might almost deserve the epithet of _clandestine_, will cause a
bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,[52] who is now
of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally
himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the
Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that
they will only add to the miseries of France.
I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as
soon as possible with full instructions on all points.
The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of
Count Egmont.
The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen
Mother, informing her of the approaching marriage of her son the
King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday;
she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new
Queen.[53] Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to
oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such
short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I
should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your
next letter.
I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we
must have a clear and distinct answer.
Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible
for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her
position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as
usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses
one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say
more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your
most loving and obedient daughter.
In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that
reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall
have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money
from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with
it to the Queen.
By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before
the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus
save our eyes and ears from a great deal of vexation; for when changes
of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant.
The same day.
As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s
advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a
settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per
annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of
Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the
Cardinal,[54] was absolute master of the realm.
Paris, February 9, 1575.
LETTER XV.
I have now been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s
orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I
should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to
the Queen with all speed.
Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some
remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most
liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances,
and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her
revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote
the case of Queen Leonora.[55]
I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so
bad.
With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the
King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to
her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless
your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should
demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose
ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower
as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only
available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns
to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find
that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the
Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one
of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should
be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means
impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer
elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public
would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post.
Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened
at Breda,[56] where both parties are represented by delegates. God
grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men,
however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious
difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great
number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the
Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their
property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part
sailors and fishermen, and the loss of their trade would mean to
them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined
to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people
despair of a solution.
After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman
as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the
Cardinal of Este[57] had long ago applied for the honour of escorting
the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich
preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns.
There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take
care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour.
Brussels, March 7, 1575.
LETTER XVI.
I returned to Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent
health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august
parents.
I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your
Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under
the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said
he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also
kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not
words!
It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to
the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in
the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs.
You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to
accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no
precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be
that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of
the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will
fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of
France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty
should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters
being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no
stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your
Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the
situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on
your Majesty’s pleasure.[58]
As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it
impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless they _are_ rapidly
growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through
Languedoc and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his
standard.
Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become
throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable
men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some
distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for
delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected.
They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly,
the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public
abuses.[59] This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen
Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But,
though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of
all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and
there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then
he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money
with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people
say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be
content with much less.
The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several
days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the
Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice.
The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise[60]
after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is
afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away
for a month or thereabouts.
I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have
already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don
Rodolph Khuen,[61] Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may
pay off my creditors, and have something in hand.
Paris, April 1, 1575.
LETTER XVII.
Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna,
I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s
business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it
settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by
Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month,
and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s
instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much
engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see me,
and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s
orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your
Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke
of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning
the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s
attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s
health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay
a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask
for her support in the Queen’s business.
Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont)
entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your
Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble
thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen
with many expressions of regard.
After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had
an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s
message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be
informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to
promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One
of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of
Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.[62] For the rest, he
placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded
by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier,
as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When
I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a
little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be
concluded. He would then place the matter in the hands of his Council,
and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen.
The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his
attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result
will be.
Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms
offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from
the paper I enclose.
The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it
difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be
sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return
with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems
to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so
everyone assumes that it is certain.
Well, I am afraid it will be easier to _make_ peace than to _keep_ it,
and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for
their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another
quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France.
Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more
restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance
to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action
elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals.
Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on
the same terms as before.
The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke
the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience.
She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the
affirmative, and began telling her who the new Queen was. Her Majesty
broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s
will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I
had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope
left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’
About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde[63] and
Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and
your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so.
There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s _détour_, as
they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be
easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now
in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke
of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they
are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for
400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get
more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry
into Poland plenty of _golden_ words, but very few _golden_ coins. I
think also that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the
road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will
thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if
they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace
of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds.
Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they
will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to
prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which,
with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so
to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened
Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great
difficulty. I give this as my own explanation.
As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid
in the territory of Montbéliard,[64] which belongs to the Duke of
Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and
took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came
to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained
his liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his
money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed
at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard,
he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go
to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This
shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland.
If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that
agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of
Sweden’s daughter.[65] The picture has now come. Strange to say, it
greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features;
the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress.
I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from
Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators.
It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also
offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course
of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming,
however, is not connected with the negotiations for peace, but with
a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to
marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de
Martigues.[66]
May it please your Majesty, Ilsing[67] has just sent word that of the
8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able
to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that
of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to
inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on
their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am
expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter.
The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter
before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter,
but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still
longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that
she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow.
But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may
have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest
importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to
maintain her position, live in comfort, and take advantage of such
openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more
certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I
will then write at length by Peter the courier.
Paris, May 15, 1575.
I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000
crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the
money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will
accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as
to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be
exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a
valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in
order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are
worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns,
and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again,
I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s
expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live
at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their
pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible.
For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties
himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten
months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and
her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of
these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants
are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a
hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in
the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those
who did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner.
Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare
that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for
her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the
present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to
go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick.
LETTER XVIII.
[A business letter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted.
It is dated June 1575.]
LETTER XIX.
[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the
following postscript.]
News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,[68]
daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery
of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the
Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere.
LETTER XX.
I sent quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed
necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your
Majesty.
I now write by order of the Queen.
To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite
certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from
the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the
circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every
prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow
in its train.
She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional
reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her
position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will
soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey
her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my
last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her
return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary.
Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I
consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or
prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede
to the natural desire of your most loving daughter.
If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a
war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will
aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a
great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make
it worse seemed a downright impossibility.
But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring
strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds
to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the
present _régime_ will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger;
for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight
in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall
administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simply _who shall wear the
crown_.
If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand
upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the
other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial
for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness;
he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his
word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that
the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than
existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who
smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the
treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of
the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s
standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all
are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present
conducted.
The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His
prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was
being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings
came of his brother, Damville[69]; then all of a sudden there was a
complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the
King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill,
he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new
servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment
has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for
they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison.
The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given
away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died
of the plague fever on the last day of last month.
His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a
vague hope that he is still alive.
I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the
Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise,
I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most
convenient. In any case, that road will always be open to her, should
the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best.
The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the
Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better.
Paris, June 13, 1575.[70]
LETTER XXI.
The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the
course of two or three days.
The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in
suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the
deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their
points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them
to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise,
the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the
confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared;
in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to
declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the
King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money.
The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle
to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount
importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty
of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for
him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two
cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as
places of refuge in time of trouble. They demand also that members of
their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King
should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with
them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last
should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing
her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will
learn from the enclosed paper.