Lauriston had arrived at Paris, where he made but a short stay, some

days before Caffarelli, who was sent on a mission to Rome to sound

the Papal Court, and to induce the Holy Father to come to Paris to

consecrate Bonaparte at his coronation. I have already described the

nature of Bonaparte's ideas on religion. His notions on the subject

seemed to amount to a sort of vague feeling rather than to any belief

founded on reflection. Nevertheless, he had a high opinion of the

power of the Church; but not because he considered it dangerous

to Governments, particularly to his own. Napoleon never could have

conceived how it was possible that a sovereign wearing a crown and

a sword could have the meanness to kneel to a Pope, or to humble his

sceptre before the keys of St. Peter. His spirit was too great to admit

of such a thought. On the contrary, he regarded the alliance between the

Church and his power as a happy means of influencing the opinions of

the people, and as an additional tie which was to attach them to a

Government rendered legitimate by the solemn sanction of the Papal

authority. Bonaparte was not deceived. In this, as well as in many other

things, the perspicacity of his genius enabled him to comprehend all

the importance of a consecration bestowed on him by the Pope; more

especially as Louis XVIII., without subjects, without territory, and

wearing only an illusory crown, had not received that sacred unction

by which the descendants of Hugh Capet become the eldest sons of the

Church.

As soon as the Emperor was informed of the success of Caffarelli's

mission, and that the Pope, in compliance with his desire, was about

to repair to Paris to confirm in his hands the sceptre of Charlemagne,

nothing was thought of but preparations for that great event, which had

been preceded by the recognition of Napoleon as Emperor of the French on

the part of all the States of Europe, with the exception of England.

On the conclusion of the Concordat Bonaparte said to me, "I shall let

the Republican generals exclaim as much as they like against the Mass. I

know what I am about; I am working for posterity." He was now gathering

the fruits of his Concordat. He ordered that the Pope should be

everywhere treated in his journey through the French territory with the

highest distinction, and he proceeded to Fontainebleau to receive his

Holiness. This afforded an opportunity for Bonaparte to re-establish

the example of those journeys of the old Court, during which changes

of ministers used formerly to be made. The Palace of Fontainebleau,

now become Imperial, like all the old royal chateaux, had been newly

furnished with a luxury and taste corresponding to the progress of

modern art. The Emperor was proceeding on the road to Nemours when

courtiers informed him of the approach of Pius VII. Bonaparte's object

was to avoid the ceremony which had been previously settled. He had

therefore made the pretext of going on a hunting-party, and was in

the way as it were by chance when the Pope's carriage was arriving. He

alighted from horseback, and the Pope came out of his carriage. Rapp was

with the Emperor, and I think I yet hear him describing, in his original

manner and with his German accent, this grand interview, upon which,

however, he for his part looked with very little respect. Rapp, in fact,

was among the number of those who, notwithstanding his attachment to

the Emperor, preserved independence of character, and he knew he had no

reason to dissemble with me. "Fancy to yourself," said he, "the amusing

comedy that was played." After the Emperor and the Pope had well

embraced they went into the same carriage; and, in order that they might

be upon a footing of equality, they were to enter at the same time by

opposite doors. All that was settled; but at breakfast the Emperor had

calculated how he should manage, without appearing to assume anything,

to get on the righthand side of the Pope, and everything turned out as

he wished. "As to the Pope," said Rapp, "I must own that I never saw a

man with a finer countenance or more respectable appearance than Pius

VII."

After the conference between the Pope and the Emperor at Fontainebleau,

Pius VII. set off for Paris first. On the road the same honours were

paid to him as to the Emperor. Apartments were prepared for him in the

Pavilion de Flore in the Tuileries, and his bedchamber was arranged

and furnished in the same manner as his chamber in the Palace of

Monte-Cavallo, his usual residence in Rome. The Pope's presence in

Paris was so extraordinary a circumstance that it was scarcely believed,

though it had some time before been talked of. What, indeed, could be

more singular than to see the Head of the Church in a capital where four

years previously the altars had been overturned, and the few faithful

who remained had been obliged to exercise their worship in secret!

The Pope became the object of public respect and general curiosity. I

was exceedingly anxious to see him, and my wish was gratified on the day

when he went to visit the Imperial printing office, then situated where

the Bank of France now is.

A pamphlet, dedicated to the Pope, containing the "Pater Noster," in one

hundred and fifty different languages, was struck off in the presence of

his Holiness. During this visit to the printing office an ill-bred young

man kept his hat on in the Pope's presence. Several persons, indignant

at this indecorum, advanced to take off the young man's hat. A little

confusion arose, and the Pope, observing the cause of it, stepped up to

the young man and said to him, in a tone of kindness truly patriarchal,

"Young man, uncover, that I may give thee my blessing. An old man's

blessing never yet harmed any one." This little incident deeply affected

all who witnessed it. The countenance and figure of Pope Pius VII.

commanded respect. David's admirable portrait is a living likeness of

him.

The Pope's arrival at Paris produced a great sensation in London,

greater indeed there than anywhere else, notwithstanding the separation

of the English Church from the Church of Rome. The English Ministry now

spared no endeavours to influence public opinion by the circulation

of libels against Bonaparte. The Cabinet of London found a twofold

advantage in encouraging this system, which not merely excited

irritation against the powerful enemy of England, but diverted from

the British Government the clamour which some of its measures were

calculated to create. Bonaparte's indignation against England was roused

to the utmost extreme, and in truth this indignation was in some degree

a national feeling in France.

Napoleon had heard of the success of Caffarelli's negotiations previous

to his return to Paris, after his journey to the Rhine. On arriving

at St. Cloud he lost no time in ordering the preparations for his

coronation. Everything aided the fulfilment of his wishes. On 28th

November the Pope arrived at Paris, and two days after, viz. on the 1st

of December, the Senate presented to the Emperor the votes of the people

for the establishment of hereditary succession in his family: for as

it was pretended that the assumption of the title of Emperor was no way

prejudicial to the Republic, the question of hereditary succession only

had been proposed for public sanction. Sixty thousand registers had been

opened in different parts of France,--at the offices of the ministers,

the prefects, the mayors of the communes, notaries, solicitors, etc.

France at that time contained 108 departments, and there were 3,574,898

voters. Of these only 2569 voted against hereditary succession.

Bonaparte ordered a list of the persons who had voted against the

question to be sent to him, and he often consulted it. They proved to be

not Royalist, but for the most part staunch Republicans. To my knowledge

many Royalists abstained from voting at all, not wishing to commit

themselves uselessly, and still less to give their suffrages to the

author of the Duc d'Enghien's death. For my part, I gave my vote in

favour of hereditary succession in Bonaparte's family; my situation, as

may well be imagined, did not allow me to do otherwise.

Since the month of October the Legislative Body had been convoked to

attend the Emperor's coronation. Many deputies arrived, and with them a

swarm of those presidents of cantons who occupied a conspicuous place

in the annals of ridicule at the close of the year 1804. They became the

objects of all sorts of witticisms and jests. The obligation of wearing

swords made their appearance very grotesque. As many droll, stories

were told of them as were ten years afterwards related of those who

were styled the voltigeurs of Louis XIV. One of these anecdotes was so

exceedingly ludicrous that, though it was probably a mere invention, yet

I cannot refrain from relating it. A certain number of these presidents

were one day selected to be presented to the Pope; and as most of them

were very poor they found it necessary to combine economy with the

etiquette necessary to be observed under the new order of things. To

save the expense of hiring carriages they therefore proceeded to the

Pavilion de Flore on foot, taking the precaution of putting on gaiters

to preserve their white silk stockings from the mud which covered the

streets, for it was then the month of December. On arriving at the

Tuileries one of the party put his gaiters into his pocket. It happened

that the Pope delivered such an affecting address that all present were

moved to tears, and the unfortunate president who had disposed of

his gaiters in the way just mentioned drew them out instead of his

handkerchief and smeared his face over with mud. The Pope is said

to have been much amused at this mistake. If this anecdote should be

thought too puerile to be repeated here, I may observe that it afforded

no small merriment to Bonaparte, who made Michot the actor relate it to

the Empress at Paris one evening after a Court performance.

Napoleon had now attained the avowed object of his ambition; but his

ambition receded before him like a boundless horizon. On the 1st of

December; the day on which the Senate presented to the Emperor the

result of the votes for hereditary succession, Francois de Neufchateau

delivered an address to him, in which there was no want of adulatory

expressions. As President of the Senate he had had some practice in

that style of speechmaking; and he only substituted the eulogy of the

Monarchical Government for that of the Republican Government 'a sempre

bene', as the Italians say.

If I wished to make comparisons I could here indulge in some curious

ones. Is it not extraordinary that Fontainebleau should have witnessed,

at the interval of nearly ten years, Napoleon's first interview with the

Pope, and his last farewell to his army, and that the Senate, who had

previously given such ready support to Bonaparte, should in 1814 have

pronounced his abdication at Fontainebleau.

The preparations for the Coronation proved very advantageous to the

trading classes of Paris. Great numbers of foreigners and people from

the provinces visited the capital, and the return of luxury and the

revival of old customs gave occupation to a variety of tradespeople

who could get no employment under the Directory or Consulate, such as

saddlers, carriage-makers, lacemen, embroiderers, and others. By these

positive interests were created more partisans of the Empire than by

opinion and reflection; and it is but just to say that trade had not

been so active for a dozen years before. The Imperial crown jewels were

exhibited to the public at Biennais the jeweller's. The crown was of a

light form, and, with its leaves of gold, it less resembled the crown

of France than the antique crown of the Caesars. These things were

afterwards placed in the public treasury, together with the imperial

insignia of Charlemagne, which Bonaparte had ordered to be brought from

Aix-la-Chapelle. But while Bonaparte was thus priding himself in his

crown and his imagined resemblance to Charlemagne, Mr. Pitt, lately

recalled to the Ministry, was concluding at Stockholm a treaty with

Sweden, and agreeing to pay a subsidy to that power to enable it to

maintain hostilities against France. This treaty was concluded on the 3d

of December, the day after the Coronation.

--[The details of the preparation for the Coronation caused many

stormy scenes between Napoleon and his family. The Princesses, his

sisters and sisters-in-law, were especially shocked at having to

carry the train of the Imperial mantle of Josephine, and even when

Josephine was actually moving from the altar to the throne the

Princesses evinced their reluctance so plainly that Josephine could

not advance and an altercation took place which had to be stopped by

Napoleon himself. Joseph was quite willing himself give up

appearing in a mantle with a train, but he wished to prevent his

wife bearing the mantle of the Empress; and he opposed his brother

on so many points that Napoleon ended by calling on him to either

give up his position and retire from all politics, or else to fully

accept the imperial regime. How the economical Camberceres used up

the ermine he could not wear will be seen in Junot tome iii. p.

196. Josephine herself was in the greatest anxiety as to whether

the wish of the Bonaparte family that she should be divorced would

carry the day with her husband. When she had gained her cause for

the time and after the Pope had engaged to crown her, she seems to

have most cleverly managed to get the Pope informed that she was

only united to Napoleon by a civil marriage. The Pope insisted on

a religious marriage. Napoleon was angry, but could not recede, and

the religions rite was performed by Cardinal Fesch the day, or two

days, before the Coronation. The certificate of the marriage was

carefully guarded from Napoleon by Josephine, and even placed beyond

his reach at the time of the divorce. Such at least seems to be the

most probable account of this mysterious and doubtful matter.

The fact that Cardinal Fesch maintained that the religious rite had

been duly performed, thirteen of the Cardinals (not, however

including Fesch) were so convinced of the legality of the marriage

that they refused to appear at the ceremony of marriage with Marie

Louise, thus drawing down the wrath of the Emperor, and becoming the

"Cardinals Noirs," from being forbidden; to wear their own robes,

seems to leave no doubt that the religious rite had been performed.

The marriage was only pronounced to be invalid in 1809 by the local

canonical bodies, not by the authority of the pope.]--

It cannot be expected that I should enter into a detail of the ceremony

which took place on the 2d of December. The glitter of gold, the waving

plumes, and richly-caparisoned horses of the Imperial procession; the

mule which preceded the Pope's cortege, and occasioned so much merriment

to the Parisians, have already been described over and over again. I

may, however, relate an anecdote connected with the Coronation, told me

by Josephine, and which is exceedingly characteristic of Napoleon.

When Bonaparte was paying his addresses to Madame de BEAUHARNAIS,

neither the one nor the other kept a carriage; and therefore Bonaparte

frequently accompanied her when she walked out. One day they went

together to the notary Raguideau, one of the shortest men I think I ever

saw in my life, Madame de Beauharnais placed great confidence, in him,

and went there on purpose to acquaint him of her intention to marry the

young general of artillery,--the protege of Barras. Josephine went

alone into, the notary's cabinet, while Bonaparte waited for her in an

adjoining room. The door of Raguideau's cabinet did not shut close, and

Bonaparte plainly heard him dissuading Madame de Beauharnais from her

projected marriage. "You are going to take a very wrong step," said he,

"and you will be sorry for it, Can you be so mad as to marry a young man

who has nothing but his cloak and his sword?" Bonaparte, Josephine told

me, had never mentioned this to her, and she never supposed that he had

heard what fell from Raguideau. "Only think, Bourrienne," continued she,

"what was my astonishment when, dressed in the Imperial robes on the

Coronation day, he desired that Raguideau might be sent for, saying that

he wished to see him immediately; and when Raguideau appeared; he said

to him, 'Well, sir! have I nothing but my cloak and my sword now?'"

Though Bonaparte had related to me almost all the circumstances of

his life, as they occurred to his memory, he never once mentioned this

affair of Raguideau, which he only seemed to have suddenly recollected

on his Coronation day.

The day after the Coronation all the troops in Paris were assembled

in the Champ de Mars the Imperial eagles might be distributed to each

regiment, in lieu of the national flags. I had stayed away from the

Coronation in the church of Notre Dame, but I wished to see the military

fete in the Champ de Mars because I took real pleasure in seeing

Bonaparte amongst his soldiers. A throne was erected in front of the

Military School, which, though now transformed into a barrack, must

have recalled, to Bonaparte's mind some singular recollections of his

boyhood. At a given signal all the columns closed and approached the

throne. Then Bonaparte, rising, gave orders for the distribution of the

eagles, and delivered the following address to the deputations of the

different corps of the army:

"Soldiers, Soldiers! behold your colours. These eagles will always

be your rallying-point! They will always be where your Emperor may

think them necessary for the defence of his throne and of his

people. Swear to sacrifice your lives to defend them, and by your

courage to keep them constantly in the path of victory.--Swear!"

It would be impossible to describe the acclamations which followed this

address; there is something so seductive in popular enthusiasm that even

indifferent persons cannot help yielding to its influence. And yet the

least reflection would have shown how shamefully Napoleon forswore the

declaration he made to the Senate, when the organic 'Senatus-consulte'

for the foundation of the Empire was presented to him at St: Cloud: On

that occasion he said; "The French people shall never be MY people!" And

yet the day after his Coronation his eagles were to be carried wherever

they might be necessary for the defence of his people.

By a singular coincidence, while on the 2d of December 1804 Bonaparte

was receiving from the head of the Church the Imperial crown of

France, Louis XVIII., who was then at Colmar, prompted as it were by

an inexplicable presentiment, drew up and signed a declaration to the

French people, in which he declared that he then, swore never to break

the sacred bond which united his destiny to theirs, never to renounce

the inheritance of his ancestors, or to relinquish his rights.

CHAPTER XXX.

1805

My appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary at Hamburg--My interview

with Bonaparte at Malmaison--Bonaparte's designs respecting Italy--

His wish to revisit Brienne--Instructions for my residence in

Hamburg--Regeneration of European society--Bonaparte's plan of

making himself the oldest sovereign in Europe--Amedee Jaubert's

mission--Commission from the Emperor to the Empress--My conversation

with Madame Bonaparte.

I must now mention an event which concerns myself personally, namely, my

appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary, to the Dukes of Brunswick and

Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hanse towns.

This appointment took place on the 22d of March 1806. Josephine, who had

kindly promised to apprise me of what the Emperor intended to do for me,

as soon as she herself should know his intentions, sent a messenger to

acquaint me with my appointment, and to tell me that the Emperor wished

to see me. I had not visited Josephine since her departure for Belgium.

The pomp and ceremonies of the Coronation had, I may say, dazzled me,

and deterred me from presenting myself at the Imperial Palace, where I

should have been annoyed by the etiquette which had been observed since

the Coronation. I cannot describe what a disagreeable impression this

parade always produced on me. I could not all at once forget the time

when I used without ceremony to go into Bonaparte's chamber and wake him

at the appointed hour. As to Bonaparte I had not seen him since he sent

for me after the condemnation of Georges, when I saw that my candour

relative to Moreau was not displeasing to him. Moreau had since quitted

France without Napoleon's subjecting him to the application of the

odious law which has only been repealed since the return of the

Bourbons, and by virtue of which he was condemned to the confiscation

of his property. Moreau sold his estate of Gros Bois to Berthier, and

proceeded to Cadiz, whence he embarked for America. I shall not again

have occasion to speak of him until the period of the intrigues into

which he was drawn by the same influence which ruined him in France.

On the evening of the day when I received the kind message from

Josephine I had an official invitation to proceed the next day to

Malmaison, where the Emperor then was. I was much pleased at the idea of

seeing him there rather than at the Tuileries, or even at St. Cloud. Our

former intimacy at Malmaison made me feel more at my ease respecting

an interview of which my knowledge of Bonaparte's character led me to

entertain some apprehension. Was I to be received by my old comrade of

Brienne, or by His Imperial Majesty? I was received by my old college

companion.

On my arrival at Malmaison I was ushered into the tentroom leading to

the library. How I was astonished at the good-natured familiarity with

which he received me! This extraordinary man displayed, if I may employ

the term, a coquetry towards me which surprised me, notwithstanding my

past knowledge of his character. He came up to me with a smile on

his lips, took my hand (which he had never done since he was Consul),

pressed it affectionately, and it was impossible that I could look upon

him as the Emperor of France and the future King of Italy. Yet I was

too well aware of his fits of pride to allow his familiarity to lead me

beyond the bounds of affectionate respect. "My dear Bourrienne," said

he, "can you suppose that the elevated rank I have attained has altered

my feelings towards you? No. I do not attach importance to the glitter

of Imperial pomp; all that is meant for the people; but I must still

be valued according to my deserts. I have been very well satisfied with

your services, and I have appointed you to a situation where I shall

have occasion for them. I know that I can rely upon you." He then asked

with great warmth of friendship what I was about, and inquired after

my family, etc. In short, I never saw him display less reserve or more

familiarity and unaffected simplicity; which he did the more readily,

perhaps, because his greatness was now incontestable.

"You know," added Napoleon, "that I set out in a week for Italy. I shall

make myself King; but that is only a stepping-stone. I have greater

designs respecting Italy.

"It must be a kingdom comprising all the Transalpine States, from

Venice to the Maritime Alps. The union of Italy with France can only

be temporary; but it is necessary, in order to accustom the nations

of Italy to live under common laws. The Genoese, the Piedmontese, the

Venetians, the Milanese, the inhabitants of Tuscany, the Romans, and

the Neapolitans, hate each other. None of them will acknowledge the

superiority of the other, and yet Rome is, from the recollections

connected with it, the natural capital of Italy. To make it so, however,

it is necessary that the power of the Pope should be confined within

limits purely spiritual. I cannot now think of this; but I will reflect

upon it hereafter. At present I have only vague ideas on the subject,

but they will be matured in time, and then all depends on circumstances.

What was it told me, when we were walking like two idle fellows, as

we were, in the streets of Paris, that I should one day be master of

France--my wish--merely a vague wish. Circumstances have done the

rest. It is therefore wise to look into the future, and that I do. With

respect to Italy, as it will be impossible with one effort to unite her

so as to form a single power, subject to uniform laws, I will begin

by making her French. All these little States will insensibly become

accustomed to the same laws, and when manners shall be assimilated and

enmities extinguished, then there will be an Italy, and I will give her

independence. But for that I must have twenty years, and who can count

on the future? Bourrienne, I feel pleasure in telling you all this. It

was locked up in my mind. With you I think aloud."

I do not believe that I have altered two words of what Bonaparte said

to me respecting Italy, so perfect, I may now say without vanity, was my

memory then, and so confirmed was my habit of fixing in it all that he

said to me. After having informed me of his vague projects Bonaparte,

with one of those transitions so common to him, said, "By the by,

Bourrienne, I have something to tell you. Madame de Brienne has begged

that I will pass through Brienne, and I promised that I will. I will not

conceal from you that I shall feel great pleasure in again beholding

the spot which for six years was the scene of our boyish sports and

studies." Taking advantage of the Emperor's good humour I ventured to

tell him what happiness it would give me if it were possible that

I could share with him the revival of all recollections which were

mutually dear to us. But Napoleon, after a moment's pause, said with

extreme kindness, "Hark ye, Bourrienne, in your situation and mine this

cannot be. It is more than two years since we parted. What would be said

of so sudden a reconciliation? I tell you frankly that I have regretted

you, and the circumstances in which I have frequently been placed have

often made me wish to recall you. At Boulogne I was quite resolved upon

it. Rapp, perhaps, has informed you of it. He liked you, and he assured

me that he would be delighted at your return. But if upon reflection

I changed my mind it was because, as I have often told you, I will not

have it said that I stand in need of any one. No. Go to Hamburg. I have

formed some projects respecting Germany in which you can be useful to

me. It is there I will give a mortal blow to England. I will deprive

her of the Continent,--besides, I have some ideas not yet matured which

extend much farther. There is not sufficient unanimity amongst the

nations of Europe. European society must be regenerated--a superior

power must control the other powers, and compel them to live in peace

with each other; and France is well situated for that purpose. For

details you will receive instructions from Talleyrand; but I recommend

you, above all things, to keep a strict watch on the emigrants. Woe

to them if they become too dangerous! I know that there are still

agitators,--among them all the 'Marquis de Versailles', the courtiers

of the old school. But they are moths who will burn themselves in the

candle. You have been an emigrant yourself, Bourrienne; you feel a

partiality for them, and you know that I have allowed upwards of two

hundred of them to return upon your recommendation. But the case is

altered. Those who are abroad are hardened. They do not wish to return

home. Watch them closely. That is the only particular direction I give

you. You are to be Minister from France to Hamburg; but your place will

be an independent one; besides your correspondence with the Minister for

Foreign Affairs, I authorise you to write to me personally, whenever you

have anything particular to communicate. You will likewise correspond

with Fouché."

Here the Emperor remained silent for a moment, and I was preparing to

retire, but he detained me, saying in the kindest manner, "What, are

you going already, Bourrienne? Are you in a hurry? Let us chat a little

longer. God knows, when we may see each other again!" Then after two or

three moments' silence he said, "The more I reflect on our situation, on

our former intimacy, and our subsequent separation, the more I see the

necessity of your going to Hamburg. Go, then, my dear fellow, I advise

you. Trust me. When do you think of setting out?" "In May."--"In May?

. . . Ah, I shall be in Milan then, for I wish to stop at Turin. I like

the Piedmontese; they are the best soldiers in Italy."--"Sire, the King

of Italy will be the junior of the Emperor of France!"

--[I alluded to a conversation which I had with Napoleon when we

first went to the Tuileries. He spoke to me about his projects of

royalty, and I stated the difficulties which I thought he would

experience in getting himself acknowledged by the old reigning

families of Europe. "If it comes to that," he replied. "I will

dethrone them all, and then I shall be the oldest sovereign among

them."--Bourrienne.]--

--"Ah! so you recollect what I said one day at the Tuileries; but,

my dear fellow, I have yet a devilish long way to go before I gain my

point."--"At the rate, Sire, at which you are going you will not be long

in reaching it."--"Longer than you imagine. I see all the obstacles

in my way; but they do not alarm me. England is everywhere, and the

struggle is between her and me. I see how it will be. The whole of

Europe will be our instruments; sometimes serving one, sometimes the

other, but at bottom the dispute is wholly between England and France.

"A propos," said the Emperor, changing the subject, for all who knew him

are aware that this 'a propos' was his favourite, and, indeed, his only

mode of transition; a propos, Bourrienne, you surely must have heard of

the departure of Jaubert,

--[Amedee Jaubart had been with Napoleon in Egypt, and was appointed

to the cabinet of the Consul as secretary interpreter of Oriental

languages. He was sent on several missions to the East, and brought

back, is 1818, goats from Thibet, naturalising in France the

manufacture of cashmeres. He became a peer of France under the

Monarchy of July.]--

and his mission. What is said on the subject?"--"Sire, I have only heard

it slightly alluded to. His father, however, to whom he said nothing

respecting the object of his journey, knowing I was intimate with

Jaubert, came to me to ascertain whether I could allay his anxiety

respecting a journey of the duration of which he could form no idea. The

precipitate departure of his son had filled him with apprehension I told

him the truth, viz., that Jaubert had said no more to me on the subject

than to him."--"Then you do not know where he is gone?"--"I beg your

pardon, Sire; I know very well."--"How, the devil!" said Bonaparte,

suddenly turning on me a look of astonishment. "No one, I, declare, has

ever told me; but I guessed it. Having received a letter from Jaubert

dated Leipsic, I recollected what your Majesty had often told me of your

views respecting Persia and India. I have not forgotten our conversation

in Egypt, nor the great projects which you enfolded to me to relieve the

solitude and sometimes the weariness of the cabinet of Cairo. Besides,

I long since knew your opinion of Amedee, of his fidelity, his ability,

and his courage. I felt convinced, therefore, that he had a mission to

the Shah of Persia."--"You guessed right; but I beg of you, Bourrienne,

say nothing of this to any person whatever. Secrecy on this point is

of great importance. The English would do him an ill turn, for they

are well aware that my views are directed against their possessions

and their influence in the East."--"I think, Sire, that my answer to

Amedee's worthy father is a sufficient guarantee for my discretion.

Besides, it was a mere supposition on my part, and I could have stated

nothing with certainty before your Majesty had the kindness to inform

me of the fact. Instead of going to Hamburg, if your Majesty pleases,

I will join Jaubert, accompany him to Persia, and undertake half

his mission."-- "How! would you go with him?"--"Yes, Sire; I am much

attached to him. He is an excellent man, and I am sure that he would not

be sorry to have me with him."--"But . . . Stop, Bourrienne, . . . this,

perhaps, would not be a bad idea. You know a little of the East. You are

accustomed to the climate. You could assist Jaubert. . . . But. . . .

No! Daubert must be already far off--I, fear you could not overtake him.

And besides you have a numerous family. You will be more useful to me

in Germany. All things considered, go to Hamburg--you know the country,

and, what is better you speak the language."

I could see that Bonaparte still had something to say to me. As we

were walking up and down the room he stopped; and looking at me with an

expression of sadness, he said, "Bourrienne, you must, before I proceed

to Italy, do me a service. You sometimes visit my wife, and it is right;

it is fit you should. You have been too long one of the family not to

continue your friendship with her. Go to her.

--[This employment of Bourrienne to remonstrate with Josephine is a

complete answer to the charge sometimes made that Napoleon, while

scolding, really encouraged the foolish expenses of his wife, as

keeping her under his control. Josephine was incorrigible. "On the

very day of her death," says Madame de Rémusat "she wished to put on

a very pretty dressing-gown because she thought the Emperor of

Russia would perhaps come to see her. She died all covered with

ribbons and rose-colored satin." "One would not, sure, be frightful

when one's dead!" As for Josephine's great fault--her failure to

give Napoleon an heir--he did not always wish for one. In 1802, on

his brother Jerome jokingly advising Josephine to give the Consul a

little Caesar. Napoleon broke out, "Yea, that he may end in the

same manner as that of Alexander? Believe me, Messieurs, that at

the present time it is better not to have children: I mean when one

is condemned to rule nations." The fate of the King of Rome shows

that the exclamation was only too true!]--

"Endeavour once more to make her sensible of her mad extravagance. Every

day I discover new instances of it, and it distresses me. When I speak

to her--on the subject I am vexed; I get angry--she weeps. I forgive

her, I pay her bills--she makes fair promises; but the same thing occurs

over and over again. If she had only borne me a child! It is the torment

of my life not to have a child. I plainly perceive that my power will

never be firmly established until I have one. If I die without an heir,

not one of my brothers is capable of supplying my place. All is begun,

but nothing is ended. God knows what will happen! Go and see Josephine,

and do not forget my injunctions.."

Then he resumed the gaiety which he had exhibited at intervals during

our conversation, far clouds driven by the wind do not traverse the

horizon with such rapidity as different ideas and sensations succeeded

each other in Napoleon's mind. He dismissed me with his usual nod of

the head, and seeing him in such good humour I said on departing, "well,

Sire, you are going to hear the old bell of Brienne. I have no doubt

it will please you better than the bells of Ruel." He replied, "That's

true--you are right. Adieu!"

Such are my recollections of this conversation, which lasted for more

than an hour and a half. We walked about all the time, for Bonaparte

was indefatigable in audiences of this sort, and would, I believe, have

walked and talked for a whole day without being aware of it. I left him,

and, according to his desire, went to see Madame Bonaparte, which indeed

I had intended to do before he requested it.

I found Josephine with Madame de la Rochefoucauld, who had long been in

her suite, and who a short time before had obtained the title of lady

of honour to the Empress. Madame de la Rochefoucauld was a very amiable

woman, of mild disposition, and was a favourite with Josephine. When I

told the Empress that I had just left the Emperor, she, thinking that I

would not speak freely before a third person, made a sign to Madame

de la Rochefoucauld to retire. I had no trouble in introducing the

conversation on the subject concerning which Napoleon had directed me

to speak to Josephine, for; after the interchange of a few indifferent

remarks, she herself told me of a violent scene, which had occurred

between her and the Emperor two days before. "When I wrote to you

yesterday," said she, "to announce your appointment, and to tell you

that Bonaparte would recall you, I hoped that you would come to see me

on quitting him, but I did not think that he would have sent for you so

soon. Ah! how I wish that you were still with him, Bourrienne; you could

make him hear reason. I know not who takes pleasure in bearing tales to

him; but really I think there are persons busy everywhere in finding out

my debts, and telling him of them."

These complaints, so gently uttered by Josephine rendered less difficult

the preparatory mission with which I commenced the exercise of my

diplomatic functions. I acquainted Madame Bonaparte with all that the

Emperor had said to me. I reminded her of the affair of the 1,200,000

francs which we had settled with half that sum. I even dropped some

allusions to the promises she had made.

"How can I help it?" Said she. "Is it my fault?" Josephine uttered these

words in a tone of sincerity which was at once affecting and ludicrous.

"All sorts of beautiful things are brought to me," she continued; "they

are praised up; I buy them--I am not asked for the money, and all of

a sudden, when I have got none, they come upon me with demands for

payment. This reaches Napoleon's ears, and he gets angry. When I have

money, Bourrienne you know how I employ it. I give it principally to the

unfortunate who solicit my assistance, and to poor emigrants. But I will

try to be more economical in future. Tell him so if you see him again,

But is it not my duty to bestow as much in charity as I can?"--"Yes,

Madame; but permit me to say that nothing requires greater discernment

than the distribution of charity. If you had always sat upon a throne

you might have always supposed that your bounty always fall into the

hands of the deserving; but you cannot be ignorant that it oftener falls

to the lot of intrigue than to the meritorious needy. I cannot disguise

from you that the Emperor was very earnest when he spoke on this

subject; and he desired me to tell you so."--"Did he reproach me with

nothing else?"--"No Madame. You know the influence you have over

him with respect to everything but what relates to politics. Allow a

faithful and sincere friend to prevail upon you seriously not to vex him

on this point."--"Bourrienne, I give you my word. Adieu! my friend."

In communicating to Josephine what the Emperor had said to me I took

care not to touch a chord which would have awakened feelings far more

painful to her than even the Emperor's harsh reproof on account of her

extravagance. Poor Josephine! how I should have afflicted her had I

uttered a word of Bonaparte's regret at not having a child. She always

had a presentiment of the fate that one day awaited her. Besides,

Josephine told the truth in assuring me that it was not her fault that,

she spent as she did; at least all the time I was with both of them,

order and economy were no more compatible with her than moderation

and--patience with Napoleon. The sight of the least waste put him beside

himself, and that was a sensation his wife hardly ever spared him. He

saw with irritation the eagerness of his family to gain riches; the more

he gave, the more insatiable they appeared, with the exception of Louis,

whose inclinations were always upright, and his tastes moderate. As

for the other members of his family, they annoyed him so much by their

importunity that one day he said, "Really to listen to them it would be

thought that I had wasted the heritage of our father."

CHAPTER XXXI.

1805

Napoleon and Voltaire--Demands of the Holy See--Coolness between the

pope and the Emperor--Napoleon's departure for Italy--Last interview

between the Pope and the Emperor at Turin--Alessandria--The field of

Marengo--The last Doge of Genoa--Bonaparte's arrival at Milan--Union

of Genoa to the French Empire--Error in the Memorial of St. Helen--

Bonaparte and Madam Grassini--Symptoms of dissatisfaction on the

part of Austria and Russia--Napoleon's departure from Milan--

Monument to commemorate the battle of Marengo--Napoleon's arrival in

Paris and departure for Boulogne--Unfortunate result of a naval

engagement--My visit to Fouché's country seat--Sieyès, Barras, the

Bourbons, and Bonaparte--Observations respecting Josephine.

Voltaire says that it is very well to kiss the feet of Popes provided

their hands are tied. Notwithstanding the slight estimation in which

Bonaparte held Voltaire, he probably, without being aware of this

irreverent satire, put it into practice. The Court of Rome gave him

the opportunity of doing so shortly after his Coronation. The Pope, or

rather the Cardinals, his advisers' conceiving that so great an instance

of complaisance as the journey of His Holiness to Paris ought not to

go for nothing; demanded a compensation, which, had they been better

acquainted with Bonaparte's character and policy, they would never have

dreamed of soliciting. The Holy see demanded the restitution of Avignon,

Bologna, and some parts of the Italian territory which had formerly been

subject to the Pope's dominion. It may be imagined how such demands were

received by Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained all he wanted

from the Pope. It was, it must be confessed, a great mistake of the

Court of Rome, whose policy is usually so artful and adroit, not to make

this demand till after the Coronation. Had it been made the condition of

the Pope's journey to France perhaps Bonaparte would have consented to

give up, not Avignon, certainly, but the Italian territories, with the

intention of taking them back again. Be this as it may, these tardy

claims, which were peremptorily rejected, created an extreme coolness

between Napoleon and Pius VII. The public did not immediately perceive

it, but there is in the public an instinct of reason which the most able

politicians never can impose upon; and all eyes were opened when it was

known that the Pope, after having crowned Napoleon as Emperor of France,

refused to crown him as sovereign of the regenerated kingdom of Italy.

Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April to take possession of the

Iron Crown at Milan. The Pope remained some time longer in the French

capital. The prolonged presence of His Holiness was not without its

influence on the religious feelings of the people, so great was the

respect inspired by the benign countenance and mild manners of the Pope.

When the period of his persecutions arrived it would have been well for

Bonaparte had Pius VII. never been seen in Paris, for it was impossible

to view in any other light than as a victim the man whose truly

evangelic meekness had been duly appreciated.

Bonaparte did not evince great impatience to seize the Crown of Italy,

which he well knew could not escape him. He stayed a considerable time

at Turin, where he resided in the Stupinis Palace, which may be

called the St. Cloud of the Kings of Sardinia. The Emperor cajoled the

Piedmontese. General Menou, who was made Governor of Piedmont, remained

there till Napoleon founded the general government of the Transalpine

departments in favour of his brother-in-law, the Prince Borghese, of

whom he would have, found it difficult to make anything else than a

Roman Prince. Napoleon was still at Turin when the Pope passed through

that city on his return to Rome. Napoleon had a final interview with

His Holiness to whom he now affected to show the greatest personal

deference. From Turin Bonaparte proceeded to Alessandria, where he

commenced those immense works on which such vast sums were expended. He

had many times spoken to me of his projects respecting Alessandria, as I

have already observed, all his great measures as Emperor were merely

the execution of projects conceived at a time when his future elevation

could have been only a dream of the imagination. He one day said to

Berthier, in my presence, during our sojurn at Milan after the battle of

Marengo, "With Alessandria in my possession I should always be master

of Italy. It might be made the strongest fortress in the world; it is

capable of containing a garrison of 40,000 men, with provisions for six

months. Should insurrection take place, should Austria send a formidable

force here, the French troops might retire to Alessandria, and stand a

six months' siege. Six months would be more than sufficient, wherever I

might be, to enable me to fall upon Italy, rout the Austrians, and raise

the siege of Alessandria!"

As he was so near the field of Marengo the Emperor did not fail to visit

it, and to add to this solemnity he reviewed on the field all the corps

of French troops which were in Italy. Rapp told me afterwards that the

Emperor had taken with him from Paris the dress and the hat which he

wore on the day of that memorable battle, with the intention of wearing

them on the field where it was fought. He afterwards proceeded by the

way of Casal to Milan.

There the most brilliant reception he had yet experienced awaited him.

His sojourn at Milan was not distinguished by outward demonstrations of

enthusiasm alone. M. Durszzo, the last Doge of Genoa, added another gem

to the Crown of Italy by supplicating the Emperor in the name of

the Republic, of which he was the representative, to permit Genoa to

exchange her independence for the honour of becoming a department of

France. This offer, as may be guessed, was merely a plan contrived

beforehand. It was accepted with an air of protecting kindness, and at

the same moment that the country of Andrea Doria was effaced from the

list of nations its last Doge was included among the number of French

Senators. Genoa, which formerly prided herself in her surname, the

Superb, became the chief station of the twenty-seventh military

division. The Emperor went to take possession of the city in person, and

slept in the Doria Palace, in the bed where Charles V. had lain. He left

M. le Brun at Genoa as Governor-General.

At Milan the Emperor occupied the Palace of Monza. The old Iron Crown

of the Kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had been

buried, and the new Coronation took place in the cathedral at Milan, the

largest in Italy, with the exception of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon

received the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed

it on his head, exclaiming, "Dieu me l'a donnee, gare a qui la touche."

This became the motto of the Order of the Iron Crown, which the Emperor

founded in commemoration of his being crowned King of Italy.

Napoleon was crowned in the month of May 1805: and here I cannot avoid

correcting some gross and inconceivable errors into which Napoleon must

have voluntarily fallen at St. Helena. The Memorial states "that the

celebrated singer Madame Grasaini attracted his attention at the time of

the Coronation." Napoleon alleges that Madame Grassini on that occasion

said to him, "When I was in the prime of my beauty and talent all I

wished was that you would bestow a single look upon me. That wish was

not fulfilled, and now you notice me when I am no longer worthy your

attention."

I confess I am at a loss to conceive what could induce Napoleon to

invent such a story. He might have recollected his acquaintance with

Madame Grassini at Milan before the battle of Marengo. It was in 1800,

and not in 1805, that I was first introduced to her, and I know that

I several times took tea with her and Bonaparte in the General's

apartments I remember also another circumstance, which is, that on the

night when I awoke Bonaparte to announce to him the capitulation of

Genoa, Madame Grassini also awoke. Napoleon was charmed with Madame

Grasaini's delicious voice, and if his imperious duties had permitted it

he would have listened with ecstasy to her singing for hours together.

Whilst Napoleon was at Milan, priding himself on his double sovereignty,

some schemes were set on foot at Vienna and St. Petersburg which I shall

hereafter have occasion to notice. The Emperor, indeed, gave cause for

just complaint by the fact of annexing Genoa to the Empire within four

months after his solemn declaration to the Legislative Body, in which

he pledged himself in the face of France and Europe not to seek any

aggrandisement of territory. The pretext of a voluntary offer on the

part of Genoa was too absurd to deceive any one. The rapid progress of

Napoleon's ambition could not escape the observation of the Cabinet of

Vienna, which began to allow increased symptoms of hostility. The

change which was effected in the form of the Government of the Cisalpine

Republic was likewise an act calculated to excite remonstrance on the

part of all the powers who were not entirely subject to the yoke of

France. He disguised the taking of Genoa under the name of a gift,

and the possession of Italy under the appearance of a mere change of

denomination. Notwithstanding these flagrant outrages the exclusive

apologists of Napoleon have always asserted that he did not wish for

war, and he himself maintained that assertion at St. Helena. It is said

that he was always attacked, and hence a conclusion is drawn in favour

of his love of peace. I acknowledge Bonaparte would never have fired

a single musket-shot if all the powers of Europe had submitted to be

pillaged by him one after the other without opposition. It was in fact

declaring war against them to place them under the necessity of breaking

a peace, during the continuance of which he was augmenting his power,

and gratifying his ambition, as if in defiance of Europe. In this

way Napoleon commenced all the wars in which he was engaged, with

the exception of that which followed the peace of Marengo, and which

terminated in Moreau's triumph at Hohenlinden. As there was no liberty

of the press in France he found it easy to deceive the nation. He was in

fact attacked, and thus he enjoyed the pleasure of undertaking his great

military expeditions without being responsible in the event of failure.

During the Emperor's stay in the capital of the new kingdom of Italy he

received the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and

Russia. That dissatisfaction was not of recent date. When I entered on

my functions at Hamburg I learned some curious details (which I will

relate in their proper place) respecting the secret negotiations

which had been carried on for a considerable time previously to the

commencement of hostilities. Even Prussia was no stranger to the

dissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; I do not mean the King, but

the Cabinet of Berlin, which was then under the control of Chancellor

Hardenberg; for the King of Prussia had always personally declared

himself in favour of the exact observance of treaties, even when their

conditions were not honourable. Be that as it may, the Cabinet of

Berlin, although dissatisfied in 1806 with the rapid progress of

Napoleon's ambition, was nevertheless constrained to conceal its

discontent, owing to the presence of the French troops in Hanover.

On returning from Milan the Emperor ordered the erection, of a monument

on the Great St. Bernard in commemoration of the victory of Marengo. M.

Denon who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a useless search to

discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buried beneath

the monument and that it was at length found by General Savary. It

is therefore certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the

summit of the Alps.

The Emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June and instantly set off

for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the project

of invading England would be accomplished. This idea obtained the

greater credit because Bonaparte caused some experiments for embarkation

to be made, in his presence. These experiments, however, led to no

result. About this period a fatal event but too effectually contributed

to strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French

squadron consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet

commanded by Admiral Calder, who had only nine vessels under his

command, and in an engagement, which there was every reason to expect

would terminate in our favour, we had the misfortune to lose two ships.

The invasion of England was as little the object of this as of the

previous journey to Boulogne; all Napoleon had in view was to stimulate

the enthusiasm of the troops, and to hold out those threats against

England when conceived necessary for diverting attention from the real

motive of his hostile preparations, which was to invade Germany and

repulse the Russian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria.

Such was the true object of Napoleons last journey to Boulogne.

I had been some time at Hamburg when these events took place, and it was

curious to observe the effect they produced. But I must not forget one

circumstance in which I am personally concerned, and which brings

me back to the time when I was in Paris. My new title of Minister

Plenipotentiary obliged me to see a little more of society than during

the period when prudence required me to live as it were in retirement.

I had received sincere congratulations from Duroc, Rape, and Lauriston,

the three friends who had shown the greatest readiness to serve my

interests with the Emperor; and I had frequent occasion to see M.

Talleyrand, as my functions belonged to his department. The Emperor,

on my farewell audience, having informed me that I was to correspond

directly with the Minister of the General Police, I called on Fouché,

who invited me to spend some days at his estate of Pont-Carre. I

accepted the invitation because I wanted to confer with him, and I spent

Sunday and Monday, the 28th and 29th of April, at Pont-Carre.

Fouché, like the Emperor, frequently revealed what he intended to

conceal; but he had such a reputation for cunning that this sort of

indiscretion was attended by no inconvenience to him. He was supposed

to be such a constant dissembler that those who did not know him well

looked upon the truth when he spoke it merely as an artful snare laid

to entrap them. I, however, knew that celebrated person too well to

confound his cunning with his indiscretion. The best way to get out

of him more than he was aware of was to let him talk on without

interruption. There were very few visitors at Pont-Carre, and during the

two days I spent there I had several conversations with Fouché. He told

me a great deal about the events of 1804, and he congratulated himself

on having advised Napoleon to declare himself Emperor--"I have no

preference," says Fouché, "for one form of government more than another.

Forms signify nothing. The first object of the Revolution was not the

overthrow of the Bourbons, but merely the reform of abuses and the

destruction of prejudices. However, when it was discovered that Louis

XVI. had neither firmness to refuse what he did not wish to grant, nor

good faith to grant what his weakness had led him to promise, it was

evident that the Bourbons could no longer reign over France and things

were carried to such a length that we were under the necessity of

condemning Louis XVI. and resorting to energetic measures. You know all

that passed up to the 18th Brumaire, and after. We all perceived that

a Republic could not exist in France; the question, therefore, was to

ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons; and I believed the only

means for so doing was to transfer the inheritance of their throne to

another family. Some time before the 18th Brumaire I had a conversation

with Sieyès and Barras, in which it was proposed, in case of the

Directory being threatened, to recall the Duke of Orleans; and I could

see very well that Barras favoured that suggestion, although he alluded

to it merely as a report that was circulated about, and recommended me

to pay attention to it. Sieyès said nothing, and I settled the question

by observing, that if any such thing had been agitated I must have

been informed of it through the reports of my agents. I added, that the

restoration of the throne to a collateral branch of the Bourbons would

be an impolitic act, and would but temporarily change the position of

those who had brought about the Revolution. I rendered an account of

this interview with Barras to General Bonaparte the first time I had

an opportunity of conversing with him after your return from Egypt.

I sounded him; and I was perfectly convinced that in the state of

decrepitude into which the Directory had fallen he was just the man we

wanted. I therefore adopted such measures with the police as tended to

promote his elevation to the First Magistracy. He soon showed himself

ungrateful, and instead of giving me all his confidence he tried to

outwit me. He put into the hands of a number of persons various matters

of police which were worse than useless. Most of their agents, who were

my creatures, obeyed my instructions in their reports; and it often

happened that the First Consul thought he had discovered, through the

medium of others, information that came from me, and of the falsehood

of which I easily convinced him. I confess I was at fault on the 3d

Nivoise; but are there any human means of preventing two men, who have

no accomplices, from bringing a plot to execution? You saw the First

Consul on his return from the opera; you heard all his declamations. I

felt assured that the infernal machine was the work of the Royalists. I

told the Emperor this, and he was, I am sure, convinced of it; but he,

nevertheless, proscribes a number of men on the mere pretence of their

old opinions. Do you suppose I am ignorant of what he said of me and of

my vote at the National Convention? Most assuredly it ill becomes him

to reproach the Conventionists. It was that vote which placed the crown

upon his head. But for the situation in which we were placed by that

event, which circumstances had rendered inevitable, what should we

have cared for the chance of seeing the Bourbons return? You must have

remarked that the Republicans, who were not Conventionists, were in

general more averse than we to the proceedings of the 18th Brumaire, as,

for example, Bernadotte and Moreau. I know positively that Moreau was

averse to the Consulate; and that it was only from irresolution that

he accepted the custody of the Directory. I know also that he excused

himself to his prisoners for the duty which had devolved upon him. They

themselves told me this."

Fouché entered further into many details respecting his conduct, and

the motives which had urged him to do what he did in favour of the First

Consul. My memory does not enable me to report all he told me, but I

distinctly recollect that the impression made on my mind by what fell

from him was, that he had acted merely with a view to his own interests.

He did not conceal his satisfaction at having outwitted Regnier, and

obliged Bonaparte to recall him, that he set in motion every spring

calculated to unite the conspirators, or rather to convert the

discontented into conspirators, is evident from the following remarks

which fell from him: "With the information I possessed, had I remained

in office it is probable that I might have prevented the conspiracy, but

Bonaparte would still have had to fear the rivalry of Moreau. He would

not have been Emperor; and we should still have had to dread the return

of the Bourbons, of which, thank God, there is now no fear."

During my stay at Pont-Carry I said but little to Fouché about my long

audience with the Emperor. However, I thought I might inform him that

I was authorised to correspond directly with his Majesty. I thought it

useless to conceal this fact, since he would soon learn it through his

agents. I also said a few words about Bonaparte's regret at not having

children. My object was to learn Fouché's opinion on this subject, and

it was not without a feeling of indignation that I heard him say, "It

is to be hoped the Empress will soon die. Her death will remove many

difficulties. Sooner or later he must take a wife who will bear him a

child; for as long as he has no direct heir there is every chance

that his death will be the signal for a Revolution. His brothers are

perfectly incapable of filling his place, and a new party would rise up

in favour of the Bourbons; which must be prevented above all things.

At present they are not dangerous, though they still have active and

devoted agents. Altona is full of them, and you will be surrounded by

them. I beg of you to keep a watchful eye upon them, and render me a

strict account of all their movements, and even of their most trivial

actions. As they have recourse to all sorts of disguises, you cannot

be too vigilant; therefore it will be advisable, in the first place, to

establish a good system of espionage; but have a care of the spies who

serve both sides, for they swarm in Germany."

This is all I recollect of my conversations with Fouché at Pont-Carre. I

returned to Paris to make preparations for my journey to Hamburg.

CHAPTER XXXII.

1805.

Capitulation of Sublingen--Preparations for war--Utility of

commercial information--My instructions--Inspection of the emigrants

and the journals--A pamphlet by Kotzebue--Offers from the Emperor of

Russia to Moreau--Portrait of Gustavus Adolphus by one of his

ministers--Fouché's denunciations--Duels at Hamburg--M. de Gimel

--The Hamburg Correspondent--Letter from Bernadotte.

I left Paris on the 20th of May 1805. On the 5th of June following I

delivered my credentials to the Senate of Hamburg, which was represented

by the Syndic Doormann and the Senator Schutte. M. Reinhart, my

predecessor, left Hamburg on the 12th of June.

The reigning Dukes of Mecklenburg-Schwerin and Brunswick, to whom I had

announced my arrival as accredited Minister to them, wrote me letters

recognising me in that character. General Walmoden had just signed the

capitulation of Sublingen with Marshal Mortier, who had the command

in Hanover. The English Government refused to ratify this, because it

stipulated that the troops should be prisoners of war. Bonaparte had two

motives for relaxing this hard condition. He wished to keep Hanover as

a compensation for Malta, and to assure the means of embarrassing and

attacking Prussia, which he now began to distrust. By advancing upon

Prussia he would secure his left, so that when convenient he might march

northward. Mortier, therefore, received orders to reduce the conditions

of the capitulation to the surrender of the arms, baggage, artillery,

and horses. England, which was making great efforts to resist

the invasion with which she thought herself threatened, expended

considerable sums for the transport of the troops from Hanover to

England. Her precipitation was indescribable, and she paid the most

exorbitant charges for the hire of ships. Several houses in Hamburg made

fortunes on this occasion. Experience has long since proved that it is

not at their source that secret transactions are most readily known. The

intelligence of an event frequently resounds at a distance, while the

event itself is almost entirely unknown in the place of its occurrence.

The direct influence of political events on commercial speculations

renders merchants exceedingly attentive to what is going on. All who

are engaged in commercial pursuits form a corporation united by the

strongest of all bonds, common interest; and commercial correspondence

frequently presents a fertile field for observation, and affords much

valuable information, which often escapes the inquiries of Government

agents.

I resolved to form a connection with some of the mercantile houses

which maintained extensive and frequent communications with the Northern

States. I knew that by obtaining their confidence I might gain a

knowledge of all that was going on in Russia, Sweden, England, and

Austria. Among the subjects upon which it was desirable to obtain

information I included negotations, treaties, military measures--such as

recruiting troops beyond the amount settled for the peace establishment,

movements of troops, the formation of camps and magazines, financial

operations, the fitting-out of ships, and many other things, which,

though not important in themselves, frequently lead to the knowledge of

what is important.

I was not inclined to place reliance on all public reports and gossiping

stories circulated on the Exchange without close investigation; for I

wished to avoid transmitting home as truths what might frequently be

mere stock-jobbing inventions. I was instructed to keep watch on

the emigrants, who were exceedingly numerous in Hamburg and its

neighbourhood, Mecklenburg, Hanover, Brunswick, and Holstein; but I must

observe that my inspection was to extend only to those who were known to

be actually engaged in intrigues and plots.

I was also to keep watch on the state of the public mind, and on the

journals which frequently give it a wrong direction, and to point out

those articles in the journals which I thought censurable. At first

I merely made verbal representations and complaints, but I could not

always confine myself to this course. I received such distinct and

positive orders that, in spite of myself, inspection was speedily

converted into oppression. Complaints against the journals filled

one-fourth of my despatches.

As the Emperor wished to be made acquainted with all that was printed

against him, I sent to Paris, in May 1805, and consequently a very few

days after my arrival in Hamburg, a pamphlet by the celebrated Kotzebue,

entitled 'Recollections of my Journey to Naples and Rome'. This

publication, which was printed at Berlin, was full of indecorous attacks

and odious allusions on the Emperor.

I was informed at that time, through a certain channel, that the Emperor

Alexander had solicited General Moreau to enter his service, and take

the command of the Russian infantry. He offered him 12,000 roubles

to defray his travelling expenses. At a subsequent period Moreau

unfortunately accepted these offers, and died in the enemy's ranks.

On the 27th of June M. Bouligny arrived at Hamburg. He was appointed to

supersede M. d'Ocariz at Stockholm. The latter minister had left Hamburg

on the 11th of June for Constantinople, where he did not expect to

stay three months. I had several long conversations with him before his

departure, and he did not appear to be satisfied with his destination.

We frequently spoke of the King of Sweden, whose conduct M. d'Ocariz

blamed. He was, he said, a young madman, who, without reflecting on the

change of time and circumstances, wished to play the part of Gustavus

Adolphus, to whom he bore no resemblance but in name. M. d'Ocariz spoke

of the King of Sweden's camp in a tone of derision. That Prince had

returned to the King of Prussia the cordon of the Black Eagle because

the order had been given to the First Consul. I understood that

Frederick William was very much offended at this proceeding, which was

as indecorous and absurd as the return of the Golden Fleece by Louis

XVII. to the King of Spain was dignified and proper. Gustavus Adolphus

was brave, enterprising, and chivalrous, but inconsiderate and

irascible. He called Bonaparte Monsieur Napoleon. His follies and

reverses in Hanover were without doubt the cause of his abdication.

On the 31st of October 1805 he published a declaration of war against

France in language highly insulting to the Emperor.

Fouché overwhelmed me with letters. If I had attended to all his

instructions I should have left nobody unmolested. He asked me for

information respecting a man named Lazoret, of the department of Gard, a

girl, named Rosine Zimbenni, having informed the police that he had been

killed in a duel at Hamburg. I replied that I knew but of four Frenchmen

who had been killed in that way; one, named Clement, was killed by

Tarasson; a second, named Duparc, killed by Lezardi; a third, named

Sadremont, killed by Revel; and a fourth, whose name I did not know,

killed by Lafond. This latter had just arrived at Hamburg when he was

killed, but he was not the man sought for.

Lafond was a native of Brabant, and had served in the British army. He

insulted the Frenchman because he wore the national cockade--A duel

was the consequence, and the offended party fell. M. Reinhart, my

predecessor wished to punish Lafond, but the Austrian Minister having

claimed him as the subject of his sovereign, he was not molested. Lafond

took refuge in Antwerp, where he became a player.

During the first months which succeeded my arrival in Hamburg I

received orders for the arrest of many persons, almost all of whom were

designated as dangerous and ill disposed men. When I was convinced that

the accusation was groundless I postponed the arrest. The matter was

then forgotten, and nobody complained.

A title, or a rank in foreign service, was a safeguard against the Paris

inquisition. Of this the following is an instance. Count Gimel, of whom

I shall hereafter have occasion to speak more at length, set out about

this time for Carlsbad. Count Grote the Prussian Minister, frequently

spoke to me of him. On my expressing apprehension that M. de Gimel

might be arrested, as there was a strong prejudice against him, M. Grote

replied, "Oh! there is no fear of that. He will return to Hamburg with

the rauk of an English colonel."

On the 17th of July there appeared in the Correspondent an article

exceedingly insulting to France. It had been inserted by order of

Baron Novozilzow, who was at Berlin, and who had become very hostile

to France, though it was said he had been sent from St. Petersburg on

a specific mission to Napoleon. The article in question was transmitted

from Berlin by an extraordinary courier, and Novozilzow in his note to

the Senate said it might be stated that the article was inserted at the

request of His Britannic Majesty. The Russian Minister at Berlin,

M. Alopaeus, despatched also an 'estafette' to the Russian charge

d'affaires at Hamburg, with orders to apply for the insertion of the

article, which accordingly appeared. In obedience to the Emperor's

instructions, I complained of it, and the Senate replied that it never

opposed the insertion of an official note sent by any Government; that

insults would redound against those from whom they came; that the reply

of the French Government would be published; and that the Senate had

never deviated from this mode of proceeding.

I observed to the Senate that I did not understand why the Correspondent

should make itself the trumpet of M. Novozilzow; to which the Syndic

replied, that two great powers, which might do them much harm, had

required the insertion of the article, and that it could not be refused.

The hatred felt by the foreign Princes, which the death of the Duc

d'Enghien had considerably increased; gave encouragement to the

publication of everything hostile to Napoleon. This was candidly avowed

to me by the Ministers and foreigners of rank whom I saw in Hamburg. The

King of Sweden was most violent in manifesting the indignation which was

generally excited by the death of the Duc d'Enghien. M. Wetterstadt, who

had succeeded M. La Gerbielske in the Cabinet of Stockholm, sent to

the Swedish Minister at Hamburg a long letter exceedingly insulting

to Napoleon. It was in reply to an article inserted in the 'Moniteur'

respecting the return of the Black Eagle to the King of Prussia. M.

Peyron, the Swedish Minister at Hamburg, who was very far from approving

all that his master did, transmitted to Stockholm some very energetic

remarks on the ill effect which would be produced by the insertion

of the article in the 'Correspondent'. The article was then a little

modified, and M. Peyron received formal orders to get it inserted.

However; on my representations the Senate agreed to suppress it, and it

did not appear.

Marshal Bernadotte, who had the command of the French troops in Hanover,

kept up a friendly correspondence with me unconnected with the duties of

our respective functions.

On the occupation of Hanover Mr. Taylor, the English Minister at Cassel,

was obliged to leave that place; but he soon returned in spite of the

opposition of France. On this subject the marshal furnished me with the

following particulars:

I have just received, my dear Bourrienne, information which leaves

no doubt of what has taken place at Cassel with respect to Mr.

Taylor. That Minister has been received in spite of the

representations of M. Bignon, which, however, had previously been

merely verbal. I know that the Elector wrote to London to request

that Mr. Taylor should not return. In answer to this the English

Government sent him back. Our Minister has done everything he could

to obtain his dismissal; but the pecuniary interests of the Elector

have triumphed over every other consideration. He would not risk

quarrelling with the Court from which he expects to receive more

than 12,000,000 francs. The British Government has been written to

a second time, but without effect. The Elector himself, in a

private letter, has requested the King of England to recall Mr.

Taylor, but it is very probable that the Cabinet of London will

evade this request.

Under these circumstances our troops have approached nearer to

Cassel. Hitherto the whole district of Gottingen had been exempt

from quartering troops. New arrangements, tendered necessary by the

scarcity of forage, have obliged me to send a squadron of 'chasseurs

de cheval' to Munden, a little town four leagues from Cassel. This

movement excited some alarm in the Elector, who expressed a wish to

see things restored to the same footing as before. He has requested

M. Bignon to write to me, and to assure me again that he will be

delighted to become acquainted with me at the waters of Nemidorff,

where he intends to spend some time. But on this subject I shall

not alter the determination I have already mentioned to you.

--Yours, etc.,

(Signed) BERNADOTTE.

STADE, 10th Thermidor (29th July, 1805).

CHAPTER XXXIII.

1805.

Treaty of alliance between England and Russia--Certainty of an

approaching war--M. Forshmann, the Russian Minister--Duroc's mission

to Berlin--New project of the King of Sweden--Secret mission to the

Baltic--Animosity against France--Fall of the exchange between

Hamburg and Paris--Destruction of the first Austrian army--Taking of

Ulm--The Emperor's displeasure at the remark of a soldier--Battle of

Trafalgar--Duroc's position at the Court of Prussia--Armaments in

Russia--Libel upon Napoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'--

Embarrassment of the Syndic and Burgomaster of Hamburg--The conduct

of the Russian Minister censured by the Swedish and English

Ministers.

At the beginning of August 1805 a treaty of alliance between Russia and

England was spoken of. Some persons of consequence, who had the means

of knowing all that was going on in the political world, had read this

treaty, the principal points of which were communicated to me.

Article 1st stated that the object of the alliance was to restore the

balance of Europe. By art. 2d the Emperor of Russia was to place 36,000

men at the disposal of England. Art. 3d stipulated that neither of the

two powers would consent to treat with France, nor to lay down arms

until the King of Sardinia should either be restored to his dominions or

receive an equivalent indemnity in the northeast of Italy. By art. 4th

Malta was to be evacuated by the English, and occupied by the Russians.

By art. 5th the two powers were to guarantee the independence of the

Republic of the Ionian Isles, and England was to pledge herself to

assist Russia in her war against Persia. If this plan of a treaty, of

the existence of which I was informed on unquestionable authority, had

been brought to any result it is impossible to calculate what might have

been its consequences.

At that time an immediate Continental war was confidently expected by

every person in the north of Europe; and it is very certain that, had

not Napoleon taken the hint in time and renounced his absurd schemes at

Boulogne, France would have stood in a dangerous situation.

M. Forshmann, the Russian charge d'affaires, was intriguing to excite

the north of Europe against France. He repeatedly received orders to

obtain the insertion of irritating articles in the 'Correspondent'. He

was an active, intriguing, and spiteful little man, and a declared enemy

of France; but fortunately his stupidity and vanity rendered him less

dangerous than he wished to be. He was universally detested, and he

would have lost all credit but that the extensive trade carried on

between Russia and Hamburg forced the inhabitants and magistrates of

that city to bear with a man who might have done them, individually,

considerable injury.

The recollection of Duroc's successful mission to Berlin during the

Consulate induced Napoleon to believe that that general might appease

the King of Prussia, who complained seriously of the violation of the

territory of Anspach, which Bernadotte, in consequence of the orders he

received, had not been able to respect. Duroc remained about six weeks

in Berlin.

The following letter from Duroc will show that the facility of passing

through Hesse seemed to excuse the second violation of the Prussian

territory; but there was a great difference between a petty Prince of

Hesse and the King of Prussia.

I send you, my dear Bourrienne, two despatches, which I have

received for you. M. de Talleyrand, who sends them, desires me to

request that you will transmit General Victor's by a sure

conveyance.

I do not yet know whether I shall stay long in Berlin. By the last

accounts I received the Emperor is still in Paris, and numerous

forces are assembling on the Rhine. The hopes of peace are

vanishing every day, and Austria does everything to promote war.

I have received accounts from Marshal Bernadotte. He has effected

his passage through Hesse. Marshal Bernadotte was much pleased with

the courtesy he experienced from the Elector.

The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte with the army of the

Emperor was very important, and Napoleon therefore directed the Marshal

to come up with him as speedily as possible, and by the shortest road.

It was necessary he should arrive in time for the battle of Austerlitz.

Gustavus, King of Sweden, who was always engaged in some enterprise,

wished to raise an army composed of Swedes, Prussians, and English; and

certainly a vigorous attack in the north would have prevented Bernadotte

from quitting the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, and reinforcing

the Grand Army which was marching on Vienna. But the King of Sweden's

coalition produced no other result than the siege of the little fortress

of Hameln.

Prussia would not come to a rupture with France, the King of Sweden

was abandoned, and Bonaparte's resentment against him increased. This

abortive project of Gustavus contributed not a little to alienate the

affections of his subjects, who feared that they might be the victims

of the revenge excited by the extravagant plans of their King, and the

insults he had heaped upon Napoleon, particularly since the death of the

Duc d'Enghien.

On the 13th of September 1805 I received a letter from the Minister of

Police soliciting information about Swedish Pomerania.

Astonished at not obtaining from the commercial Consuls at Lübeck and

Stettin any accounts of the movements of the Russians, I had sent to

those ports, four days before the receipt of the Police Minister's

letter, a confidential agent, to observe the Baltic: though we were only

64 leagues from Stralsund the most uncertain and contradictory accounts

came to hand. It was, however, certain that a landing of the Russians

was expected at Stralsund, or at Travemtinde, the port of Lübeck, at the

mouth of the little river Trave. I was positively informed that Russia

had freighted a considerable number of vessels for those ports.

The hatred of the French continued to increase in the north of Europe.

About the end of September there appeared at Kiel, in Denmark, a

libellous pamphlet, which was bought and read with inconceivable

avidity. This pamphlet, which was very ably written, was the production

of some fanatic who openly preached a crusade against France. The author

regarded the blood of millions of men as a trifling sacrifice for the

great object of humiliating France and bringing her back to the limits

of the old monarchy. This pamphlet was circulated extensively in the

German departments united to France, in Holland, and in Switzerland. The

number of incendiary publications which everywhere abounded indicated

but too plainly that if the nations of the north should be driven

back towards the Arctic regions they would in their turn repulse their

conquerors towards the south; and no man of common sense could doubt

that if the French eagles were planted in foreign capitals, foreign

standards would one day wave over Paris.

On the 30th of September 1805 I received, by an 'estafette',

intelligence of the landing at Stralsund of 6000 Swedes, who had arrived

from Stockholm in two ships of war.

About the end of September the Hamburg exchange on Paris fell

alarmingly. The loss was twenty per cent. The fall stopped at seventeen

below par. The speculation for this fall of the exchange had been made

with equal imprudence and animosity by the house of Osy and Company.

The head of that house, a Dutch emigrant, who had been settled at

Hamburg about six years, seized every opportunity of manifesting his

hatred of France. An agent of that rich house at Rotterdam was also very

hostile to us, a circumstance which shows that if many persons sacrifice

their political opinions to their interests there are others who

endanger their interests for the triumph of their opinions.

On the 23d of October 1805 I received official intelligence of the

total destruction of the first Austrian army: General Barbou, who was

in Hanover, also informed me of that event in the following terms: "The

first Austrian army has ceased to exist." He alluded to the brilliant

affair of Ulm. I immediately despatched twelve estafettes to different

parts; among other places to Stralsund and Husum. I thought that these

prodigies, which must have been almost incredible to those who were

unacquainted with Napoleon's military genius, might arrest the progress

of the Russian troops, and produces some change in the movements of the

enemy's forces. A second edition of the 'Correspondent' was published

with this intelligence, and 6000 copies were sold at four times the

usual price.

I need not detain the reader with the details of the capitulation of

Ulm, which have already been published, but I may relate the following

anecdote, which is not generally known. A French general passing before

the ranks of his men said to them, "Well, comrades, we have prisoners

enough here."--"yes indeed," replied one of the soldiers, "we never saw

so many . . . collected together before." It was stated at the time,

and I believe it, that the Emperor was much displeased when he heard of

this, and remarked that it was "atrocious to insult brave men to whom

the fate of arms had proved unfavourable."

In reading the history of this period we find that in whatever place

Napoleon happened to be, there was the central point of action. The

affairs of Europe were arranged at his headquarters in the same manner

as if he had been in Paris. Everything depended on his good or bad

fortune. Espionage, seduction, false promises, exactions,--all were

put in force to promote the success of his projects; but his despotism,

which excited dissatisfaction in France, and his continual aggressions,

which threatened the independence of foreign States, rendered him more

and more unpopular everywhere.

The battle of Trafalgar took place while Napoleon was marching on

Vienna, and on the day after the capitulation of Ulm. The southern coast

of Spain then witnessed an engagement between thirty-one French and

about an equal number of English ships, and in spite of this equality of

force the French fleet was destroyed.--[The actual forces present were

27 English ships of the line and 38 Franco-Spanish ships of the line;

see James' Naval History, vol. iii. p. 459.]

This great battle afforded another proof of our naval inferiority.

Admires Calder first gave us the lesson which Nelson completed, but

which cost the latter his life. According to the reports which Duroc

transmitted to me, courage gave momentary hope to the French; but they

were at length forced to yield to the superior naval tactics of the

enemy. The battle of Trafalgar paralysed our naval force, and banished

all hope of any attempt against England.

The favour which the King, of Prussia had shown to Duroc was withdrawn

when his Majesty received intelligence of the march of Bernadotte's

troops through the Margravate of Anspach. All accounts concurred

respecting the just umbrage which that violation of territory

occasioned to the King of Prussia. The agents whom I had in that quarter

overwhelmed me with reports of the excesses committed by the French in

passing through the Margravate. A letter I received from Duroc contains

the following remarks on this subject:

The corps of Marshal Bernadotte has passed through Anapach and by

some misunderstanding this has been regarded at Berlin as an insult

to the King, a violence committed upon his neutrality. How can it

be supposed, especially under present circumstances, that the

Emperor could have any intention of insulting or committing violence

upon his friend? Besides, the reports have been exaggerated, and

have been made by persons who wish to favour our enemies rather than

us. However, I am perfectly aware that Marshal Bernadotte's 70,000

men are not 70,000 virgins. Be this as it may, the business might

have been fatal, and will, at all events, be very injurious to us.

Laforeat and I are treated very harshly, though we do not deserve

it. All the idle stories that have been got up here must have

reached you. Probably Prussia will not forget that France was, and

still may be, the only power interested in her glory and

aggrandisement.

At the end of October the King of Prussia, far from thinking of war,

but in case of its occurrence wishing to check its disasters as far as

possible, proposed to establish a line of neutrality. This was the first

idea of the Confederation of the North. Duroc, fearing lest the Russians

should enter Hamburg, advised me, as a friend, to adopt precautions. But

I was on the spot; I knew all the movement the little detached corps,

and I was under no apprehension.

The editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent' sent me every evening a proof

of the number which was to appear next day,--a favour which was granted

only to the French Minister. On the 20th of November I received

the proof as usual, and saw nothing objectionable in it. How great,

therefore, was my astonishment when next morning I read in the same

journal an article personally insulting to the Emperor, and in which the

legitimate sovereigns of Europe were called upon to undertake a crusade

against the usurper etc. I immediately sent for M. Doormann, first

Syndic of the Senate of Hamburg. When he appeared his mortified look

sufficiently informed me that he knew what I had to say to him. I

reproached him sharply, and asked him how, after all I had told him of

the Emperor's susceptibility, he could permit the insertion of such an

article. I observed to him that this indecorous diatribe had no official

character, since it had no signature; and that, therefore, he had acted

in direct opposition to a decree of the Senate, which prohibited the

insertion in the journals of any articles which were not signed. I

told him plainly that his imprudence might be attended with serious

consequences. M. Doormann did not attempt to justify himaelt but merely

explained to me how the thing had happened.

On the 20th of November, in the evening, M. Forshmann, the Russian

charge d'affaires who had in the course of the day arrived from the

Russian headquarters presented to the editor of the Correspondent the

article in question. The editor, after reading the article, which he

thought exceedingly indecorous, observed to M. Forshmann that his paper

was already made up, which was the fact, for I had seen a proof. M.

Forshmann, however, insisted on the insertion of the article. The editor

then told him that he could not admit it without the approbation of the

Syndic Censor. M. Forshmann immediately waited upon M. Doormann, and

when the latter begged that he would not insist on the insertion of the

article, M. Forshmann produced a letter written in French, which,

among other things, contained the following: "You will get the enclosed

article inserted in the Correspondent without suffering a single word

to be altered. Should the censor refuse, you must apply to the directing

Burgomaster, and, in case of his refusal, to General Tolstoy, who will

devise some means of rendering the Senate more complying, and forcing it

to observe an impartial deference."

M. Doorman, thinking he could not take upon himself to allow the

insertion of the article, went, accompanied by M. Forshmann, to wait

upon M. Von Graffen, the directing Burgomaster. MM. Doorman and Von

Graffen earnestly pointed out the impropriety of inserting the article;

but M. Forshmann referred to his order, and added that the compliance of

the Senate on this point was the only means of avoiding great mischief.

The Burgomaster and the Syndic, finding themselves thus forced to admit

the article, entreated that the following passage at least might be

suppressed: "I know a certain chief, who, in defiance of all laws divine

and human,--in contempt of the hatred he inspires in Europe, as well as

among those whom he has reduced to be his subjects, keeps possession of

a usurped throne by violence and crime. His insatiable ambition would

subject all Europe to his rule. But the time is come for avenging the

rights of nations . . . ." M. Forshmann again referred to his orders,

and with some degree of violence insisted on the insertion of the

article in its complete form. The Burgomaster then authorised the editor

of the Correspondent to print the article that night, and M. Forshmann,

having obtained that authority, carried the article to the office at

half-past eleven o'clock.

Such was the account given me by M. Doormann. I observed that I did not

understand how the imaginary apprehension of any violence on the part of

Russia should have induced him to admit so insolent an attack upon the

most powerful sovereign in Europe, whose arms would soon dictate laws

to Germany. The Syndic did not dissemble his fear of the Emperor's

resentment, while at the same time he expressed a hope that the Emperor

would take into consideration the extreme difficulty of a small power

maintaining neutrality in the extraordinary circumstances in which

Hamburg was placed, and that the articles might be said to have been

presented almost at the point of the Cossacks' spears. M. Doormann added

that a refusal, which world have brought Russian troops to Hamburg,

might have been attended by very unpleasant consequences to me, and

might have committed the Senate in a very different way. I begged of

him, once for all, to set aside in these affairs all consideration of my

personal danger: and the Syndic, after a conversation of more than

two hours, departed more uneasy in his mind than when he arrived,

and conjuring me to give a faithful report of the facts as they had

happened.

M. Doormann was a very worthy man, and I gave a favourable

representation of his excuses and of the readiness which he had always

evinced to keep out of the Correspondent articles hostile to France;

as, for example, the commencement of a proclamation of the Emperor of

Germany to his subjects, and a complete proclamation of the King of

Sweden. As it happened, the good Syndic escaped with nothing worse than

a fright; I was myself astonished at the success of my intercession.

I learned from the Minister for Foreign Affairs that the Emperor was

furiously indignant on reading the article, in which the French army was

outraged as well as he. Indeed, he paid but little attention to insults

directed against himself personally. Their eternal repetition had inured

him to them; but at the idea of his army being insulted he was violently

enraged, and uttered the most terrible threats.

It is worthy of remark that the Swedish and English Ministers, as soon

as they read the article, waited upon the editor of the Correspondent,

and expressed their astonishment that such a libel should have been

published. "Victorious armies," said they, "should be answered by

cannonballs and not by insults as gross as they are ridiculous." This

opinion was shared by all the foreigners at that time in Hamburg.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

1805

Difficulties of my situation at Hamburg--Toil and responsibility--

Supervision of the emigrants--Foreign Ministers--Journals--Packet

from Strasburg--Bonaparte fond of narrating Giulio, an extempore

recitation of a story composed by the Emperor.

The brief detail I have given in the two or three preceding chapters

of the events which occurred previously to and during the campaign of

Austerlitz, with the letters of Duroc and Bernadotte, may afford the

reader some idea of my situation during the early part of my residence

in Hamburg. Events succeeded each other with such incredible rapidity

as to render my labour excessive. My occupations were different, but

not less laborious, than those which I formerly performed when near the

Emperor; and, besides, I was now loaded with a responsibility which did

not attach to me as the private secretary of General Bonaparte and the

First Consul. I had, in fact, to maintain a constant watch over the

emigrants in Altona, which was no easy matter--to correspond daily with

the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Police--to confer

with the foreign Ministers accredited at Hamburg--to maintain active

relations with the commanders of the French army--to interrogate my

secret agents, and keep a strict surveillance over their proceedings;

it was, besides, necessary to be unceasingly on the watch for scurrilous

articles against Napoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'. I shall

frequently have occasion to speak of all these things, and especially

of the most marked emigrants, in a manner less irregular, because what I

have hitherto said may, in some sort, be considered merely as a summary

of all the facts relating to the occurrences which daily passed before

my eyes.

In the midst of these multifarious and weighty occupations I received a

packet with the Strasburg postmark at the time the Empress was in that

city. This packet had not the usual form of a diplomatic despatch,

and the superscription announced that it came from the residence of

Josephine. My readers, I venture to presume, will not experience less

gratification than I did on a perusal of its contents, which will be

found at the end of this chapter; but before satisfying the curiosity

to which I have perhaps given birth, I may here relate that one of the

peculiarities of Bonaparte was a fondness of extempore narration; and

it appears he had not discontinued the practice even after he became

Emperor.

In fact, Bonaparte, during the first year after his elevation to the

Imperial throne, usually passed those evenings in the apartments of the

Empress which he could steal from public business. Throwing himself on a

sofa, he would remain absorbed in gloomy silence, which no one dared to

interrupt. Sometimes, however, on the contrary, he would give the reins

to his vivid imagination and his love of the marvelous, or, to speak

more correctly, his desire to produce effect, which was perhaps one of

his strongest passions, and would relate little romances, which were

always of a fearful description and in unison with the natural turn

of his ideas. During those recitals the ladies-in-waiting were always

present, to one of whom I am indebted for the following story, which she

had written nearly in the words of Napoleon. "Never," said this lady in

her letter to me, "did the Emperor appear more extraordinary. Led away

by the subject, he paced the salon with hasty strides; the intonations

of his voice varied according to the characters of the personages he

brought on the scene; he seemed to multiply himself in order to play

the different parts, and no person needed to feign the terror which he

really inspired, and which he loved to see depicted in the countenances

of those who surrounded him." In this tale I have made no alterations,

as can be attested by those who, to my knowledge, have a copy of it. It

is curious to compare the impassioned portions of it with the style of

Napoleon in some of the letters addressed to Josephine.

VOLUME III. -- 1805-1814

CHAPTER I.

1805.

Abolition of the Republican calendar--Warlike preparations in

Austria--Plan for re-organizing the National Guard--Napoleon in

Strasburg--General Mack--Proclamation--Captain Bernard's

reconnoitering mission--The Emperor's pretended anger and real

satisfaction--Information respecting Ragusa communicated by Bernard

--Rapid and deserved promotion--General Bernard's

retirement to the United States of America.

I had been three months at Hamburg when I learned that the Emperor had

at last resolved to abolish the only remaining memorial of the Republic,

namely, the revolutionary calendar. That calendar was indeed an absurd

innovation, for the new denominations of the months were not applicable

in all places, even in France; the corn of Provence did not wait to be

opened by the sun of the month of Messidor. On the 9th of September

a 'Senates-consulte' decreed that on the 1st of January following the

months and days should resume their own names. I read with much interest

Laplace's report to the Senate, and must confess I was very glad to see

the Gregorian calendar again acknowledged by law, as it had already

been acknowledged in fact. Frenchmen in foreign countries experienced

particular inconvenience from the adoption of a system different from

all the rest of the world.

A few days after the revival of the old calendar the Emperor departed

for the army. When at Hamburg it may well be supposed that I was anxious

to obtain news, and I received plenty from the interior of Germany and

from some friends in Paris. This correspondence enables me to present to

my readers a comprehensive and accurate picture of the state of public

affairs up to the time when Napoleon took the field. I have already

mentioned how artfully he always made it appear that he was anxious for

peace, and that he was always the party attacked; his, conduct previous

to the first conquest of Vienna affords a striking example of this

artifice. It was pretty evident that the transformation of the Cisalpine

Republic into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of Genoa to France

were infractions of treaties; yet the Emperor, nevertheless, pretended

that all the infractions were committed by Austria. The truth is, that

Austria was raising levies as secretly as possible, and collecting her

troops on the frontiers of Bavaria. An Austrian corps even penetrated

into some provinces of the Electorate; all this afforded Napoleon a

pretext for going to the aid of his allies.

In the memorable sitting preceding his departure the Emperor presented

a project of a 'Senatus-consulte' relative to the re-organisation of the

National Guard. The Minister for Foreign Affairs read an explanation

of the reciprocal conduct of France and Austria since the peace of

Luneville, in which the offences of France were concealed with wonderful

skill. Before the sitting broke up the Emperor addressed the members,

stating that he was about to leave the capital to place himself at the

head of the army to afford prompt succour to his allies, and defend

the dearest interests of his people. He boasted of his wish to preserve

peace, which Austria and Russia, as he alleged, had, through the

influence of England, been induced to disturb.

This address produced a very powerful impression in Hamburg. For my

part, I recognised in it Napoleon's usual boasting strain; but on this

occasion events seemed bent on justifying it. The Emperor may certainly

have performed more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, but

never any more glorious in results. Everything seemed to partake of the

marvellous, and I have often thought of the secret joy which Bonaparte

must have felt on seeing himself at last an the point of commencing

a great war in Germany, for which he had so often expressed an ardent

desire. He proceeded first to Strasburg, whither Josephine accompanied

him.

All the reports that I received agreed with the statements of my private

correspondence in describing the incredible enthusiasm which prevailed

in the army on learning that it was to march into Germany. For the first

time Napoleon had recourse to an expeditious mode of transport, and

20,000 carriages conveyed his army, as if by enchantment, from the

shores of the Channel to the banks of the Rhine. The idea of an active

campaign fired the ambition of the junior part of the army. All

dreamed of glory, and of speedy promotion, and all hoped to distinguish

themselves before the eyes of a chief who was idolised by his troops.

Thus during his short stay at Strasburg the Emperor might with reason

prophesy the success which crowned his efforts under the walls of

Vienna.

Rapp, who accompanied him, informed me that on leaving Strasburg he

observed, in the presence of several persons, "It will be said that I

made Mack's plan of campaign for him. The Caudine Forks are at Ulm."

--[This allusion to the Caudine Forks was always in Napoleon's mouth

when he saw an enemy's army concentrated on a point, and foresaw its

defeat--Bourrienne.]--

Experience proved that Bonaparte was not deceived; but I ought on this

occasion to contradict a calumnious report circulated at that time,

and since maliciously repeated. It has been said that there existed

an understanding between Mack and Bonaparte, and that the general was

bought over to deliver up the gates of Ulm. I have received positive

proof that this assertion is a scandalous falsehood; and the only thing

that could give it weight was Napoleon's intercession after the campaign

that Mack might not be put on his trial. In this intercession Napoleon

was actuated only by humanity.

On taking the field Napoleon placed himself at the head of the

Bavarians, with whom be opposed the enemy's army before the arrival

of his own troops. As soon as they were assembled he published the

following proclamation, which still further excited the ardour of the

troops.

SOLDIERS--The war of the third coalition is commenced. The Austrian

army has passed the Inn, violated treaties, attacked and driven our

ally from his capital. You yourselves have been obliged to hasten,

by forced marches, to the defence of our frontiers. But you have

now passed the Rhine; and we will not stop till we have secured the

independence of the Germanic body, succoured our allies, and humbled

the pride of our unjust assailants. We will not again make peace

without a sufficient guarantee! Our generosity shall not again

wrong our policy. Soldiers, your Emperor is among you! You are but

the advanced guard of the great people. If it be necessary they

will all rise at my call to confound and dissolve this new league,

which has been created by the malice and the gold of England.

But, soldiers, we shall have forced marches to make, fatigues and

privations of every kind to endure. Still, whatever obstacles may

be opposed to us, we will conquer them; and we will never rest until

we have planted our eagles on the territory of our enemies!

In the confidential notes of his diplomatic agents, in his speeches, and

in his proclamations, Napoleon always described himself as the attacked

party, and perhaps his very earnestness in so doing sufficed to reveal

the truth to all those who had learned to read his thoughts differently

from what his words expressed them.

At the commencement of the campaign of Austerlitz a circumstance

occurred from which is to be dated the fortune of a very meritorious

man. While the Emperor was at Strasburg he asked General Marescot, the

commander-in-chief of the engineers, whether he could recommend from his

corps a brave, prudent, and intelligent young officer, capable of being

entrusted with an important reconnoitering mission. The officer selected

by General Marescot was a captain in the engineers, named Bernard, who

had been educated in the Polytechnic School. He set off on his mission,

advanced almost to Vienna, and returned to the headquarters of the

Emperor at the capitulation of Ulm.

Bonaparte interrogated him himself, and was well satisfied with his

replies; but, not content with answering verbally the questions put by

Napoleon, Captain Bernard had drawn up a report of what he observed,

and the different routes which might be taken. Among other things he

observed that it would be a great advantage to direct the whole army

upon Vienna, without regard to the fortified places; for that, once

master of the capital of Austria, the Emperor might dictate laws to all

the Austrian monarchy. "I was present," said Rapp to me, "at this young

officer's interview with the Emperor. After reading the report, would

you believe that the Emperor flew into a furious passion? 'How!' cried

he, 'you are very bold, very presumptuous! A young officer to take the

liberty of tracing out a plan of campaign for me! Begone, and await my

orders.'"

This, and some other circumstances which I shall have to add respecting

Captain Bernard, completely reveal Napoleon's character. Rapp told

me that as soon as the young officer had left the Emperor all at once

changed his tone. "That," said he, "is a clever young man; he has taken

a proper view of things. I shall not expose him to the chance of being

shot. Perhaps I shall sometime want his services. Tell Berthier to

despatch an order for his departure for Elyria."

This order was despatched, and Captain Bernard, who, like his comrades,

was ardently looking forward to the approaching campaign, regarded as a

punishment what was, on the Emperor's part, a precaution to preserve a

young man whose merit he appreciated. At the close of the campaign, when

the Emperor promoted those officers who had distinguished themselves,

Bernard, who was thought to be in disgrace, was not included in

Berthier's list among the captains of engineers whom he recommended to

the rank of chef de bataillon; but Napoleon himself inscribed Bernard's

name before all the rest. However, the Emperor forgot him for some

time; and it was only an accidental circumstance that brought him to his

recollection. I never had any personal acquaintance with Bernard, but

I learned from Rapp, how he afterwards became his colleague as aide de

camp to the Emperor; a circumstance which I shall now relate, though it

refers to a later period.

Before the Emperor left Paris for the campaign of 1812 he wished to gain

precise information respecting Ragusa and Elyria. He sent for Marmont,

but was not satisfied with his answers. He then interrogated several

other generals, but the result of his inquiries always was, "This is

all very well; but it is not what I want. I do not know Ragusa." He

then sent for General Dejean, who had succeeded M. de Marescot as first

inspector of the Engineers.

"Have you any one among your officers," he asked, "who is well

acquainted with Ragusa?" Dejean, after a little reflection, replied,

"Sire, there is a chef de bataillon who has been a long time forgotten,

but who knows Elyria perfectly."--"What's his name?"--"Bernard."--"Ah!

stop . . . Bernard! I remember that name. Where is he?"--"At Antwerp,

Sire, employed on the fortifications."--"Let a telegraphic despatch be

immediately, transmitted,--[by semaphore arms.]--desiring him to mount

his horse and come with all speed to Paris."

The promptitude with which the Emperor's orders were always executed

is well known. A few days after Captain Bernard was in the Emperor's

cabinet in Paris. Napoleon received him very graciously. The first thing

he said was, "Talk to me about Ragusa." This was a favourite mode of

interrogation with him in similar cases, and I have heard him say that

it was a sure way of drawing out all that a man had observed in any

country that he had visited. Be that as it may, he was perfectly

satisfied with M. Bernard's information respecting Elyria; and when the

chef de bataillon had finished speaking Napoleon said, "Colonel Bernard,

I am now acquainted with Ragusa." The Emperor afterwards conversed

familiarly with him, entered into details respecting the system of

fortification adopted at Antwerp, referred to the plan of the works,

criticised it, and showed how he would, if he besieged the town, render

the means of defence unavailing. The new Colonel explained so well how

he would defend the town against the Emperor's attack that Bonaparte was

delighted, and immediately bestowed upon, the young officer a mark of

distinction which, as far as I know, he never granted but upon that

single occasion. The Emperor was going to preside at the Council of

State, and desired Colonel Bernard to accompany him, and many times

during the sittings be asked him for his opinion upon the points which

were under discussion. On leaving the Council Napoleon said, "Bernard,

you are in future my aide de camp." After the campaign he was made

General of Brigade, soon after General of Division, and now he is

acknowledged to be one of the ablest engineer officers in existence.

Clarke's silly conduct deprived France of this distinguished man, who

refused the brilliant offers of several sovereigns of Europe for the

sake of retiring to the United States of America, where he commands

the Engineers, and has constructed fortifications on the coast of

the Floridas which are considered by engineers to be masterpieces of

military art.

CHAPTER II.

1805.

Rapidity of Napoleon's victories--Murat at Wertingen--Conquest of

Ney's duchy--The French army before Ulm--The Prince of Liechtenstein

at the Imperial headquarters--His interview with Napoleon described

by Rapp--Capitulation of Ulm signed by Berthier and Mack--Napoleon

before and after a victory--His address to the captive generals--

The Emperor's proclamation--Ten thousand prisoners taken by Murat--

Battle of Caldiero in Italy--Letter from Duroc--Attempts to retard

the Emperor's progress--Fruitless mission of M. de Giulay--The first

French eagles taken by the Russians--Bold adventure of Lannes and

Murat--The French enter Vienna--Savary's mission to the Emperor

Alexander.

To convey an idea of the brilliant campaign of 1805 from an abstract

of the reports and letters I received at Hamburg I should, like the

almanac-makers, be obliged to note down a victory for every day. Was

not the rapidity of the Emperor's first operations a thing hitherto

unprecedented? He departed from Paris on the 24th of September, and

hostilities commenced on the 2d of October. On the 6th and 7th the

French passed the Danube, and turned the enemy's army. On the 8th Murat,

at the battle of Wertingen, on the Danube, took 2000 Austrian prisoners,

amongst whom, besides other general officers, was Count Auffemberg.

Next day the Austrians fell back upon Gunsburg, retreating before

our victorious legions, who, pursuing their triumphal course, entered

Augsburg on the 10th, and Munich on the 12th. When I received my

despatches I could have fancied I was reading a fabulous narrative. Two

days after the French entered Munich--that is to say, on the 14th--an

Austrian corps of 6000 men surrendered to Marshal Soult at Memingen,

whilst Ney conquered, sword in hand, his future Duchy of Elchingen.

Finally, on the 17th of October, came the famous capitulation of General

Mack at Ulm,' and on the same day hostilities commenced in Italy between

the French and Austrians, the former commanded by Massena and the latter

by Prince Charles.

--[Prince Maurice Liechtenstein was sent by General Mack as a flag

of truce to the Imperial headquarters before Ulm. He was, according

to custom, led blindfold on horseback. Rapp, who was present,

together with several of Napoleon's aides de camp, afterwards spoke

to me of the Prince's interview with the Emperor. I think he told

me that Berthier was present likewise. "Picture to yourself," said

Rapp, "the astonishment, or rather confusion, of the poor Prince

when the bandage was removed from his eyes. He knew nothing of what

had been going on, and did not even suspect that the Emperor had yet

joined the army. When he understood that he was in the presence of

Napoleon he could not suppress an exclamation of surprise, which did

not escape the Emperor, and he ingenuously acknowledged that General

Mack had no idea he was before the walls of Ulm." Prince

Liechtenstein proposed to capitulate on condition that the garrison

of Ulm should be allowed to return into Austria. This proposal, in

the situation in which the garrison stood, Rapp said, made the

Emperor smile. "How can you expect," said Napoleon, "that I can

accede to such a proposition? What shall I gain by it? Eight days.

In eight days you will be in my power without any condition. Do you

suppose I am not acquainted with everything? . . You expect the

Russians? . . . At the nearest they are in Bohemia. Were I to

allow you to march out, what security can I have that you will not

join them, and afterwards fight against me? Your generals have

deceived me often enough, and I will no longer be duped. At Marengo

I was weak enough to allow the troops of Melas to march out of

Alessandria. He promised to treat for peace. What happened? Two

months after Moreau had to fight with the garrison of Alessandria.

Besides, this war is not an ordinary war. After the conduct of your

Government I am not bound to keep any terms with it. I have no

faith in its promises. You have attacked me. If I should agree to

what you ask, Mack would pledge his word, I know. But, even relying

on his good faith, would be he able to keep his promise? As far as

regards himself--yes; but as regards his army--no. If the Archduke

Ferdinand were still with you I could rely upon his word, because he

would be responsible for the conditions, and he would not disgrace

himself; but I know he has quitted Ulm and passed the Danube. I

know how to reach him, however."

Rapp said it was impossible to imagine the embarrassment of Prince

Liechtenstein whilst the Emperor was speaking. He, however,

somewhat regained his self-possession, and observed that, unless the

conditions which he proposed were granted the army would not

capitulate. "If that be the case," said Napoleon. "you may as well

go back to Mack, for I will never grant such conditions. Are you

jesting with me? Stay; here is the capitulation of Memingen--show

it to your General--let him surrender on the same conditions--I will

consent to no others. Your officers may return to Austria, but the

soldiers must be prisoners. Tell him to be speedy, for I have no

time to lose. The more he delays the worse he will render his own

condition and yours. To-morrow I shall have here the corps to which

Memingen capitulated, and then we shall see what is to be done.

Make Mack clearly understand that he has no alternative but to

conform to my will."

The imperious tones which Napoleon employed towards his enemies

almost always succeeded, and it produced the accustomed effect upon

Mack. On the same day that Prince Liechtenstein had been at our

headquarters Mack wrote to the Emperor, stating that he would not

have treated with any other on such terms; but that he yielded to

the ascendency of Napoleon's fortune; and on the following day

Berthier was sent into Ulm, from whence he returned with the

capitulation signed. Thus Napoleon was not mistaken respecting the

Caudine Forks of the Austrian army. The garrison of Ulm marched out

with what are called the honours of war, and were led prisoners into

France.--Bourrienne.]--