1800.
The Memorial of St. Helena--Louis XVIII.'s first letter to Bonaparte
--Josephine, Hortense, and the Faubourg St. Germain--
Madame Bonaparte and the fortune-teller--Louis XVIII's second letter
--Bonaparte's answer--Conversation respecting the recall of Louis
XVIII.--Peace and war--A battle fought with pins--Genoa and Melas--
Realisation of Bonaparte's military plans--Ironical letter to
Berthier--Departure from Paris--Instructions to Lucien and
Cambacérès--Joseph Bonaparte appointed Councillor of State--
Travelling conversation--Alexander and Caesar judged by Bonaparte.
It sometimes happens that an event which passes away unnoticed at
the time of its occurrence acquires importance from events which
subsequently ensue. This reflection naturally occurs to my mind now
that I am about to notice the correspondence which passed between Louis
XVIII. and the First Consul. This is certainly not one of the least
interesting passages in the life of Bonaparte.
But I must first beg leave to make an observation on the 'Memorial of
St. Helena.' That publication relates what Bonaparte said respecting the
negotiations between Louis XVIII. and himself; and I find it necessary
to quote a few lines on the subject, in order to show how far the
statements contained in the Memorial differ from the autograph letters
in my possession.
At St. Helena Napoleon said that he never thought of the princes of the
House of Bourbon. This is true to a certain point. He did not think of
the princes of the House of Bourbon with the view of restoring them to
their throne; but it has been shown, in several parts of these Memoirs,
that he thought of them very often, and on more than one occasion their
very names alarmed him.
--[The Memorial states that "A letter was delivered to the First
Consul by Lebrun who received it from the Abbé de Montesquieu, the
secret agent of the Bourbons in Paris." This letter which was very
cautiously written, said:--
"You are long delaying the restoration of my throne. It is to be
feared you are suffering favourable moments to escape. You cannot
secure the happiness of France without me, and I can do nothing for
France without you. Hasten, then, to name the offices which you
would choose for your friends."
The answer, Napoleon said, was as follows:--
"I have received your royal highness' letter. I have always taken a
lively interest in your misfortunes, and those of your family. You
must not think of appearing in France; you could only return here by
trampling over a hundred thousand dead bodies. I shall always be
happy to do anything that can alleviate your fate and help to banish
the recollection of your misfortunes."--Bourrienne.]--
The substance of the two letters given in the 'Memorial of St. Helena'
is correct. The ideas are nearly the same as those of the original
letters. But it is not surprising that, after the lapse of so long an
interval, Napoleon's memory should somewhat have failed him. However,
it will not, I presume, be deemed unimportant if I present to the reader
literal copies of this correspondence; together with the explanation of
some curious circumstances connected with it.
The following is Louis XVIII's letter:--
February 20,1800.
SIR--Whatever may be their apparent conduct, men like you never
inspire alarm. You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank
you for having done so. You know better than any one how much
strength and power are requisite to secure the happiness of a great
nation. Save France from her own violence, and you will fulfil the
first wish of my heart. Restore her King to her, and future
generations will bless your memory. You will always be too
necessary to the State for me ever to be able to discharge, by
important appointments, the debt of my family and myself.
(Signed) Louis.
The First Consul was much agitated on the reception of this letter.
Though he every day declared his determination to have nothing to do
with the Princes, yet he hesitated whether or no he should reply to this
overture. The numerous affairs which then occupied his mind favoured
this hesitation. Josephine and Hortense conjured him to hold out hope
to the King, as by so doing he would in no way pledge himself, and
would gain time to ascertain whether he could not ultimately play a far
greater part than that of Monk. Their entreaties became so urgent that
he said to me, "These devils of women are mad! The Faubourg St. Germain
has turned their heads! They make the Faubourg the guardian angel of the
royalists; but I care not; I will have nothing to do with them."
Madame Bonaparte said she was anxious he should adopt the step she
proposed in order to banish from his mind all thought of making himself
King. This idea always gave rise to a painful foreboding which she could
never overcome.
In the First Consul's numerous conversations with me he discussed with
admirable sagacity Louis XVIII.'s proposition and its consequences. "The
partisans of the Bourbons," said he, "are deceived if they suppose I
am the man to play Monk's part." Here the matter rested, and the King's
letter remained on the table. In the interim Louis XVIII. wrote a second
letter, without any date. It was as follows:
You must have long since been convinced, General, that you possess
my esteem. If you doubt my gratitude, fix your reward and mark out
the fortune of your friends. As to my principles, I am a Frenchman,
merciful by character, and also by the dictates of reason.
No, the victor of Lodi, Castiglione, and Arcola, the conqueror of
Italy and Egypt, cannot prefer vain celebrity to real glory. But
you are losing precious time. We may ensure the glory of France.
I say we, because I require the aid of Bonaparte, and he can do
nothing without me.
General, Europe observes you. Glory awaits you, and I am impatient
to restore peace to my people.
(Signed) LOUIS.
This dignified letter the First Consul suffered to remain unanswered
for several weeks; at length he proposed to dictate an answer to me. I
observed, that as the King's letters were autographs, it would be more
proper that he should write himself. He then wrote with his own hand the
following:
Sir--I have received your letter, and I thank you for the
compliments you address to me.
You must not seek to return to France. To do so you must trample
over a hundred thousand dead bodies.
Sacrifice your interest to the repose and happiness of France, and
history will render you justice.
I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family. I shall
learn with pleasure, and shall willingly contribute to ensure, the
tranquillity of your retirement.
(Signed) BONAPARTE.
He showed me this letter, saying, "What do you think of it? is it not
good?" He was never offended when I pointed out to him an error of
grammar or style, and I therefore replied, "As to the substance, if such
be your resolution, I have nothing to say against it; but," added I, "I
must make one observation on the style. You cannot say that you shall
learn with pleasure to ensure, etc." On reading the passage over again
he thought he had pledged himself too far in saying that he would
willingly contribute, etc. He therefore scored out the last sentence,
and interlined, "I shall contribute with pleasure to the happiness and
tranquillity of your retirement."
The answer thus scored and interlined could not be sent off, and it lay
on the table with Bonaparte's signature affixed to it.
Some time after he wrote another answer, the three first paragraphs of
which were exactly alike that first quoted; but for the last paragraph
he substituted the following:
"I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family; and I shall
learn with pleasure that you are surrounded with all that can
contribute to the tranquillity of your retirement."
By this means he did not pledge himself in any way, not even in words,
for he himself made no offer of contributing to the tranquillity of the
retirement. Every day which augmented his power and consolidated his
position diminished, he thought, the chances of the Bourbons; and seven
months were suffered to intervene between the date of the King's first
letter and the answer of the First Consul, which was written on the 2d
Vendemiaire, year IX. (24th September 1800) just when the Congress of
Luneville was on the point of opening.
Some days after the receipt of Louis XVIII.'s letter we were walking
in the gardens of Malmaison; he was in good humour, for everything was
going on to his mind. "Has my wife been saying anything more to you
about the Bourbons?" said he.--"No, General."--"But when you converse
with her you concur a little in her opinions. Tell me why you wish the
Bourbons back? You have no interest in their return, nothing to expect
from them. Your family rank is not high enough to enable you to obtain
any great post. You would be nothing under them. Through the patronage
of M. de Chambonas you got the appointment of Secretary of Legation at
Stuttgart; but had it not been for the change you would have remained
all your life in that or some inferior post. Did you ever know men rise
by their own merit under kings? Everything depends on birth, connection,
fortune, and intrigue. Judge things more accurately; reflect more
maturely on the future."--"General," replied I, "I am quite of your
opinion on one point. I never received gift, place, or favour from the
Bourbons; and I have not the vanity to believe that I should ever have
attained any important Appointment. But you must not forget that my
nomination as Secretary of Legation at Stuttgart preceded the overthrow
of the throne only by a few days; and I cannot infer, from what took
place under circumstances unfortunately too certain, what might have
happened in the reverse case. Besides, I am not actuated by personal
feelings; I consider not my own interests, but those of France. I wish
you to hold the reins of government as long as you live; but you have
no children, and it is tolerably certain that you will have none by
Josephine. What will become of us when you are gone? You talk of the
future; but what will be the future fate of France? I have often
heard you say that your brothers are not--"--"You are right," said he,
abruptly interrupting me. "If I do not live thirty years to complete
my work you will have a long series of civil wars after my death.
My brothers will not suit France; you know what they are. A violent
conflict will therefore arise among the most distinguished generals,
each of whom will think himself entitled to succeed me."--"Well,
General, why not take means to obviate the mischief you foresee?"--"Do
you imagine I do not think of it? But look at the difficulties that
stand in my way. How are so many acquired rights and material results
to be secured against the efforts of a family restored to power, and
returning with 80,000 emigrants and the influence of fanaticism? What
would become of those who voted for the death of the King--the men who
acted a conspicuous part in the Revolution--the national domains, and a
multitude of things that have been done during twelve years? Can you see
how far reaction would extend?"--"General, need I remind you that Louis,
in his letter, guarantees the contrary of all you apprehend? I know what
will be your answer; but are you not able to impose whatever conditions
you may think fit? Grant what is asked of you only at that price. Take
three or four years; in that time you may ensure the happiness of France
by institutions conformable to her wants. Custom and habit would give
them a power which it would not be easy to destroy; and even supposing
such a design were entertained, it could not be accomplished. I have
heard you say it is wished you should act the part of Monk; but you well
know the difference between a general opposing the usurper of a
crown, and one whom victory and peace have raised above the ruins of a
subverted throne, and who restores it voluntarily to those who have long
occupied it. You are well aware what you call ideology will not again be
revived; and--"--"I know what you are going to say; but it all
amounts to nothing. Depend upon it, the Bourbons will think they have
reconquered their inheritance, and will dispose of it as they please.
The most sacred pledges, the most positive promises, will be violated.
None but fools will trust them. My resolution is formed; therefore let
us say no more on the subject. But I know how these women torment you.
Let them mind their knitting, and leave me to do what I think right."
Every one knows the adage, 'Si vis pacem para bellum'. Had Bonaparte
been a Latin scholar he would probably have reversed it and said, 'Si
vis bellum para pacem'. While seeking to establish pacific relations
with the powers of Europe the First Consul was preparing to strike a
great blow in Italy. As long as Genoa held out, and Massena continued
there, Bonaparte did not despair of meeting the Austrians in those
fields which not four years before had been the scenes of his success.
He resolved to assemble an army of reserve at Dijon. Where there was
previously nothing he created everything. At that period of his life
the fertility of his imagination and the vigour of his genius must have
commanded the admiration of even his bitterest enemies. I was astonished
at the details into which he entered. While every moment was engrossed
by the most important occupations he sent 24,000 francs to the hospital
of Mont St. Bernard. When he saw that his army of reserve was forming,
and everything was going on to his liking, he said to me, "I hope to
fall on the rear of Melas before he is aware I am in Italy . . . that is
to say, provided Genoa holds out. But MASSENA is defending it."
On the 17th of March, in a moment of gaiety and good humour, he desired
me to unroll Chauchard's great map of Italy. He lay down upon it, and
desired me to do likewise. He then stuck into it pins, the heads of
which were tipped with wax, some red and some black. I silently observed
him; and awaited with no little curiosity the result of this plan of
campaign. When he had stationed the enemy's corps, and drawn up the pins
with red heads on the points where he hoped to bring his own troops,
he said to me, "Where do you think I shall beat Melas?"--"How the devil
should I know?"--"Why, look here, you fool! Melas is at Alessandria with
his headquarters. There he will remain until Genoa surrenders. He has
in Alessandria his magazines, his hospitals, his artillery, and his
reserves. Crossing the Alps here (pointing to the Great Mont St.
Bernard) I shall fall upon Melas, cut off his communications with
Austria, and meet him here in the plains of Scrivia" (placing a red pin
at San Giuliano). Finding that I looked on this manoeuvre of pins as
mere pastime, he addressed to me some of his usual compliments, such
as fool, ninny, etc., and then proceeded to demonstrate his plans more
clearly on the map. At the expiration of a quarter of an hour we rose; I
folded up the map, and thought no more of the matter.
Four months after this, when I was at San Giuliano with Bonaparte's
portfolio and despatches, which I had saved from the rout which had
taken place during the day, and when that very evening I was writing at
Torre di Galifolo the bulletin of the battle to Napoleon's dictation, I
frankly avowed my admiration of his military plans. He himself smiled at
the accuracy of his own foresight.
The First Consul was not satisfied with General Berthier as War
Minister, and he superseded him by Carnot,
--[There were special reasons for the appointment of Carnot,
Berthier was required with his master in Italy, while Carnot, who
had so long ruled the armies of the Republic, was better fitted to
influence Moreau, at this time advancing into Germany. Carnot
probably fulfilled the main object of his appointment when he was
sent to Moreau, and succeeded in getting that general, with natural
reluctance, to damage his own campaign by detaching a large body of
troops into Italy. Berthier was reappointed to the Ministry on the
8th of October 1800,--a very speedy return if he had really been
disgraced.]--
who had given great proofs of firmness and integrity, but who,
nevertheless, was no favourite of Bonaparte, on account of his decided
republican principles. Berthier was too slow in carrying out the
measures ordered, [duplicated line removed here D.W.] and too lenient in
the payment of past charges and in new contracts. Carnot's appointment
took place on the 2d of April 1800; and to console Berthier, who, he
knew, was more at home in the camp than in the office, he dictated to me
the following letter for him:--
PARIS, 2d April 1800.
CITIZEN-GENERAL,--The military talents of which you have given so
many proofs, and the confidence of the Government, call you to the
command of an army. During the winter you have REORGANISED the War
Department, and you have provided, as far as circumstances would
permit, for the wants of our armies. During the spring and summer
it must be your task to lead our troops to victory, which is the
effectual means of obtaining peace and consolidating the Republic.
Bonaparte laughed heartily while he dictated this epistle, especially
when he uttered the word which I have marked in italics [CAPS]. Berthier
set out for Dijon, where he commenced the formation of the army of
reserve.
The Consular Constitution did not empower the First Consul to command an
army out of the territory of France. Bonaparte therefore wished to keep
secret his long-projected plan of placing himself at the head of the
army of Italy, which he then for the first time called the grand army.
I observed that by his choice of Berthier nobody could be deceived,
because it must be evident that he would have made another selection had
he not intended to command in person. He laughed at my observation.
Our departure from Paris was fixed for the 6th of May, or, according to
the republican calendar, the 16th Floréal. Bonaparte had made all his
arrangements and issued all his orders; but still he did not wish it to
be known that he was going to take the command of the army. On the eve
of our departure, being in conference with the two other Consuls and the
Ministers, he said to Lucien, "Prepare, to-morrow morning, a circular to
the prefects, and you, Fouché, will publish it in the journals. Say I am
gone to Dijon to inspect the army of reserve. You may add that I shall
perhaps go as far as Geneva; but you must affirm positively that I shall
not be absent longer than a fortnight. You, Cambacérès, will preside
to-morrow at the Council of State. In my absence you are the Head of
the Government. State that my absence will be but of short duration, but
specify nothing. Express my approbation of the Council of State; it has
already rendered great services, and I shall be happy to see it continue
in the course it has hitherto pursued. Oh! I had nearly forgotten--you
will at the same time announce that I have appointed Joseph a
Councillor of State. Should anything happen I shall be back again like a
thunderbolt. I recommend to you all the great interests of France, and I
trust that I shall shortly be talked of in Vienna and in London."
We set out at two in the morning, taking the Burgundy road, which we had
already so often travelled under very different circumstances.
On the journey Bonaparte conversed about the warriors of antiquity,
especially Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal. I asked him which he
preferred, Alexander or Caesar. "I place Alexander in the first rank,"
said he, "yet I admire Caesar's fine campaign in Africa. But the ground
of my preference for the King of Macedonia is the plan, and above all
the execution, of his campaign in Asia. Only those who are utterly
ignorant of war can blame Alexander for having spent seven months at the
siege of Tyre. For my part, I would have stayed there seven years had it
been necessary. This is a great subject of dispute; but I look upon the
siege of Tyre, the conquest of Egypt, and the journey to the Oasis of
Ammon as a decided proof of the genius of that great captain. His object
was to give the King of Persia (of whose force he had only beaten a
feeble advance-guard at the Granicus and Issus) time to reassemble his
troops, so that he might overthrow at a blow the colossus which he had
as yet only shaken. By pursuing Darius into his states Alexander would
have separated himself from his reinforcements, and would have met only
scattered parties of troops who would have drawn him into deserts where
his army would have been sacrificed. By persevering in the taking of
Tyre he secured his communications with Greece, the country he loved as
dearly as I love France, and in whose glory he placed his own. By taking
possession of the rich province of Egypt he forced Darius to come to
defend or deliver it, and in so doing to march half-way to meet him.
By representing himself as the son of Jupiter he worked upon the ardent
feelings of the Orientals in a way that powerfully seconded his designs.
Though he died at thirty-three what a name he has left behind him!"
Though an utter stranger to the noble profession of arms, yet I could
admire Bonaparte's clever military plans and his shrewd remarks on the
great captains of ancient and modern times. I could not refrain from
saying, "General, you often reproach me for being no flatterer, but now
I tell you plainly I admire you." And certainly, I really spoke the true
sentiments of my mind.
VOLUME II. -- 1800-1803
CHAPTER I.
1800.
Bonaparte's confidence in the army--'Ma belle' France--The convent
of Bernadins--Passage of Mont St. Bernard--Arrival at the convent--
Refreshments distributed to the soldiers--Mont Albaredo--Artillery
dismounted--The fort of Bard--Fortunate temerity--Bonaparte and
Melas--The spy--Bonaparte's opinion of M. Necker--Capitulation of
Genoa--Intercepted despatch--Lannes at Montebello--Boudet succeeded
by Desaix--Coolness of the First Consul to M. Collot--Conversation
and recollections--The battle of Marengo--General Kellerman--Supper
sent from the Convent del Bosco--Particulars respecting the death of
Desaix--The Prince of Lichtenstein--Return to Milan--Savary and
Rapp.
It cannot be denied that if, from the 18th Brumaire to the epoch when
Bonaparte began the campaign, innumerable improvements had been made in
the internal affairs of France, foreign affairs could not be seen with
the same satisfaction. Italy had been lost, and from the frontiers of
Provence the Austrian camp fires were seen. Bonaparte was not ignorant
of the difficulties of his position, and it was even on account of
these very difficulties that, whatever might be the result of his hardy
enterprise, he wished to escape from it as quickly as possible. He
cherished no illusions, and often said all must be staked to gain all.
The army which the First Consul was preparing to attack was numerous,
well disciplined, and victorious.
His, with the exception of a very small number of troops, was composed
of conscripts; but these conscripts were commanded by officers whose
ardour was unparalleled. Bonaparte's fortune was now to depend on the
winning or losing of a battle. A battle lost would have dispelled all
the dreams of his imagination, and with them would have vanished all his
immense schemes for the future of France. He saw the danger, but was not
intimidated by it; and trusting to his accustomed good fortune, and to
the courage and fidelity of his troops, he said, "I have, it is true,
many conscripts in my army, but they are Frenchmen. Four years ago did
I not with a feeble army drive before me hordes of Sardinians and
Austrians, and scour the face of Italy? We shall do so again. The sun
which now shines on us is the same that shone at Arcola and Lodi. I rely
on Massena. I hope he will hold out in Genoa. But should famine oblige
him to surrender, I will retake Genoa in the plains of the Scrivia. With
what pleasure shall I then return to my dear France! Ma belle France."
At this moment, when a possible, nay, a probable chance, might for ever
have blasted his ambitious hopes, he for the first time spoke of France
as his. Considering the circumstances in which we then stood, this use
of the possessive pronoun "my" describes more forcibly than anything
that can be said the flashes of divination which crossed Bonaparte's
brain when he was wrapped up in his chimerical ideas of glory and
fortune.
In this favourable disposition of mind the First Consul arrived at
Martigny on the 20th of May. Martigny is a convent of Bernardins,
situated in a valley where the rays of the sun scarcely ever penetrate.
The army was in full march to the Great St. Bernard. In this gloomy
solitude did Bonaparte wait three days, expecting the fort of Bard,
situated beyond the mountain and covering the road to Yvree, to
surrender. The town was carried on the 21st of May, and on the third
day he learned that the fort still held out, and that there were no
indications of its surrender. He launched into complaints against
the commander of the siege, and said, "I am weary of staying in this
convent; those fools will never take Bard; I must go myself and see what
can be done. They cannot even settle so contemptible an affair without
me!" He immediately gave orders for our departure.
The grand idea of the invasion of Italy by crossing Mont St. Bernard
emanated exclusively from the First Consul. This miraculous achievement
justly excited the admiration of the world. The incredible difficulties
it presented did not daunt the courage of Bonaparte's troops. His
generals, accustomed as they had been to brave fatigue and danger,
regarded without concern the gigantic enterprise of the modern Hannibal.
A convent or hospice, which had been established on the mountain for
the purpose of affording assistance to solitary travellers, sufficiently
bespeaks the dangers of these stormy regions. But the St. Bernard was
now to be crossed, not by solitary travellers, but by an army. Cavalry,
baggage, limbers, and artillery were now to wend their way along those
narrow paths where the goat-herd cautiously picks his footsteps. On
the one hand masses of snow, suspended above our heads, every moment
threatened to break in avalanches, and sweep us away in their descent.
On the other, a false step was death. We all passed, men and horse,
one by one, along the goat paths. The artillery was dismounted, and the
guns, put into excavated trunks of trees, were drawn by ropes.
I have already mentioned that the First Consul had transmitted funds to
the hospice of the Great St. Bernard. The good fathers had procured from
the two valleys a considerable supply of cheese, bread, and wine. Tables
were laid out in front of the hospice, and each soldier as he defiled
past took a glass of wine and a piece of bread and cheese, and then
resigned his place to the next. The fathers served, and renewed the
portions with admirable order and activity.
The First Consul ascended the St. Bernard with that calm self-possession
and that air of indifference for which he was always remarkable when he
felt the necessity of setting an example and exposing himself to danger.
He asked his guide many questions about the two valleys, inquired what
were the resources of the inhabitants, and whether accidents were
as frequent as they were said to be. The guide informed him that the
experience of ages enabled the inhabitants to foresee good or bad
weather, and that they were seldom deceived.
Bonaparte, who wore his gray greatcoat, and had his whip in his hand,
appeared somewhat disappointed at not seeing any one come from the
valley of Aorta to inform him of the taking of the fort of Bard. I never
left him for a moment during the ascent. We encountered no personal
danger, and escaped with no other inconvenience than excessive fatigue.
On his arrival at the convent the First Consul visited the chapel and
the three little libraries. He had time to read a few pages of an old
book, of which I have forgotten the title.
Our breakfast-dinner was very frugal. The little garden was still
covered with snow, and I said to one of the fathers, "You can have but
few vegetables here."--"We get our vegetables from the valleys," he
replied; "but in the month of August, in warm seasons, we have a few
lettuces of our own growing."
When we reached the summit of the mountain we seated ourselves on the
snow and slid down. Those who went first smoothed the way for those who
came behind them. This rapid descent greatly amused us, and we were only
stopped by the mud which succeeded the snow at the distance of five or
six hundred toises down the declivity.
We crossed, or rather climbed up, Mont Albaredo to avoid passing under
the fort of Bard, which closes the valley of Aorta. As it was impossible
to get the artillery up this mountain it was resolved to convey it
through the town of Bard, which was not fortified. For this operation
we made choice of night, and the wheels of the cannon and caissons, and
even the horses' feet, being wrapped in straw, the whole passed quietly
through the little town. They were, indeed, under the fire of the fort;
however, it did not so completely command the street but that the houses
would have protected them against any very fatal consequences. A great
part of the army had passed before the surrender of the fort, which
so completely commands the narrow valley leading to Aorta that it is
difficult to comprehend the negligence of the Austrians in not throwing
up more efficient works; by very simple precautions they might have
rendered the passage of St. Bernard unavailing.
On the 23d we came within sight of the fort of Bard, which commands the
road bounded by the Doria Baltea on the right and Mont Albaredo on the
left. The Doria Baltea is a small torrent which separates the town of
Bard from the fort. Bonaparte, whose retinue was not very numerous,
crossed the torrent. On arriving within gunshot of the fort he ordered
us to quicken our pace to gain a little bridle-path on the left, leading
to the summit of Mont Albaredo, and turning the town and fort of Bard.
We ascended this path on foot with some difficulty. On reaching the
summit of the mountain, which commands the fort, Bonaparte levelled his
telescope on the grass, and stationing himself behind some bushes, which
served at once to shelter and conceal him, he attentively reconnoitered
the fort. After addressing several questions to the persons who had come
to give him information, he mentioned, in a tone of dissatisfaction,
the faults that had been committed, and ordered the erection of a new
battery to attack a point which he marked out, and from whence,
he guaranteed, the firing of a few shots would oblige the fort to
surrender. Having given these orders he descended the mountain and went
to sleep that night at Yvree. On the 3d of June he learned that the fort
had surrendered the day before.
The passage of Mont St. Bernard must occupy a great place in the annals
of successful temerity. The boldness of the First Consul seemed, as it
were, to have fascinated the enemy, and his enterprise was so unexpected
that not a single Austrian corps defended the approaches of the fort of
Bard. The country was entirely exposed, and we only encountered here
and there a few feeble parties, who were incapable of checking our march
upon Milan. Bonaparte's advance astonished and confounded the enemy, who
thought of nothing but marching back the way he came, and renouncing
the invasion of France. The bold genius which actuated Bonaparte did not
inspire General Melas, the commander-in-chief of the Austrian forces.
If Melas had had the firmness which ought to belong to the leader of an
army--if he had compared the respective positions of the two parties--if
he had considered that there was no longer time to regain his line of
operations and recover his communication with the Hereditary States,
that he was master of all the strong places in Italy, that he had
nothing to fear from Massena, that Suchet could not resist him:--if,
then, following Bonaparte's example, he had marched upon Lyons, what
would have become of the First Consul? Melas would have found few
obstacles, and almost everywhere open towns, while the French army
would have been exhausted without having an enemy to fight. This is,
doubtless, what Bonaparte would have done had he been Melas; but,
fortunately for us, Melas was not Bonaparte.
We arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, the day on which the First Consul
heard that the fort of Bard was taken. But little resistance was opposed
to our entrance to the capital of Lombardy, and the term "engagements"
can scarcely be applied to a few affairs of advance posts, in which
success could not be for a moment doubtful; the fort of Milan was
immediately blockaded. Murat was sent to Piacenza, of which he
took possession without difficulty, and Lannes beat General Ott at
Montebello. He was far from imagining that by that exploit he conquered
for himself a future duchy!
The First Consul passed six days at Milan. On the day after our arrival
there a spy who had served us very well in the first campaign in Italy
was announced. The First Consul recollected him, and ordered him to be
shown into his cabinet.--"What, are you here?" he exclaimed; "so you are
not shot yet!"--"General," replied the spy, "when the war recommenced
I determined to serve the Austrians because you were far from Europe. I
always follow the fortunate; but the truth is, I am tired of the trade.
I wish to have done with it, and to get enough to enable me to retire.
I have been sent to your lines by General Melas, and I can render you
an important service. I will give an exact account of the force and the
position of all the enemy's corps, and the names of their commanders. I
can tell you the situation in which Alessandria now is. You know me, I
will not deceive you; but, I must carry back some report to my general.
You need not care for giving me some true particulars which I can
communicate to him."--"Oh! as to that," resumed the First Consul, "the
enemy is welcome to know my forces and my positions, provided I know
his, and he be ignorant of my plans. You shall be satisfied; but do not
deceive me: you ask for 1000 Louis, you shall have them if you serve me
well." I then wrote down from the dictation of the spy, the names of the
corps, their amount, their positions, names of the generals commanding
them. The Consul stuck pins in the map to mark his plans on places
respecting which he received information from the spy. We also learned
that Alexandria was without provisions, that Melas was far from
expecting a siege, that many of his troops were sick, and that he wanted
medicines. Berthier was ordered to draw up for the spy a nearly accurate
statement of our positions.
The information given by this man proved so accurate and useful that on
his return from Marengo Bonaparte ordered me to pay him the 1000 Louis.
The spy afterwards informed him that Melas was delighted with the way in
which he had served him in this affair, and had rewarded him handsomely.
He assured us that he had bidden farewell to his odious profession.
The First Consul regarded this little event as one of the favours of
fortune.
In passing through Geneva the First Consul had an interview with M.
Necker.
--[Madame de Stael briefly mention this interview in her
'Considerations sur la Revolution Francaise' "M. Necker," she says,
"had an interview with Bonaparte, when he was on his way to Italy by
the passage of Mont. St. Bernard, a few days before the battle of
Marengo. During this conversation, which lasted two hours, the First
Consul made a very favourable impression on my father by the
confident way he spoke of his future projects."--Bourrienne.]--
I know not how it happened, but at the time he did not speak to me of
this interview. However, I was curious to know what he thought of a man
who had acquired much celebrity in France. One evening, when we were
talking of one thing and another, I managed to turn the conversation on
that subject. "M. Necker," said he, "appears to me very far below his
reputation. He did not equal the idea I had formed of him. I tried all
I could to get him to talk; but he said nothing remarkable. He is an
ideologist--
--[This was a constant term of reproach with Bonaparte. He set all
the metaphysicians of the Continent against him by exclaiming, "Je
ne veux point d'ideologues."]--
a banker. It is impossible that such a man can have any but narrow
views; and, besides, most celebrated people lose on a close view."--
"Not always, General," observed I--"Ah!" said he, smiling, "that is not
bad, Bourrienne. You are improving. I see I shall make something of you
in time!"
The day was approaching when all was to be lost or won. The First Consul
made all his arrangements, and sent off the different corps to occupy
the points he had marked out. I have already mentioned that Murat's task
was the occupation of Piacenza. As soon as he was in possession of that
town he intercepted a courier of General Melas. The despatch, which was
addressed to the Aulic Council of Vienna, was delivered to us on the
night of the 8th of June. It announced the capitulation of Genoa,
which took place on the 4th, after the long and memorable defence which
reflected so much honour on Massena. Melas in his despatch spoke of what
he called our pretended army of reserve with inconceivable contempt, and
alluded to the presence of Bonaparte in Italy as a mere fabrication. He
declared he was still in Paris. It was past three in the morning when
Murat's courier arrived. I immediately translated the despatch, which
was in German. About four o'clock I entered the chamber of the First
Consul, whom I was obliged to shake by the arm in order to wake him. He
had desired me; as I have already mentioned, never to respect his repose
an the arrival of bad news; but on the receipt of good news to let him
sleep. I read to him the despatch, and so much was he confounded by
this unexpected event that his first exclamation was, "Bah! you do not
understand German." But hardly had he uttered these words when he arose,
and by eight o'clock in the morning orders were despatched for repairing
the possible consequences of this disaster, and countermanding the
march of the troops on the Scrivia. He himself proceeded the same day to
Stradella.
I have seen it mentioned in some accounts that the First Consul in
person gained the battle of Montebello. This is a mistake. He did not
leave Milan until the 9th of June, and that very day Lannes was engaged
with the enemy. The conflict was so terrible that Lannes, a few days
after, describing it in my presence to M. Collot, used these remarkable
words, which I well remember: "Bones were cracking in my division like a
shower of hail falling on a skylight."
By a singular chance Desaix, who was to contribute to the victory and
stop the rout of Marengo, arrived from Egypt at Toulon, on the very
day on which we departed from Paris. He was enabled to leave Egypt in
consequence of the capitulation of El-Arish, which happened on the 4th
of January 1800. He wrote me a letter, dated 16th Floréal, year VIII.
(6th of May 1800), announcing his arrival. This letter I did not receive
until we reached Martigny. I showed it to the First Consul. "Ah!"
exclaimed he, "Desaix in Paris!" and he immediately despatched an order
for him to repair to the headquarters of the army of Italy wherever
they might be. Desaix arrived at Stradella on the morning of the 11th
of June. The First Consul received him with the warmest cordiality, as
a man for whom he had a high esteem, and whose talents and character
afforded the fairest promise of what might one day be expected of him.
Bonaparte was jealous of some generals, the rivalry of whose ambition
he feared; but on this subject Desaix gave him no uneasiness; equally
remarkable for his unassuming disposition, his talent, and information,
he proved by his conduct that he loved glory for her own sake, and that
every wish for the possession of political power was foreign to his
mind. Bonaparte's friendship for him was enthusiastic. At this interview
at Stradella, Desaix was closeted with the First Consul for upwards
of three hours. On the day after his arrival an order of the day
communicated to the army that Desaix was appointed to the command of
Boudet's division.
--[Boudet was on terms of great intimacy with Bonaparte, who, no
doubt, was much affected at his death. However, the only remark he
made on receiving the intelligence, was "Who the devil shall I get
to supply Boudet's place?"--Bourrienne.
The command given to Desaix was a corps especially formed of the two
divisions of Boudet and Monnier (Savary, tome i. p. 262). Boudet
was not killed at Marengo, still less before (see Erreurs, tome i.
p. 14).]--
I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interview with Desaix.
"Yes," replied he, "he has been a long time with me; but you know what
a favourite he is. As soon as I return to Paris I will make him War
Minister. I would make him a prince if I could. He is quite an antique
character." Desaix died two days after he had completed his thirty-third
year, and in less than a week after the above observations.
About this time M. Collot came to Italy and saw Bonaparte at Milan. The
latter received him coldly, though he had not yet gained the battle of
Marengo. M. Collot had been on the most intimate footing with Bonaparte,
and had rendered him many valuable services. These circumstances
sufficiently accounted for Bonaparte's coolness, for he would never
acknowledge himself under obligations to any one, and he did not like
those who were initiated into certain family secrets which he had
resolved to conceal.
--[The day after the interview I had a long conversation with M.
Collot while Bonaparte was gone to review some corps stationed at
Milan. M. Collot perfectly understood the cause of the unkind
treatment he had experienced, and of which he gave me the following
explanation:
Some days before the Consulate--that is to say, two or three days
after our return from Egypt,--Bonaparte, during his jealous fit,
spoke to M. Collot about his wife, her levities, and their
publicity. "Henceforth," said Bonaparte, "I will have nothing to do
with her."--"What, would you part from her?"--"Does not her conduct
justify me in so doing?"--"I do not know; but is this the time to
think of such a thing, when the eyes of all France are fixed upon
you? These domestic squabbles will degrade you in the eyes of the
people, who expect you to be wholly devoted to their interests; and
you will be laughed at, like one of Molière's husbands, if you are
displeased with your wife's conduct you can call her to account when
you have nothing better to do. Begin by raising up the state.
After that you may find a thousand reasons for your resentment when
now you would not find one. You know the French people well enough
to see how important it is that you should not commence with this
absurdity."
By these and other similar remarks M. Collot thought he had produced
some impression, when Bonaparte suddenly exclaimed: "No, my
determination is fixed; she shall never again enter my house. I
care not what people say. They will gossip about the affair for two
days, and on the third it will be forgotten. She shall go to
Malmaison, and I will live here. The public know enough, not to be
mistaken as to the reasons of her removal."
M. Collot vainly endeavoured to calm his irritation. Bonaparte
vented a torrent of reproaches upon Josephine. "All this violence,"
observed M. Collot, "proves that you still love her. Do but see
her, she will explain the business to your satisfaction and you will
forgive her."--"I forgive her! Never! Collot, you know me. If I
were not sure of my own resolution, I would tear out this heart, and
cast it into the fire." Here anger almost choked his utterance, and
he made a motion with his hand as if tearing his breast.
When this violent paroxysm had somewhat subsided M. Collot withdrew;
but before he went away Bonaparte invited him to breakfast on the
following morning.
At ten o'clock M. Collot was there, and as he was passing through
the courtyard he was informed that Madame Bonaparte, who, as I have
already mentioned, had gone to Lyons without meeting the General,
had returned during the night. On M. Collot's entrance Bonaparte
appeared considerably embarrassed. He led him into a side room, not
wishing to bring him into the room where I was writing. "Well,"
said Bonaparte to M. Collot, "she is here."--"I rejoice to hear it.
You have done well for yourself as well as for us."--"But do not
imagine I have forgiven her. As long as I live I shall suspect.
The fact is, that on her arrival I desired her to be gone; but that
fool Joseph was there. What could I do, Collot? I saw her descend
the staircase followed by Eugine and Hortense. They were all
weeping; and I have not a heart to resist tears. Eugène was with me
in Egypt. I have been accustomed to look upon him as my adopted
son. He is a fine brave lad. Hortense is just about to be
introduced into society, and she is admired by all who know her.
I confess, Collot, I was deeply moved; I could not endure the
distress of the two poor children. 'Should they,' thought I,
'suffer for their mother's faults?' I called back Eugène and
Hortense, and their mother followed them. What could I say, what
could I do? I should not be a man without some weakness."--
"Be assured they will reward you for this."--"They ought, Collot
they ought; for it has cost me a hard struggle." After this
dialogue Bonaparte and M. Collot entered the breakfast-parlour,
where I was then sitting. Eugène breakfasted with us, but neither
Josephine nor Hortense. I have already related how I acted the part
of mediator in this affair. Next day nothing was wanting to
complete the reconciliation between the Conqueror of Egypt and the
charming woman who conquered Bonaparte.--Bourrienne.]--
On the 13th the First Consul slept at Torre di Galifolo. During the
evening he ordered a staff-officer to ascertain whether the Austrians
had a bridge across the Bormida. A report arrived very late that there
was none. This information set Bonaparte's mind at rest, and he went
to bed very well satisfied; but early next morning, when a firing was
heard, and he learned that the Austrians had debouched on the plain,
where the troops were engaged, he flew into a furious passion, called
the staff-officer a coward, and said he had not advanced far enough. He
even spoke of bringing the matter to an investigation.
From motives of delicacy I refrain from mentioning the name of the
officer here alluded to.
Bonaparte mounted his horse and proceeded immediately to the scene of
action. I did not see him again until six in the evening. In obedience
to his instructions; I repaired to San Giuliano, which is not above two
leagues from the place where the engagement commenced. In the course of
the afternoon I saw a great many wounded passing through the village,
and shortly afterwards a multitude of fugitives. At San Giuliano nothing
was talked of but a retreat, which, it was said, Bonaparte alone firmly
opposed. I was then advised to leave San Giuliano, where I had just
received a courier for the General-in-Chief. On the morning of the 14th
General Desaix was sent towards Novi to observe the road to Genoa, which
city had fallen several days before, in spite of the efforts of its
illustrious defender, Massena. I returned with this division to San
Giuliano. I was struck with the numerical weakness of the corps which
was marching to aid an army already much reduced and dispersed. The
battle was looked upon as lost, and so indeed it was. The First Consul
having asked Desaix what he thought of it, that brave General bluntly
replied, "The battle is completely lost; but it is only two o'clock, we
have time to gain another to-day." I heard this from Bonaparte himself
the same evening. Who could have imagined that Desaix's little corps,
together with the few heavy cavalry commanded by General Kellerman,
would, about five o'clock, have changed the fortune of the day? It
cannot be denied that it was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellerman
that converted a defeat into a victory, and decided the battle of
Marengo.
That memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, has been
described in various ways. Bonaparte had an account of it commenced no
less than three times; and I must confess that none of the narratives
are more correct than that contained in the 'Memoirs of the Duke of
Rovigo'. The Emperor Napoleon became dissatisfied with what had been
said by the First Consul Bonaparte. For my part, not having had the
honour to bear a sword, I cannot say that I saw any particular movement
executed this or that way; but I may mention here what I heard on the
evening of the battle of Marengo respecting the probable chances of that
event. As to the part which the First Consul took in it, the reader,
perhaps, is sufficiently acquainted with his character to account for
it. He did not choose that a result so decisive should be attributed to
any other cause than the combinations of his genius, and if I had not
known his insatiable thirst for glory I should have been surprised at
the sort of half satisfaction evinced at the cause of the success amidst
the joy manifested for the success itself. It must be confessed that
in this he was very unlike Jourdan, Hoche, Kléber, and Moreau, who were
ever ready to acknowledge the services of those who had fought under
their orders.
Within two hours of the time when the divisions commanded by Desaix left
San Giuliano I was joyfully surprised by the triumphant return of the
army, whose fate, since the morning, had caused me so much anxiety.
Never did fortune within so short a time show herself under two such
various faces. At two o'clock all denoted the desolation of a defeat,
with all its fatal consequences; at five victory was again faithful
to the flag of Arcola. Italy was reconquered by a single blow, and the
crown of France appeared in the perspective.
At seven in the evening, when I returned with the First Consul to
headquarters, he expressed to me his sincere regret for the loss of
Desaix, and then he added, "Little Kellerman made a lucky charge. He did
it at just the right moment. We are much indebted to him. You see what
trifling circumstances decide these affairs."
These few words show that Bonaparte sufficiently appreciated the
services of Kellerman. However, when that officer approached the table
at which were seated the First Consul and a number of his generals,
Bonaparte merely said, "You made a pretty good charge." By way of
counter-balancing this cool compliment he turned towards Bessières, who
commanded the horse grenadiers of the Guard, and said, "Bessières, the
Guard has covered itself with glory." Yet the fact is, that the Guard
took no part in the charge of Kellerman, who could assemble only 500
heavy cavalry; and with this handful of brave men he cut in two the
Austrian column, which had overwhelmed Desaix's division, and had made
6000 prisoners. The Guard did not charge at Marengo until nightfall.
Next day it was reported that Kellerman, in his first feeling of
dissatisfaction at the dry congratulation he had received, said to the
First Consul, "I have just placed the crown on your head!" I did not
hear this, and I cannot vouch for the truth of its having been said. I
could only have ascertained that fact through Bonaparte, and of course
I could not, with propriety, remind him of a thing which must have been
very offensive to him. However, whether true or not, the observation was
circulated about, verbally and in writing, and Bonaparte knew it.
Hence the small degree of favour shown to Kellerman, who was not made a
general of division on the field of battle as a reward for his charge at
Marengo.
--[If Savary's story be correct, and he was then aide de camp to
Desaix, and Bourrienne acknowledges his account to be the best, the
inspiration of the charge did not come from the young Kellerman.
Savary says that Desaix sent him to tell Napoleon that he could not
delay his attack, and that he must be supported by some cavalry.
Savary was then sent by Napoleon to a spot where he was told he
would find Kellerman, to order him to charge in support of Desaix.
Desaix and Kellerman were so placed as to be out of sight of each
other (Savary, tome i. pp. 279-279). Thiers (tome i, p. 445)
follows Savary.
It may here be mentioned that Savary, in his account of the battle,
expressly states that he carried the order from Bonaparte to
Kellerman to make this charge. He also makes the following
observations on the subject:--
After the fall of the Imperial Government some pretended friends of
General Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of
originating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of
glory is sufficiently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes,
can have no knowledge of so presumptuous a pretension. I the more
readily acquit him from the circumstance that, as we were conversing
one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having
brought, to him the First Consul's orders, and he appeared not to
have forgotten that fact. I am far from suspecting his friends of
the design of lessening the glory of either General Bonaparte or
General Desaix; they know as well as myself that theirs are names so
respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, and
that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the Chief who
planned the battle was to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share
which General Kellerman had in its successful result. I will add to
the above a few observations.
"From the position which he occupied General Desaix could not see
General Kellerman; he had even desired me to request the First
Consul to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could
General Kellerman, from the point where he was stationed, perceive
General Desaix's division; it is even probable that he was not aware
of the arrival of that General, who had only joined the army two
days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the
First Consul was alone acquainted with; he alone could introduce
harmony into their movements; he alone could make their efforts
respectively conduce to the same object.
"The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge; had
it, however, been made previously to General Desaix's attack, in all
probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman
appears to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian
column to cross our field of battle and extend its front beyond that
of the troops we had still in line without making the least attempt
to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charging it
sooner was that it was too serious a movement, and the consequences
of failure would have been irretrievable: that charge, therefore,
could only enter into a general combination of plans, to which he
was necessarily a stranger" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, tome i.
pp. 218-280).]--
M. Delaforet, the Postmaster-general, sometimes transacted business
with the First Consul. The nature of this secret business may easily be
guessed at.
--[When M. Delaforet was replaced soon after this by Lavalette,
Napoleon ordered the discontinuance of the practice followed until
then of allowing letters to be opened by subordinate officials.
This right was restricted, as in England, to the Minister. However
bad this practice, it was limited, not extended, in his reign. See
Mineval, tome iii. pp. 60-62, and Lavalette, tome ii. p. 10.]--
On the occasion of one of their interviews the First Consul saw a letter
from Kellerman to Lasalle, which contained the following passage: "Would
you believe, my friend, that Bonaparte has not made me a general of
division though I have just placed the crown on his head?" The letter
was sealed again and sent to its address; but Bonaparte never forgot its
contents.
Whether Kellerman did or did not give the crown of France to the First
Consul, it is very certain that on the evening of the battle of Marengo
he gave him a supper, of which his famishing staff and the rest of us
partook. This was no inconsiderable service in the destitute condition
in which we were. We thought ourselves exceeding fortunate in profiting
by the precaution of Kellerman, who had procured provisions from one of
those pious retreats which are always well supplied, and which soldiers
are very glad to fall in with when campaigning. It was the convent del
Bosco which on this occasion was laid under contribution; and in return
for the abundance of good provisions and wine with which they supplied
the commander of the heavy cavalry the holy fathers were allowed a guard
to protect them against pillage and the other disastrous concomitants of
war.
After supper was over the First Consul dictated to me the bulletin of
the battle. When we were alone I said to him, "General, here is a fine
victory! You recollect what you said the other day about the pleasure
with which you would return to France after striking a grand blow
in Italy; surely you must be satisfied now?"--"Yes, Bourrienne, I am
satisfied.--But Desaix! . . . Ah, what a triumph would this have been
if I could have embraced him to-night on the field of battle!" As he
uttered these words I saw that Bonaparte was on the point of shedding
tears, so sincere and profound was his grief for the death of Desaix. He
certainly never loved, esteemed, or regretted any man so much.
The death of Desaix has been variously related, and I need not now state
that the words attributed to him in the bulletin were imaginary. Neither
did he die in the arms of his aide de camp, Lebrun, as I wrote from the
dictation of the First Consul. The following facts are more correct, or
at all events more probable:--the death of Desaix was not perceived at
the moment it took place. He fell without saying a word, at a little
distance from Lefebre-Desnouettes. A sergeant of battalion of the 9th
brigade light infantry, commanded by Barrois, seeing him extended on
the ground, asked permission to pick up his cloak. It was found to be
perforated behind; and this circumstance leaves it doubtful whether
Desaix was killed by some unlucky inadvertency, while advancing at the
head of his troops, or by the enemy when turning towards his men to
encourage them. However, the event was so instantaneous, the disorder so
complete, and the change of fortune so sudden, that it is not surprising
there should be no positive account of the circumstances which attended
his death.
Early next morning the Prince of Liechtenstein came from General Melas
with negotiations to the First Consul. The propositions of the General
did not suit Bonaparte, and he declared to the Prince that the army shut
up in Alessandria should evacuate freely, and with the honours of war;
but on those conditions, which are well known, and by which Italy was to
be fully restored to the French domination. That day were repaired
the faults of Scherer, whose inertness and imbecility had paralysed
everything, and who had fled, and been constantly beaten, from the
Adriatic to Mont Cenis. The Prince of Liechtenstein begged to return to
render an account of his mission to General Melas. He came back in
the evening, and made many observations on the hard nature of the
conditions. "Sir," replied the First Consul, in a tone of marked
impatience, "carry my final determination to your General, and return
quickly. It is irrevocable! Know that I am as well acquainted with your
position as you are yourselves. I did not begin to learn the art of war
yesterday. You are blocked up in Alessandria; you have many sick and
wounded; you are in want of provisions and medicines. I occupy the whole
of your rear. Your finest troops are among the killed and wounded. I
might insist on harder conditions; my position would warrant me in so
doing; but I moderate my demands in consideration of the gray hairs of
your General, whom I respect."
This reply was delivered with considerable dignity and energy. I showed
the Prince out, and he said to me, "These conditions are very hard,
especially that of giving up Genoa, which surrendered to us only a
fortnight ago, after so long a siege." It is a curious fact that
the Emperor of Austria received intelligence of the capitulation and
restitution of Genoa at the same time.
When the First Consul returned to Milan he made Savary and Rapp his
aides de camp. They had previously served in the same rank under Desaix.
The First Consul was at first not much disposed to take them, alleging
that he had aides de camp enough. But his respect for the choice of
Desaix, added to a little solicitation on my part, soon removed
every obstacle. These two officers served him to the last hour of his
political career with unfailing zeal and fidelity.
I have seen nothing in the Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo (Savary) about
my having had anything to do with his admission to the honour. I can
probably tell the reason why one of the two aides de camp has risen
higher than the other. Rapp had an Alsatian frankness which always
injured him.
CHAPTER II.
1800.
Suspension of hostilities--Letter to the Consuls--Second Occupation
of Milan--Bonaparte and Massena--Public acclamations and the voice
of Josephine--Stray recollections--Organization of Piedmont--Sabres
of honour--Rewards to the army of the Rhine--Pretended army of
reserve--General Zach--Anniversary of the 14th of July--Monument to
Desaix--Desaix and Foy--Bonaparte's speech in the Temple of Mars--
Arrival of the Consular Guard--The bones of marshal Turenne--
Lucien's successful speech--Letter from Lucien to Joseph Bonaparte--
The First Consul's return to Paris--Accidents on the road--
Difficulty of gaining lasting fame--Assassination of Kléber--
Situation of the terrace on which Kléber was stabbed--Odious rumours
--Arrival of a courier--A night scene--Bonaparte's distress on
perusing the despatches from Egypt.
What little time, and how few events sometimes suffice to change the
destiny of nations! We left Milan on the 13th of June, Marengo on
the 14th, and on the 15th Italy was ours! A suspension of hostilities
between the French and Austrian armies was the immediate result of a
single battle; and by virtue of a convention, concluded between Berthier
and Melas, we resumed possession of all the fortified places of any
importance, with the exception of Mantua. As soon as this convention
was signed Bonaparte dictated to me at Torre di Galifolo the following
letter to his colleagues:
The day after the battle of Marengo, CITIZENS CONSULS, General Melas
transmitted a message to our advance posts requesting permission to
send General Skal to me. During the day the convention, of which I
send you a copy, was drawn up, and at night it was signed by
Generals Berthier and Melas. I hope the French people will be
satisfied with the conduct, of their army.
(Signed) Bonaparte
The only thing worthy of remark in this letter would be the concluding
sentence, in which the First Consul still affected to acknowledge the
sovereignty of the people, were it not that the words "Citizens Consuls"
were evidently foisted in with a particular design. The battle was
gained; and even in a trifling matter like this it was necessary that
the two, other Consuls should feel that they were not so much the
colleagues as the subordinates of the First Consul.
We returned to Milan, and our second occupation of that city was marked
by continued acclamations wherever the First Consul showed himself.
At Milan the First Consul now saw Massena for the first time since our
departure for Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon him the highest praises,
but not higher than he deserved, for his admirable defence of Genoa. He
named him his successor in the command of the army of Italy. Moreau
was on the Rhine, and therefore none but the conqueror of Zurich could
properly have succeeded the First Consul in that command. The great
blow was struck; but there might still occur an emergency requiring the
presence of a skillful experienced general, well acquainted with the
country. And besides, we could not be perfectly at ease, until it
was ascertained what conditions would be adhered to by the Cabinet of
Vienna, which was then entirely under the influence of the Cabinet of
London. After our return from the battle the popular joy was general and
heartfelt not only among the higher and middle ranks of society, but in
all classes; and the affection evinced from all quarters to the First
Consul was unfeigned. In what a tone of sincerity did he say to me
one day, when returning from the parade, "Bourrienne, do you hear the
acclamations still resounding? That noise is as sweet to me as the sound
of Josephine's voice. How happy and proud I am to be loved by such a
people!"
During our stay at Milan Bonaparte had arranged a new government for
Piedmont; he had ever since cherished the wish to unite that rich
and fertile country to the French territory because some Piedmontese
provinces had been possessed by Louis XIV. That monarch was the only
king whom the First Consul really admired. "If," said he one day, "Louis
XIV. had not been born a king, he would have been a great man. But
he did not know mankind; he could not know them, for he never knew
misfortune." He admired the resolution of the old King, who would rather
bury himself under the ruins of the monarchy than submit to degrading
conditions, after having commanded the sovereigns of Europe. I recollect
that Bonaparte was extremely pleased to see in the reports which he
ordered to be made that in Casal, and in the valleys of Pignerol,
Latour, and Luzerne, there still existed many traces of the period when
those countries belonged to France; and that the French language was yet
preserved there. He already began to identify himself with the past;
and abusing the old kings of France was not the way to conciliate his
favour.
The First Consul appointed for the government of Piedmont a Council
which, as may naturally be imagined; he composed of those Piedmontese
who were the declared partisans of France. He stated as the grounds
of this arrangement that it was to give to Piedmont a new proof of the
affection and attachment of the French people. He afterwards
appointed General Dupont President of the Council, with the title of
Minister-Extraordinary of the French government. I will here mention a
secret step taken by Bonaparte towards the overthrowing of the Republic.
In making the first draught of General Dupont's appointment I
had mechanically written, "Minister-Extraordinary of the French
Republic."--"No! no!" said Bonaparte, "not of the Republic; say of the
Government."
On his return to Paris the First Consul gave almost incredible proofs of
his activity. The day after his arrival he promulgated a great number
of decrees, and afterwards allotted the rewards to his soldiers. He
appointed Kellerman General of division which, on every principle of
justice, he ought to have done on the field of battle. He distributed
sabres of honour, with the following inscription, highly complimentary
to himself:--
"Battle of Maringo,--[spelt for some time, I do not know why, as,
Maringo--Bourrienne]--commanded in person by the First Consul.
--Given by the Government of the Republic to General Lannes."
Similar sabres where presented to Generals Victor, Watrin, Gardanne, and
Murat; and sabres of less value to other officers: and also muskets and
drumsticks of honour to the soldiers and drummers who had distinguished
themselves at Marengo, or in the army of the Rhine; for Bonaparte took
care that the officers and men who had fought under Moreau should be
included among those to whom the national rewards were presented. He
even had a medal struck to perpetuate the memory of the entry of the
French army into Munich. It is worthy of remark that while official
fabrications and exaggerated details of facts were published respecting
Marengo and the short campaign of Italy, by a feigned modesty the
victorious army of Marengo received the unambitious title of 'Army of
Reserve'. By this artifice the honour of the Constitution was saved. The
First Consul had not violated it. If he had marched to the field,
and staked everything on a chance it was merely accidentally, for he
commanded only an "Army of Reserve," which nevertheless he had greeted
with the title of Grand Army before he entered upon the campaign. It
is scarcely conceivable that Bonaparte, possessing as he did an
extraordinary mind, should have descended to such pitiful artifices.
--[ Thiers (tome. vi., p. 70) says the title Grande Armee was first
given by Napoleon to the force prepared in 1805 for the campaign
against Austria. The Constitution forbad the First Consul to
command the armies in person. Hence the title, "Army of Reserve,"
gives to the force which fought Marengo.]--
Even foreigners and prisoners were objects of Bonaparte's designing
intentions. I recollect one evening his saying to me; "Bourrienne, write
to the Minister of War, and tell him to select a fine brace of pistols,
of the Versailles manufacture, and send them, in my name, to General
Zach. He dined with me to-day, and highly praised our manufacture of
arms. I should like to give him a token of remembrance; besides--the
matter will be talked of at Vienna, and may perhaps do good!"
As soon as the news of the battle of Marengo reached Paris Lucien
Bonaparte, Minister of the Interior, ordered preparations for the
festival, fixed for the 14th of July, in commemoration of the first
Federation. This festival and that of the 1st Vendemiaire were the only
ones preserved by the Consular Government. Indeed, in those memorable
days, when the Revolution appeared in its fairest point of view, France
had never known such joy as that to which the battle of Marengo gave
rise. Still, amidst all this popular transport there was a feeling of
regret. The fame of Desaix, his heroic character, his death, the words
attributed to him and believed to be true, caused mourning to be mingled
with joy. It was agreed to open a subscription for erecting a national
monument to his memory. A reflection naturally arises here upon the
difference between the period referred to and the present time. France
has endowed with nearly a million the children of one of her greatest
orators and most eloquent defenders of public liberty, yet, for the
monument to the memory of Desaix scarcely 20,000 francs were subscribed.
Does not this form a singular contrast with the patriotic munificence
displayed at the death of General Foy? The pitiful monument to Desaix,
on the Place Dauphins, sufficiently attests the want of spirit on the
part of the subscribers. Bonaparte, who was much dissatisfied with it,
gave the name of Desaix to a new quay, the first stone of which was laid
with great solemnity on the 14th of July.
On that day the crowd was immense in the Champ-de-Mars and in the
Temple of Mars, the name which at that the Church of the Invalides still
preserved. Lucien delivered a speech on the encouraging prospects of
France, and Lannes made an appropriate address on presenting to the
Government the flags taken at Marengo. Two more followed; one from an
aide de camp of Massena, and the other from an aide de camp of Lecourbe;
and after the distribution of some medals the First Consul then
delivered the following address:--
CITIZENS! SOLDIERS!--The flags presented to the Government, in the
presence of the people of this immense capital, attest at once the
genius of the Commanders-in-Chief Moreau, Massena, and Berthier; the
military talents of the generals, their lieutenants; and bravery of
the French soldiers.
On your return to the camp tell your comrades that for the 1st
Vendemiaire, when we shall celebrate the anniversary of the
Republic, the French people expect either peace or, if the enemy
obstinately refuse it, other flags, the fruit of fresh victories.
After this harangue of the First Consul, in which he addressed to the
military in the name of the people, and ascribed to Berthier the glory
of Marengo, a hymn was chanted, the words of which were written by M. de
Fontanes and the music composed by Mehul. But what was most remarkable
in this fete was neither the poetry, music, nor even the panegyrical
eloquence of Lucien,--it was the arrival at the Champ-de-Mars, after the
ceremony at the Invalides, of the Consular Guard returning from Marengo.
I was at a window of the Ecole-Militaire, and I can never forget the
commotion, almost electrical, which made the air resound with cries of
enthusiasm at their appearance. These soldiers did not defile before
the First Consul in fine uniforms as at a review. Leaving the field of
battle when the firing ceased, they had crossed Lombardy, Piedmont, Mont
Cenis, Savoy, and France in the space of twenty-nine days. They appeared
worn by the fatigue of a long journey, with faces browned by the summer
sun of Italy, and with their arms and clothing showing the effects of
desperate struggles. Do you wish to have an idea of their appearance?
You will find a perfect type in the first grenadier put by Gerard at one
side of his picture of the battle of Austerlitz.
At the time of this fete, that is to say, in the middle of the month
of July, the First Consul could not have imagined that the moderate
conditions he had proposed after the victory would not be accepted
by Austria. In the hope, therefore, of a peace which could not but be
considered probable, he, for the first time since the establishment of
the Consular Government, convoked the deputies of the departments, and
appointed their time of assembling in Paris for the 1st Vendemiaire,
a day which formed the close of one remarkable century and marked the
commencement of another.
The remains of Marshal Turenne; to which Louis XIV. had awarded the
honours of annihilation by giving them a place among the royal tombs in
the vaults of St. Denis, had been torn from their grave at the time
of the sacrilegious violation of the tombs. His bones, mingled
indiscriminately with others, had long lain in obscurity in a garret of
the College of Medicine when M. Lenoir collected and restored them
to the ancient tomb of Turenne in the Mussee des Petits Augustins.
Bonaparte resolved to enshrine these relics in that sculptured marble
with which the glory of Turenne could so well dispense. This was
however, intended as a connecting link between the past days of
France and the future to which he looked forward. He thought that the
sentiments inspired by the solemn honours rendered to the memory of
Turenne would dispose the deputies of the departments to receive with
greater enthusiasm the pacific communications he hoped to be able to
make.
However, the negotiations did not take the favourable turn which the
First Consul had expected; and, notwithstanding all the address of
Lucien, the communication was not heard without much uneasiness. But
Lucien had prepared a speech quite to the taste of the First Consul.
After dilating for some time on the efforts of the Government to obtain
peace he deplored the tergiversations of Austria, accused the fatal
influence of England, and added in a more elevated and solemn tone,
"At the very moment when, the Consuls were leaving the Palace of the
Government a courier arrived bearing despatches which the First Consul
has directed me to communicate to you." He then read a note declaring
that the Austrian Government consented to surrender to France the three
fortresses of Ulm, Philipsburg, and Ingolstadt. This was considered as a
security for the preliminaries of peace being speedily signed. The
news was received with enthusiasm, and that anxious day closed in a way
highly gratifying to the First Consul.
Whilst victory confirmed in Italy the destinies of the First Consul, his
brothers were more concerned about their own interests than the affairs
of France. They loved money as much as Bonaparte loved glory. A letter
from Lucien to his brother Joseph, which I shall subjoin, shows how
ready they always were to turn to their own advantage the glory and
fortune of him to whom they were indebted for all their importance.
I found this letter among my papers, but I cannot tell why and how I
preserved it. It is interesting, inasmuch as it shows, the opinion that
family of future kings entertained of their own situation, and of what
their fate would have been had Bonaparte, like Desaix, fallen on the
field of Marengo. It is, besides, curious to observe the philosopher
Lucien causing Te Deum, to be chanted with the view of influencing
the public funds. At all events I copy Lucien's letter as he wrote it,
giving the words marked in italics [CAPS] and the numerous notes of
exclamation which distinguish the original.
MY BROTHER--I send you a courier; I particularly wish that the First
Consul would give me notice of his arrival twenty-four hours beforehand,
and that he would inform ME ALONE of the barrier by which he will enter.
The city wishes to prepare triumphal arches for him, and it deserves not
to be disappointed.
AT MY REQUEST a Te Deum was chanted yesterday. There were 60,000 persons
present.
The intrigues of Auteuil continue.
--[This intrigue, so called from Talleyrand one of its heads, living
in the suburb of Auteuil, arose from the wish of many of the most
influential men to be prepared in case of the death of Napoleon in
any action in Italy: It was simply a continuation of the same
combinations which had been attempted or planned in 1799, till the
arrival of Bonaparte from Egypt made the party choose him as the
instrument for the overthrow of the Directors. There was little
secrecy about their plans; see Miot de Melito (tome i p. 276),
where Joseph Bonaparte tells his friends all that was being proposed
in case his brother fell. Carnot seems to have been the most
probable choice as leader and replacer of Bonaparte. In the above
letter "C----," stands for Carrot, "La F----" for La Fayette, the
"High Priest" is Sieyès, and the "friend of Auteuil" is Talleyrand;
see Iung's Lucien, tome i. p. 411. The postscript seems to refer to
a wretched scandal about Caroline, and Lucien; see Iung's Lucien,
tome i. pp. 411, 432-433. The reader should remark the retention
of this and other documents by Bourrienne, which forms one of the
charges brought against him farther on.]--
--It has been found difficult to decide between C---- and La F----. The
latter has proposed his daughter in marriage to me. Intrigue has been
carried to the last extreme. I do not know yet whether the High Priest
has decided for one party or the other. I believe that he would cheat
them both for an Orleans, and your friend of Auteuil was at the bottom
of all. The news of the battle of Marengo petrified them, and yet next
day the High Priest certainly spent three hours with your friend of
Auteuil. As to us, had the victory of Marengo closed the First Consul's
career we should now have been Proscribed.
Your letters say nothing of what I expected to hear. I hope at least
to be informed of the answer from Vienna before any one. I am sorry you
have not paid me back for the battle of Marengo.
The festival of the 14th of July will be very gratifying. We expect
peace as a certainty, and the triumphant return of the First Consul. The
family is all well. Your wife and all her family are at Mortfontaine.
Ney is at Paris. Why do you return with the First Consul? Peace! and
Italy! Think of our last interview. I embrace you. (Signed) LUCIEN.
On the margin is written--
P.S.--Read the letter addressed to the Consul, and give it to him AFTER
YOU HAVE CAREFULLY CLOSED IT.
Forward the enclosed. Madame Murat never lodged in my house. Her husband
is a fool, whom his wife ought to punish by not writing to him for a
month. (Signed) LUCIEN BONAPARTE
Bonaparte, confirmed in his power by the victory of Marengo, remained
some days longer at Milan to settle the affairs of Italy. He directed
one to furnish Madame Grassini with money to pay her expenses to Paris.
We departed amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, and took the
road to Turin. The First Consul stopped at Turin for some hours, and
inspected the citadel, which had been surrendered to us in pursuance of
the capitulation of Alessandria. In passing over Mont Cenis we observed
the carriage of Madame Kellerman, who was going to meet her husband.
Bonaparte on recognizing the lady stopped his carriage and congratulated
her on the gallant conduct of her husband at the battle of Marengo.
On our arrival at Lyons we alighted at the Hotel des Celestins, and
the loud acclamations of a numerous multitude assembled round the hotel
obliged Bonaparte to show himself on the balcony. Next day he proceeded
to the Square of Bellecour, where, amidst the plaudits of the people, he
laid the first stone of some new buildings destined to efface one of the
disasters of the Revolution.
We left Lyons that evening and continued our journey by way of Dijon.
On our arrival in that town the joy of the inhabitants was very great.
I never saw a more graceful and captivating sight than that which was
presented by a group of beautiful young females, crowned with flowers,
who accompanied Bonaparte's carriage, and which at that period, when the
Revolution had renewed all the republican recollections of Greece and
Rome, looked like the chorus of females dancing around the victor at the
Olympic games.
But all our journey was not so agreeable. Some accidents awaited us. The
First Consul's carriage broke down between Villeneuve-le-Roi and Sens.
He sent a courier to inform my mother that he would stop at her house
till his carriage was repaired. He dined there, and we started again at
seven in the evening.
But we had other disasters to encounter. One of our off-wheels came off,
and as we were driving at a very rapid pace the carriage was overturned
on the bridge at a short distance from Montreau-Faut-Yonne. The First
Consul, who sat on my left, fell upon me, and sustained no injury. My
head was slightly hurt by striking against some things which were in the
pocket of the carriage; but this accident was not worth stopping for,
and we arrived at Paris on the same night, the 2d of July. Duroc, who
was the third in the carriage, was not hurt.
I have already mentioned that Bonaparte was rather talkative when
travelling; and as we were passing through Burgundy, on our return to
Paris from Marengo, he said exultingly, "Well, a few more events like
this campaign, and I may go down to posterity."--"I think," replied
I, "that you have already done enough to secure great and lasting
fame."--"Yes," resumed he, "I have done enough, it is true. In less than
two years I have won Cairo, Paris, and Milan; but for all that, my dear
fellow, were I to die to-morrow I should not at the end of ten centuries
occupy half a page of general history!"
On the very day when Desaix fell on the field of Marengo Kléber was
assassinated by a fanatical Mussulman, named Soleiman Haleby, who
stabbed him with a dagger, and by that blow decided the fate of Egypt.
--["This fellah was, at most, eighteen or twenty years of age: he
was a native of Damascus, and declared that he had quitted his
native city by command of the grand vizier, who had entrusted him
with the commission of repairing to Egypt and killing the grand
sultan of the French [Bonaparte being probably intended]. That for
this purpose alone he had left his family, and performed the whole
journey on foot and had received from the grand vizier no other
money than what was absolutely requisite for the exigencies of the
journey. On arriving at Cairo he had gone forthwith to perform his
devotions in the great mosque, and it was only on the eve of
executing his project that he confided it to one of the scherifs of
the mosque" (Duc de Rovigo's Memoirs, tome 1. p. 367)]--
Thus was France, on the same day, and almost at the same hour, deprived
of two of her most distinguished generals. Menou, as senior in command,
succeeded Kléber, and the First Consul confirmed the appointment. From
that moment the loss of Egypt was inevitable.
I have a few details to give respecting the tragical death of Kléber.
The house of Elfy Bey, which Bonaparte occupied at Cairo, and in which
Kléber lived after his departure; had a terrace leading from a salon
to an old ruined cistern, from which, down a few steps, there was an
entrance into the garden. The terrace commanded a view of the grand
square of El Beguyeh, which was to the right on coming out of the salon,
while the garden was on the left. This terrace was Bonaparte's favourite
promenade, especially in the evenings, when he used to walk up and down
and converse with the persons about him, I often advised him to fill up
the reservoir, and to make it level with the terrace. I even showed him,
by concealing myself in it, and coming suddenly behind him, how easy it
would be for any person to attempt his life and then escape, either by
jumping into the square, or passing through the garden. He told me I was
a coward, and was always in fear of death; and he determined not to
make the alteration I suggested, which, however, he acknowledged to be
advisable. Kléber's assassin availed himself of the facility which I so
often apprehended might be fatal to Bonaparte.
I shall not atop to refute all the infamous rumours which were
circulated respecting Kléber's death. When the First Consul received
the unexpected intelligence he could scarcely believe it. He was
deeply affected; and on reading the particulars of the assassination he
instantly called to mind how often he had been in the same situation
as that in which Kléber was killed, and all I had said respecting the
danger of the reservoir--a danger from which it is inconceivable he
should have escaped, especially after his Syrian expedition had excited
the fury of the natives. Bonaparte's knowledge of Kléber's talents--the
fact of his having confided to him the command of the army, and the aid
which he constantly endeavoured to transmit to him, repelled at once
the horrible suspicion of his having had the least participation in the
crime, and the thought that he was gratified to hear of it.
It is very certain that Bonaparte's dislike of Kléber was as decided as
the friendship he cherished for Desaix. Kléber's fame annoyed him, for
he was weak enough to be annoyed at it. He knew the manner in which
Kléber spoke of him, which was certainly not the most respectful. During
the long and sanguinary siege of St. Jean d'Acre Kléber said to me,
"That little scoundrel Bonaparte, who is no higher than my boot, will
enslave France. See what a villainous expedition he has succeeded in
involving us in." Kléber often made the same remark to others as well
as to me. I am not certain that it was ever reported to Bonaparte; but
there is reason to believe that those who found it their interest to
accuse others did not spare Kléber.
Kléber, who was a sincere republican, saw and dreaded for his country's
sake the secret views and inordinate ambition of Bonaparte. He was a
grumbler by nature; yet he never evinced discontent in the discharge of
his duties as a soldier. He swore and stormed, but marched bravely to
the cannon's mouth: he was indeed courage personified. One day when
he was in the trench at St. Jean d'Acre, standing up, and by his tall
stature exposed to every shot, Bonaparte called to him, "Stoop down,
Kléber, stoop down!"--"Why;" replied he, "your confounded trench does
not reach to my knees." He never regarded the Egyptian expedition with
a favourable eye. He thought it too expensive, and utterly useless
to France. He was convinced that in the situation in which we stood,
without a navy or a powerful Government, it would have been better to
have confined our attention to Europe than to have wasted French blood
and money on the banks of the Nile, and among the ruined cities of
Syria. Kléber, who was a cool, reflecting man, judged Bonaparte without
enthusiasm, a thing somewhat rare at that time, and he was not blind to
any of his faults.
Bonaparte alleged that Kléber said to him, "General, you are as great as
the world!" Such a remark is in direct opposition to Kléber's character.
He was too sincere to say anything against his conviction. Bonaparte,
always anxious to keep Egypt, of which the preservation alone could
justify the conquest, allowed Kléber to speak because he acted at the
same time. He knew that Kléber's sense of military duty would always
triumph over any opposition he might cherish to his views and plans.
Thus the death of his lieutenant, far from causing Bonaparte any feeling
of satisfaction, afflicted him the more, because it almost totally
deprived him if the hope of preserving a conquest which had cost France
so dear, and which was his work.
The news of the death of Kléber arrived shortly after our return to
Paris. Bonaparte was anxiously expecting accounts from Egypt, none
having been received for a considerable time. The arrival of the courier
who brought the fatal intelligence gave rise to a scene which I may
relate here. It was two o'clock in the morning when the courier arrived
at the Tuileries. In his hurry the First Consul could not wait to rouse
any one to call me up. I had informed him some days before that if he
should want me during the night he should send for me to the corridor,
as I had changed my bedchamber on account of my wife's accouchement. He
came up himself and instead of knocking at my door knocked at that of
my secretary. The latter immediately rose, and opening the door to
his surprise saw the First Consul with a candle in his hand, a Madras
handkerchief on his head, and having on his gray greatcoat. Bonaparte,
not knowing of the little step down into the room, slipped and nearly
fell, "Where is Bourrienne?" asked he. The surprise of my secretary at
the apparition of the First Consul can be imagined. "What; General, is
it you?"--"Where is Bourrienne?" Then my secretary, in his shirt, showed
the First Consul my door. After having told him that he was sorry at
having called him up, Napoleon came to me. I dressed in a hurry, and
we went downstairs to my usual room. We rang several times before they
opened the door for us. The guards were not asleep, but having heard so
much running to and fro feared we were thieves. At last they opened
the door, and the First Consul threw on the table the immense packet
of despatches which he had just received. They had been fumigated and
steeped in vinegar. When he read the announcement of the death of Kléber
the expression of his countenance sufficiently denoted the painful
feelings which arose in his mind. I read in his face; EGYPT IS LOST!
CHAPTER III.
Bonaparte's wish to negotiate with England and Austria--
An emigrant's letter--Domestic details--The bell--Conspiracy of
Ceracchi, Arena, Harrel, and others--Bonaparte's visit to the opera
--Arrests--Rariel appointed commandant of Vincennes--The Duc
d'Enghien's foster-sister--The 3d Nivoise--First performance of
Haydn's "Creation"--The infernal machine--Congratulatory addresses--
Arbitrary condemnations--M. Tissot erased from the list of the
banished--M. Truguet--Bonapartes' hatred of the Jacobins explained--
The real criminals discovered--Justification of Fouché--Execution of
St. Regent and Carbon--Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte--Conversation
between Bonaparte and Fouché--Pretended anger--Fouché's
dissimulation--Lucien's resignation--His embassy to Spain--War
between Spain and Portugal--Dinner at Fouché's--Treachery of Joseph
Bonaparte--A trick upon the First Consul--A three days' coolness--
Reconciliation.
The happy events of the campaign of Italy had been crowned by the
armistice, concluded on the 6th of July. This armistice was broken on
the 1st of September, and renewed after the battle of Hohenlinden. On
his return from Marengo Bonaparte was received with more enthusiasm than
ever. The rapidity with which, in a campaign of less than two months,
he had restored the triumph of the French standard, excited universal
astonishment. He then actively endeavoured to open negotiations with
England and Austria; but difficulties opposed him in every direction. He
frequently visited the theatre, where his presence attracted prodigious
throngs of persons, all eager to see and applaud him.
The immense number of letters which were at this time addressed to
the First Consul is scarcely conceivable. They contained requests
for places, protestations of fidelity, and, in short, they were those
petitionary circulars that are addressed to all persons in power. These
letters were often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved many of
them; among the rest was one from Durosel Beaumanoir, an emigrant who
had fled to Jersey. This letter contains some interesting particulars
relative to Bonaparte's family. It is dated Jersey, 12th July 1800, and
the following are the most remarkable passages it contains:
I trust; General, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon
your notice, to remind you of what, I flatter myself, you have not
totally forgotten, after having lived eighteen or nineteen years at
Ajaccio. But you will, perhaps, be surprised that so trifling an
item should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to
address to you. You cannot have forgotten, General, that when your
late father was obliged to take your brothers from the college of
Autun, from whence he went to see you at Brienne, he was unprovided
with money, and he asked me for twenty-five louis, which I lent him
with pleasure. After his return he had no opportunity of paying me,
and when I left Ajaccio your mother offered to dispose of some plate
in order to pay the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I
would wait until she could pay me at her convenience, and previous
to the breaking out of the revolution I believe it was not in her
power to fulfil her wish of discharging the debt.
I am sorry, General, to be obliged to trouble you about such a
trifle. But such is my unfortunate situation that even this trifle
is of some importance to me. Driven from my country, and obliged to
take refuge in this island, where everything is exceedingly
expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a
matter of indifference, would now be of great service to me.
You will understand, General, that at the age of eighty-six, after
serving served my country well for sixty years, without the least
interruption, not counting the time of emigration, chased from every
place, I have been obliged to take refuge here, to subsist on the
scanty succour given by the English Government to the French
emigrant. I say emigrant because I have been forced to be one.
I had no intention of being one, but a horde of brigands, who came
from Caen to my house to assassinate me, considered I had committed
the great crime in being the senior general of the canton and in
having the Grand Cross of St. Louis: this was too much for them; if
it had not been for the cries of my neighbours, my door would have
been broken open, and I should have been assassinated; and I had but
time to fly by a door at the back, only carrying away what I had on
me. At first I retired to Paris, but there they told me that I
could do nothing but go into a foreign country, so great was the
hate entertained for me by my fellow-citizens, although I lived in
retirement, never having any discussion with any one. Thus,
General; I have abandoned all I possessed, money and goods, leaving
them at the mercy of what they call the nation, which has profited a
good deal by this, as I have nothing left in the world, not even a
spot to put my foot on. If even a horse had been reserved for me,
General, I could ask for what depends on you, for I have heard it
said that some emigrants have been allowed to return home. I do not
even ask this favour, not having a place to rest my foot. And,
besides, I have with me here an exiled brother, older than I am,
very ill and in perfect second childhood, whom I could not abandon.
I am resigned to my own unhappy fate, but my sole and great grief is
that not only I myself have been ill-treated, but that my fate has,
contrary to the law, injured relations whom I love and respect. I
have a mother-in-law, eighty years old, who has been refused the
dower I had given her from my property, and this will make me die a
bankrupt if nothing is changed, which makes me miserable.
I acknowledge, General, that I know little of the new style, but,
according to the old form, I am your humble servant,
DUROSEL BEAUMANOIR.
I read this letter to the First Consul, who immediately said,
"Bourrienne, this is sacred! Do not lose a minute. Send the old man ten
times the sum. Write to General Durosel that he shall be immediately
erased from the list of emigrants. What mischief those brigands of the
Convention have done! I can never repair it all." Bonaparte uttered
these words with a degree of emotion which I rarely saw him evince. In
the evening he asked me whether I had executed his orders, which I
had done without losing a moment. The death of M. Froth had given me a
lesson as to the value of time!
Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken of
making abrupt transitions from one subject to another, according as the
recollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, I shall here note
down a few details, which may not improperly be called domestic, and
afterwards describe a conspiracy which was protected by the very man
against whom it was hatched.
At the Tuileries, where the First Consul always resided during the
winter and sometimes a part of the summer, the grand salon was situated
between his cabinet and the Room in which he received the persons with
whom he had appointed audiences. When in this audience-chamber, if he
wanted anything or had occasion to speak to anybody, he pulled a bell
which was answered by a confidential servant named Landoire, who was the
messenger of the First Consul's cabinet. When Bonaparte's bell rung it
was usually for the purpose of making some inquiry of me respecting a
paper, a name, a date, or some matter of that sort; and then Landoire
had to pass through the cabinet and salon to answer the bell and
afterwards to return and to tell me I was wanted. Impatient at the delay
occasioned by this running about, Bonaparte, without saying anything
to me, ordered the bell to be altered so that it should ring within the
cabinet; and exactly above my table. Next morning when I entered the
cabinet I saw a man mounted-upon a ladder. "What are you doing here?"
said I. "I am hanging a bell, sir." I called Landoire and asked him
who had given the order. "The First Consul," he replied. I immediately
ordered the man to come down and remove the ladder, which he accordingly
did. When I went, according to custom, to awaken the First Consul and
read the newspapers to him I said, "General, I found a man this morning
hanging a bell in your cabinet. I was told it was by your orders; but
being convinced there must be some mistake I sent him away. Surely the
bell was not intended for you, and I cannot imagine it was intended for
me: who then could it be for?--" "What a stupid fellow that Landoire
is!" said Bonaparte. "Yesterday, when Cambacérès was with me, I wanted
you. Landoire did not come when I touched the bell. I thought it was
broken, and ordered him to get it repaired. I suppose the bell-hanger
was doing it when you saw him, for you know the wire passes through
the cabinet." I was satisfied with this explanation, though I was not
deceived, by it. For the sake of appearance he reproved Landoire, who,
however, had done nothing more than execute the order he had received.
How could he imagine I would submit to such treatment, considering that
we had been friends since our boyhood, and that I was now living on full
terms of confidence and familiarity with him?
Before I speak of the conspiracy of Ceracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and
others, I must notice a remark made by Napoleon at St. Helena. He said,
or is alleged to have said, "The two attempts which placed me in the
greatest danger were those of the sculptor Ceracchi and of the fanatic
of Schoenbrun." I was not at Schoenbrun at the time; but I am convinced
that Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger. I have been informed
on unquestionable authority that Staps set out from Erfurth with the
intention of assassinating the Emperor; but he wanted the necessary
courage for executing the design. He was armed with a large dagger, and
was twice sufficiently near Napoleon to have struck him. I heard this
from Rapp, who seized Stags, and felt the hilt of the dagger under his
coat. On that occasion Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolution
of the young 'illuminato' who wished to sacrifice him to his fanatical
fury. It is equally certain that on another occasion, respecting which
the author of the St. Helena narrative observes complete silence,
another fanatic--more dangerous than Steps attempted the life of
Napoleon.
--[At the time of this attempt I was not with Napoleon; but he
directed me to see the madmen who had formed the design of
assassinating him. It will be seen in the course of these Memoirs
what were his plans, and what was the result of them--Bourrienne]--
The following is a correct statement of the facts relative to Ceracchi's
conspiracy. The plot itself was a mere shadow; but it was deemed
advisable to give it substance, to exaggerate, at least in appearance,
the danger to which the First Consul had been exposed:--
There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow called Harrel; he had
been a 'chef de battalion', but he had been dismissed the service,
and was consequently dissatisfied. He became connected with Cerracchi,
Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. From different motives all these
individuals were violently hostile to the First Consul, who on his part,
was no friend to Cerracchi and Arena, but scarcely knew the two others.
These four individuals formed, in conjunction with Harrel, the design of
assassinating the First Consul, and the time fixed for the perpetration
of the deed was one evening when Bonaparte intended to visit the opera.
On the 20th of September 1804 Harrel came to me at the Tuileries. He
revealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, and promised that his
accomplices should be apprehended in the very act if I would supply him
with money to bring the plot to maturity. I knew not how to act upon
this disclosure, which I, however, could not reject without incurring
too great a responsibility. I immediately communicated the business to
the First Consul, who ordered me to supply Harrel with money; but not
to mention the affair to Fouché, to whom he wished to prove that he knew
better how to manage the police than he did.
Harrel came nearly every evening at eleven o'clock to inform me of the
progress of the conspiracy, which I immediately communicated to the
First Consul, who was not sorry to find Arena and Ceracchi deeply
committed. But the time passed on, and nothing was done. The First
Consul began to grow impatient. At length Harrel came to say that
they had no money to purchase arms. Money was given him. He, however,
returned next day to say that the gunsmith refused to sell them arms
without authority. It was now found necessary to communicate the
business to Fouché in order that he might grant the necessary permission
to the gunsmith, which I was not empowered to do.
On the 10th of October the Consuls, after the breaking up of the
Council, assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bonaparte asked
them in my presence whether they thought he ought to go to the opera.
They observed that as every precaution was taken no danger could be
apprehended, and that it was desirable to show the futility of attempts
against the First Consul's life. After dinner Bonaparte put on a
greatcoat over his green uniform and got into his carriage accompanied
by me and Duroc. He seated himself in front of his box, which at that
time was on the left of the theatre between the two columns which
separated the front and side boxes. When we had been in the theatre
about half an hour the First Consul directed me to go and see what was
doing in the corridor. Scarcely had I left the box than I heard a great
uproar, and soon discovered that a number of persons, whose names I
could not learn, had been arrested. I informed the First Consul of what
I had heard, and we immediately returned to the Tuileries.
It is certain that the object of the conspiracy was to take the First
Consul's life, and that the conspirators neglected nothing which could
further the accomplishment of their atrocious design. The plot, however,
was known through the disclosures of Harrel; and it would have been easy
to avert instead of conjuring up the storm. Such was, and such still is,
my opinion. Harrel's name was again restored to the army list, and he
was appointed commandant of Vincennes. This post he held at the time of
the Duc d'Enghien's assassination. I was afterwards told that his wife
was foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she recognised him
when he entered the prison which in a few short hours was to prove his
grave.
Carbonneau, one of the individuals condemned, candidly confessed the
part he had taken in the plot, which he said was brought to maturity
solely by the agents of the police, who were always eager to prove their
zeal to their employers by some new discovery.
Although three months intervened between the machinations of Ceracchi
and Arena and the horrible attempt of the 3d Nivôse, I shall relate
these two events in immediate succession; for if they had no other
points of resemblance they were at least alike in their object. The
conspirators in the first affair were of the revolutionary faction. They
sought Bonaparte's life as if with the view of rendering his resemblance
to Caesar so complete that not even a Brutus should be wanting. The
latter, it must with regret be confessed, were of the Royalist party,
and in their wish to destroy the First Consul they were not deterred by
the fear of sacrificing a great number of citizens.
The police knew nothing of the plot of the 3d Nivôse for two reasons;
first, because they were no parties to it, and secondly, because two
conspirators do not betray and sell each other when they are resolute
in their purpose. In such cases the giving of information can arise only
from two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous, viz. the dread
of punishment, and the hope of reward. But neither of these causes
influenced the conspirators of the 3d Nivôse, the inventors and
constructors of that machine which has so justly been denominated
infernal!
On the 3d Nivôse (24th December 1800) the first performance of Haydn's
magnificent oratorio of the "Creation" took place at the opera, and the
First Consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did not
dine with him that day, but as he left me he said, "Bourrienne, you know
I am going to the opera to-night, and you may go too; but I cannot take
you in the carriage, as Lannes, Berthier, and Lauriston are going with
me." I was very glad of this, for I much wished to hear one of the
masterpieces of the German school of composition. I got to the opera
before Bonaparte, who on his entrance seated himself, according to
custom, in front of the box. The eyes of all present were fixed upon
him, and he appeared to be perfectly calm and self-possessed. Lauriston,
as soon as he saw me, came to my box, and told me that the First Consul,
on his way to the opera, had narrowly escaped being assassinated in
the Rue St. Nicaise by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder, the
concussion of which had shattered the windows of his carriage. "Within
ten seconds after our escape," added Lauriston, "the coachman having
turned the corner of the Rue St Honore, stopped to take the First
Consul's orders; and he coolly said, 'To the opera.'"
--[The following particulars respecting the affair of the infernal
machine are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte to the
opera. He differs from Bourrienne as to the total ignorance of the
police:
"The affair of the infernal machine has never been properly
understood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that
an attempt would be made against his life and cautioned him not to
go out. Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beauharnais, Madame Murat,
Lannes, Bessières, the aide de camp on duty, Lieutenant Lebrun, now
duke of Placenza were all assembled in the salon, while the First
Consul was writing in his cabinet. Haydn's oratorio was to be
performed that evening; the ladies were anxious to hear the music,
and we also expressed a wish to that effect. The escort piquet was
ordered out; and Lannes requested that Napoleon would join the
party. He consented; his carriage was ready, and he took along with
him Bessières and the aide de camp on duty. I was directed to
attend the ladies. Josephine had received a magnificent shawl from
Constantinople and she that evening wore it for the first time.
'Permit me to observe,' said I, 'that your shawl is not thrown on
with your usual elegance.' She good-humouredly begged that I would
fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies. While I was
engaged in this operation we heard Napoleon depart. 'Come sister,'
said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre:
'Bonaparte is going:' We stopped into the carriage: the First
Consul's equipage had already reached the middle of the Place du
Carrousel. We drove after it, but we had scarcely entered the place
when the machine exploded. Napoleon escaped by a singular chance,
St. Regent, or his servant Francois, had stationed himself in the
middle of the Rue Nicaise. A grenadier of the escort, supposing he
was really what he appeared to be, a water-carrier, gave him a few
blows with the flat of his sabre and drove him off. The cart was
turned round, and the machine exploded between the carriages of
Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hearing the report;
the carriage windows were broken, and Mademoiselle Beauharnais
received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted and crossed the Rue
Nicaise which was strewed with the bodies of those who had been
thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shattered
with the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his
suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre
Napoleon was seated in his box; calm and composed, and looking at
the audience through his opera-glass. Fouché was beside him.
'Josephine' said he as soon as he observed me. She entered at that
instant and he did not finish his question 'The rascals' said he
very cooly, 'wanted to blow me up: Bring me a book of the oratorio'"
(Memoirs of General Count Rape. P. 19)]--
On hearing this I left the theatre and returned to the Palace, under the
expectation that I should speedily be wanted. Bonaparte soon returned
home; and as intelligence of the affair had spread through Paris
the grand salon on the ground-floor was filled with a crowd of
functionaries, eager to read in the eye of their master what they were
to think and say on the occasion. He did not keep them long in suspense.
"This," exclaimed he vehemently, "is the work of the Jacobins: they have
attempted my life.... There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouans
in this affair!... I know what I am about, and they need not think to
impose on me. These are the Septembrizers who have been in open revolt
and conspiracy, and arrayed against every succeeding Government. It
is scarce three months since my life was attempted by Uracchi, Arena;
Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. They all belong to one gang! The
cutthroats of September, the assassins of Versailles, the brigands of
the 81st of May, the conspirators of Prairial are the authors of all
the crimes committed against established Governments! If they cannot be
checked they must be crashed! France must be purged of these ruffians!"
It is impossible to form any idea of the bitterness with which
Bonaparte, pronounced these words. In vain did some of the Councillors
of State, and Fouché in particular, endeavour to point out to him that
there was no evidence against any one, and that before he pronounced
people to be guilty it would be right to ascertain the fact. Bonaparte
repeated with increased violence what he had before said of the
Jacobins; thus adding; not without some ground of suspicion, one crime
more to, the long catalogue for which they had already to answer.
Fouché had many enemies, and I was not, therefore, surprised to find
some of the Ministers endeavouring to take advantage of the difference
between his opinion and that of the First Consul; and it must be owned
that the utter ignorance of the police respecting this event was a
circumstance not very favourable to Fouché. He, however, was like the
reed in the fable--he bent with the wind, but was soon erect again. The
most skilful actor could scarcely imitate the inflexible calmness he
maintained during Bonaparte's paroxysm of rage, and the patience with
which he allowed himself to be accused.
Fouché, when afterwards conversing with me, gave me clearly to
understand that he did not think the Jacobins guilty. I mentioned this
to the First Consul, but nothing could make him retract his opinion.
"Fouché," said he, "has good reason for his silence. He is serving his
own party. It is very natural that he should seek to screen a set of men
who are polluted with blood and crimes! He was one of their leaders. Do
not I know what he did at Lyons and the Loire? That explains Fouché's
conduct now!"