1800.
The Tuileries--Royalty in perspective--Remarkable observation--
Presentations--Assumption of the prerogative of mercy--M. Defeu--
M. de Frotte--Georges Cadoudal's audience of Bonaparte--Rapp's
precaution and Bonaparte's confidence--The dignity of France--
Napper Tandy and Blackwell delivered up by the Senate of Hamburg--
Contribution in the Egyptian style--Valueless bill--Fifteen thousand
francs in the drawer of a secretaire--Josephine's debts--Evening
walks with Bonaparte.
The morning after that ardently wished-for day on which we took
possession of the Palace of the Kings of France I observed to Bonaparte
on entering his chamber, "Well, General, you have got here without much
difficulty, and with the applause of the people! Do you remember what
you said to me in the Rue St. Anne nearly two years ago?"--"Ay, true
enough, I recollect. You see what it is to have the mind set on a thing.
Only two years have gone by! Don't you think we have not worked badly
since that time? Upon the whole I am very well content. Yesterday passed
off well. Do you imagine that all those who came to flatter me were
sincere? No, certainly not: but the joy of the people was real. They
know what is right. Besides, consult the grand thermometer of opinion,
the price of the funds: on the 17th Brumaire at 11 francs, on the 20th
at 16 and to-day at 21. In such a state of things I may let the Jacobins
prate as they like. But let them not talk too loudly either!"
As soon as he was dressed we went to look through the Gallery of Diana
and examine the statues which had been placed there by his orders.
We ended our morning's work by taking complete possession of our new
residence. I recollect Bonaparte saying to me, among other things, "To
be at the Tuileries, Bourrienne, is not all. We must stay here. Who,
in Heaven's name, has not already inhabited this palace? Ruffians,
conventionalists! But hold! there is your brother's house! Was it not
from those windows I saw the Tuileries besieged, and the good Louis XVI.
carried off? But be assured they will not come here again!"
The Ambassadors and other foreign Ministers then in Paris were presented
to the First Consul at a solemn audience. On this occasion all the
ancient ceremonials belonging to the French Court were raked up, and in
place of chamberlains and a grand master of ceremonies a Counsellor
of State, M. Benezech, who was once Minister for Foreign Affairs,
officiated.
When the Ambassadors had all arrived M. Benezech conducted them into the
cabinet, in which were the three Consuls, the Ministers, and the Council
of State. The Ambassadors presented their credentials to the First
Consul, who handed them to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. These
presentations were followed by others; for example, the Tribunal of
Cassation, over which the old advocate, Target, who refused to defend
Louis XVI., then presided. All this passed in view of the three Consuls;
but the circumstance which distinguished the First Consul from
his colleagues was, that the official personages, on leaving the
audience-chamber, were conducted to Madame Bonaparte's apartments, in
imitation of the old practice of waiting on the Queen after presentation
to the King.
Thus old customs of royalty crept by degrees into the former abodes
of royalty. Amongst the rights attached to the Crown, and which the
Constitution of the year VIII. did not give to the First Consul, was one
which he much desired to possess, and which, by the most happy of all
usurpations, he arrogated to himself. This was the right of granting
pardon. Bonaparte felt a real pleasure in saving men under the sentence
of the law; and whenever the imperious necessity of his policy, to
which, in truth, he sacrificed everything, permitted it, he rejoiced
in the exercise of mercy. It would seem as if he were thankful to the
persons to whom he rendered such service merely because he had given
them occasion to be thankful to him. Such was the First Consul: I do not
speak of the Emperor. Bonaparte, the First Consul, was accessible to
the solicitations of friendship in favour of persons placed under
proscription. The following circumstance, which interested me much,
affords an incontestable proof of what I state:--
Whilst we were still at the Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French emigrant, was
taken in the Tyrol with arms in his hand by the troops of the Republic.
He was carried to Grenoble, and thrown into the military prison of
that town. In the course of January General Ferino, then commanding at
Grenoble, received orders to put the young emigrant on his trial. The
laws against emigrants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges dared
not be indulgent. To be tried in the morning, condemned in the course
of the day, and shot in the evening, was the usual course of those
implacable proceedings. One of my cousins, the daughter of M.
Poitrincourt, came from Sens to Paris to inform me of the dreadful
situation of M. Defeu. She told me that he was related to the most
respectable families of the town of Sens, and that everybody felt the
greatest interest in his fate.
I had escaped for a few moments to keep the appointment I made with
Mademoiselle Poitrincourt. On my return I perceived the First Consul
surprised at finding himself alone in the cabinet, which I was not in
the habit of quitting without his knowledge. "Where have you been?" said
he. "I have been to see one of my relations, who solicits a favour of
you."--"What is it?" I then informed him of the unfortunate situation
of M. Defeu. His first answer was dreadful. "No pity! no pity for
emigrants! Whoever fights against his country is a child who tries to
kill his mother!" This first burst of anger being over, I returned to
the charge. I urged the youth of M. Defeu, and the good effect which
clemency would produce. "Well," said he, "write--
"The First Consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to be suspended."
He signed this laconic order, which I instantly despatched to General
Ferino. I acquainted my cousin with what had passed, and remained at
ease as to the result of the affair.
Scarcely had I entered the chamber of the First Consul the next morning
when he said to me, "Well, Bourrienne, you say nothing about your M.
Defeu. Are you satisfied?"--"General, I cannot find terms to express my
gratitude."--"Ah, bah! But I do not like to do things by halves. Write
to Ferino that I wish M. Defeu to be instantly set at liberty. Perhaps
I am serving one who will prove ungrateful. Well, so much the worse for
him. As to these matters, Bourrienne, always ask them from me. When I
refuse, it is because I cannot help it."
I despatched at my own expense an extraordinary courier, who arrived in
time to save M. Defeu's life. His mother, whose only son he was, and M.
Blanchet, his uncle, came purposely from Sens to Paris to express their
gratitude to me. I saw tears of joy fall from the eyes of a mother who
had appeared to be destined to shed bitter drops, and I said to her as I
felt, "that I was amply recompensed by the success which had attended my
efforts."
Emboldened by this success, and by the benevolent language of the
First Consul, I ventured to request the pardon of M. de Frotte, who was
strongly recommended to me by most honourable persons. Comte Louis de
Frotte had at first opposed all negotiation for the pacification of La
Vendée. At length, by a series of unfortunate combats, he was, towards
the end of January, reduced to the necessity of making himself the
advances which he had rejected when made by others. At this period he
addressed a letter to General Guidal, in which he offered pacificatory
proposals. A protection to enable him to repair to Alençon was
transmitted to him. Unfortunately for M. de Frotte, he did not confine
himself to writing to General Guidal, for whilst the safe-conduct
which he had asked was on the way to him, he wrote to his lieutenants,
advising them not to submit or consent to be disarmed. This letter was
intercepted. It gave all the appearance of a fraudulent stratagem to
his proposal to treat for peace. Besides, this opinion appeared to be
confirmed by a manifesto of M. de Frotte, anterior, it is true, to the
offers of pacification, but in which he announced to all his partisans
the approaching end of Bonaparte's "criminal enterprise."
I had more trouble than in M. Defeu's case to induce the First Consul
to exercise his clemency. However, I pressed him so much, I laboured
so hard to convince him of the happy effect of such indulgence, that at
length I obtained an order to suspend the judgment. What a lesson I
then experienced of the evil which may result from the loss of time!
Not supposing that matters were so far advanced as they were, I did not
immediately send off the courier with the order for the suspension of
the judgment. Besides, the Minister-of-Police had marked his victim, and
he never lost time when evil was to be done. Having, therefore, I know
not for what motive, resolved on the destruction of M. de Frotte, he
sent an order to hasten his trial.
Comte Louis de Frotte was brought to trial on the 28th Pluviôse,
condemned the same day, and executed the next morning, the day before we
entered the Tuileries. The cruel precipitation of the Minister rendered
the result of my solicitations abortive. I had reason to think that
after the day on which the First Consul granted me the order for delay
he had received some new accusation against M. de Frotte, for when he
heard of his death he appeared to me very indifferent about the tardy
arrival of the order for suspending judgment. He merely said to me, with
unusual insensibility, "You should take your measures better. You see it
is not my fault."
Though Bonaparte put no faith in the virtue of men, he had confidence
in their honour. I had proof of this in a matter which deserves to be
recorded in history. When, during the first period of our abode at
the Tuileries, he had summoned the principal chiefs of La Vendée to
endeavour to bring about the pacification of that unhappy country, he
received Georges Cadoudal in a private audience. The disposition
in which I beheld him the evening before the day appointed for this
audience inspired me with the most flattering hopes. Rapp introduced
Georges into the grand salon looking into the garden. Rapp left him
alone with the First Consul, but on returning to the cabinet where I was
he did not close either of the two doors of the state bedchamber which
separated the cabinet from the salon. We saw the First Consul
and Georges walk from the window to the bottom of the salon--then
return--then go back again. This lasted for a long time. The
conversation appeared very animated, and we heard several things, but
without any connection. There was occasionally a good deal of ill-humour
displayed in their tone and gestures. The interview ended in nothing.
The First Consul, perceiving that Georges entertained some apprehensions
for his personal safety, gave him assurances of security in the most
noble manner, saying, "You take a wrong view of things, and are wrong
in not coming to some understanding; but if you persist in wishing to
return to your country you shall depart as freely as you came to Paris."
When Bonaparte returned to his cabinet he said to Rapp, "Tell me,
Rapp, why you left these doors open, and stopped with Bourrienne?" Rapp
replied, "If you had closed the doors I would have opened them again. Do
you think I would have left you alone with a man like that? There would
have been danger in it."--"No, Rapp," said Bonaparte, "you cannot think
so." When we were alone the First Consul appeared pleased with Rapp's
attachment, but very vexed at Georges' refusal. He said, "He does not
take a correct view of things; but the extravagance of his principles
has its source in noble sentiments, which must give him great influence
over his countrymen. It is necessary, however, to bring this business
soon to an end."
Of all the actions of Louis XIV. that which Bonaparte most admired was
his having made the Doge of Genoa send ambassadors to Paris to apologise
to him. The slightest insult offered in a foreign country to the rights
and dignity of France put Napoleon beside himself. This anxiety to have
the French Government respected exhibited itself in an affair which
made much noise at the period, but which was amicably arranged by the
soothing influence of gold.
Two Irishmen, Napper Tandy and Blackwell, who had been educated in
France, and whose names and rank as officers appeared in the French army
list, had retired to Hamburg. The British Government claimed them as
traitors to their country, and they were given up; but, as the French
Government held them to be subjects of France, the transaction gave rise
to bitter complaints against the Senate of Hamburg.
Blackwell had been one of the leaders of the united Irishmen. He had
procured his naturalisation in France, and had attained the rank of chef
d'escadron. Being sent on a secret mission to Norway, the ship in
which he was embarked was wrecked on the coast of that kingdom. He then
repaired to Hamburg, where the Senate placed him under arrest on the
demand of Mr. Crawford, the English Minister. After being detained in
prison a whole year he was conveyed to England to be tried. The French
Government interfered, and preserved, if not his liberty, at least his
life.
Napper Tandy was also an Irishman. To escape the search made after him,
on account of the sentiments of independence which had induced him to
engage in the contest for the liberty of his country, he got on board
a French brig, intending to land at Hamburg and pass into Sweden. Being
exempted from the amnesty by the Irish Parliament, he was claimed by
the British Government, and the Senators of Hamburg forgot honour and
humanity in their alarm at the danger which at that moment menaced their
little republic both from England and France. The Senate delivered up
Napper Tandy; he was carried to Ireland, and condemned to death, but
owed the suspension of his execution to the interference of France. He
remained two years in prison, when M. Otto, who negotiated with Lord
Hawkesbury the preliminaries of peace, obtained the release of Napper
Tandy, who was sent back to France.
The First Consul spoke at first of signal vengeance; but the Senate of
Hamburg sent him a memorial, justificatory of its conduct, and backed
the apology with a sum of four millions and a half, which mollified
him considerably. This was in some sort a recollection of Egypt--one of
those little contributions with which the General had familiarised the
pashas; with this difference, that on the present occasion not a single
sous went into the national treasury. The sum was paid to the First
Consul through the hands of M. Chapeau Rouge.
--[A solemn deputation from the Senate arrived at the Tuileries to
make public apologies to Napoleon. He again testified his
indignation: and when the envoys urged their weakness he said to
them. "Well and had you not the resource of weak states? was it not
in your power to let them escape?" (Napoleon's Memoirs).]--
I kept the four millions and a half in Dutch bonds in a secretaire for
a week. Bonaparte then determined to distribute them; after paying
Josephine's debts, and the whole of the great expenses incurred at
Malmaison, he dictated to me a list of persons to whom he wished to make
presents. My name did not escape his lips, and consequently I had not
the trouble to transcribe it; but some time after he said to me, with
the most engaging kindness, "Bourrienne, I have given you none of the
money which came from Hamburg, but I will make you amends for it." He
took from his drawer a large and broad sheet of printed paper, with
blanks filled up in his own handwriting, and said to me, "Here is a bill
for 300,000 Italian livres on the Cisalpine Republic, for the price of
cannon furnished. It is endorsed Halter and Collot--I give it you." To
make this understood, I ought to state that cannon had been sold to the
Cisalpine Republic, for the value of which the Administrator-general of
the Italian finances drew on the Republic, and the bills were paid over
to M. Collot, a provision contractor, and other persons. M. Collot had
given one of these bills for 300,000 livres to Bonaparte in quittance of
a debt, but the latter had allowed the bill to run out without troubling
himself about it. The Cisalpine Republic kept the cannons and the money,
and the First Consul kept his bill. When I had examined it I said,
"General, it has been due for a long time; why have you not got it paid?
The endorsers are no longer liable."--"France is bound to discharge
debts of this kind;" said he; "send the paper to de Fermont: he will
discount it for three per cent. You will not have in ready money more
than about 9000 francs of rentes, because the Italian livre is not equal
to the franc." I thanked him, and sent the bill to M. de Fermont.
He replied that the claim was bad, and that the bill would not be
liquidated because it did not come within the classifications made by
the laws passed in the months the names of which terminated in 'aire,
ose, al, and or'.
I showed M. de Fermont's answer to the First Consul, who said, "Ah, bah!
He understands nothing about it--he is wrong: write." He then dictated a
letter, which promised very favourably for the discounting of the bill;
but the answer was a fresh refusal. I said, "General, M. de Fermont does
not attend to you any more than to myself." Bonaparte took the letter,
read it, and said, in the tone of a man who knew beforehand what he was
about to be informed of, "Well, what the devil would you have me do,
since the laws are opposed to it? Persevere; follow the usual modes of
liquidation, and something will come of it!" What finally happened was,
that by a regular decree this bill was cancelled, torn, and deposited
in the archives. These 300,000 livres formed part of the money which
Bonaparte brought from Italy. If the bill was useless to me it was also
useless to him. This scrap of paper merely proves that he brought more
than 25,000 francs from Italy.
I never had, from the General-in-Chief of the army of Italy, nor from
the General in-Chief of the army of Egypt, nor from the First Consul,
for ten years, nor from the Consul for life, any fixed salary: I took
from his drawer what was necessary for my expenses as well as his own.
He never asked me for any account. After the transaction of the bill on
the insolvent Cisalpine Republic he said to me, at the beginning of the
winter of 1800, "Bourrienne, the weather is becoming very bad; I will go
but seldom to Malmaison. Whilst I am at council get my papers and little
articles from Malmaison; here is the key of my secretaire, take out
everything that is there." I got into the carriage at two o'clock
and returned at six. When he had dined I placed upon the table of
his cabinet the various articles which I had found in his secretaire
including 15,000 francs (somewhere about L 600 of English money) in
banknotes which were in the corner of a little drawer. When he looked at
them he said, "Here is money--what is the meaning of this?" I replied,
"I know nothing about it, except that it was in your secretaire."-- "Oh
yes; I had forgotten it. It was for my trifling expenses. Here, take
it." I remembered well that one summer morning he had given me his key
to bring him two notes of 1000 francs for some incidental expense, but I
had no idea that he had not drawn further on his little treasure.
I have stated the appropriation of the four millions and a half, the
result of the extortion inflicted on the Senate of Hamburg, in the
affair of Napper Tandy and Blackwell.
The whole, however, was not disposed of in presents. A considerable
portion was reserved for paying Josephine's debts, and this business
appears to me to deserve some remarks.
The estate of Malmaison had cost 160,000 francs. Josephine had purchased
it of M. Lecouteulx while we were in Egypt. Many embellishments, and
some new buildings, had been made there; and a park had been added,
which had now become beautiful. All this could not be done for nothing,
and besides, it was very necessary that what was due for the original
purchase should be entirely discharged; and this considerable item was
not the only debt of Josephine. The creditors murmured, which had a bad
effect in Paris; and I confess I was so well convinced that the First
Consul would be extremely displeased that I constantly delayed the
moment of speaking to him on the subject. It was therefore with extreme
satisfaction I learned that M. de Talleyrand had anticipated me. No
person was more capable than himself of gilding the pill, as one may
say, to Bonaparte. Endowed with as much independence of character as of
mind, he did him the service, at the risk of offending him, to tell him
that a great number of creditors expressed their discontent in bitter
complaints respecting the debts contracted by Madame Bonaparte during
his expedition to the East. Bonaparte felt that his situation required
him promptly to remove the cause of such complaints. It was one night
about half-past eleven o'clock that M. Talleyrand introduced this
delicate subject. As soon he was gone I entered the little cabinet;
Bonaparte said to me, "Bourrienne, Talleyrand has been speaking to me
about the debts of my wife. I have the money from Hamburg--ask her the
exact amount of her debts: let her confess all. I wish to finish, and
not begin again. But do not pay without showing me the bills of those
rascals: they are a gang of robbers."
Hitherto the apprehension of an unpleasant scene, the very idea of which
made Josephine tremble, had always prevented me from broaching this
subject to the First Consul; but, well pleased that Talleyrand had first
touched upon it, I resolved to do all in my power to put an end to the
disagreeable affair.
The next morning I saw Josephine. She was at first delighted with her
husband's intentions; but this feeling did not last long. When I asked
her for an exact account of what she owed she entreated me not to press
it, but content myself with what she should confess. I said to her,
"Madame, I cannot deceive you respecting the disposition of the First
Consul. He believes that you owe a considerable sum, and is willing
to discharge it. You will, I doubt not, have to endure some bitter
reproaches, and a violent scene; but the scene will be just the same for
the whole as for a part. If you conceal a large proportion of your debts
at the end of some time murmurs will recommence, they will reach the
ears of the First Consul, and his anger will display itself still more
strikingly. Trust to me--state all; the result will be the same; you
will hear but once the disagreeable things he will say to you; by
reservations you will renew them incessantly." Josephine said, "I can
never tell all; it is impossible. Do me the service to keep secret what
I say to you. I owe, I believe, about 1,200,000 francs, but I wish to
confess only 600,000; I will contract no more debts, and will pay the
rest little by little out of my savings."--"Here, Madame, my first
observations recur. As I do not believe he estimates your debts at so
high a sum as 600,000 francs, I can warrant that you will not experience
more displeasure for acknowledging to 1,200,000 than to 600,000; and by
going so far you will get rid of them for ever."--"I can never do it,
Bourrienne; I know him; I can never support his violence." After a
quarter of an hour's further discussion on the subject I was obliged
to yield to her earnest solicitation, and promise to mention only the
600,000 francs to the First Consul.
The anger and ill-humour of Bonaparte may be imagined. He strongly
suspected that his wife was dissembling in some respect; but he said,
"Well, take 600,000 francs, but liquidate the debts for that sum, and
let me hear nothing more on the subject. I authorise you to threaten
these tradesmen with paying nothing if they do not reduce their enormous
charges. They ought to be taught not to be so ready in giving credit."
Madame Bonaparte gave me all her bills. The extent to which the articles
had been overcharged, owing to the fear of not being paid for a long
period, and of deductions being made from the amount, was inconceivable.
It appeared to me, also, that there must be some exaggeration in
the number of articles supplied. I observed in the milliner's bill
thirty-eight new hats, of great price, in one month. There was likewise
a charge of 1800 francs for heron plumes, and 800 francs for perfumes.
I asked Josephine whether she wore out two hats in one day? She objected
to this charge for the hats, which she merely called a mistake. The
impositions which the saddler attempted, both in the extravagance of
his prices and in charging for articles which he had not furnished, were
astonishing. I need say nothing of the other tradesmen, it was the same
system of plunder throughout.
I availed myself fully of the First Consul's permission, and spared
neither reproaches nor menaces. I am ashamed to say that the greater
part of the tradesmen were contented with the half of what they
demanded. One of them received 35,000 francs for a bill of 80,000; and
he had the impudence to tell me that he made a good profit nevertheless.
Finally, I was fortunate enough, after the most vehement disputes, to
settle everything for 600,000 francs. Madame Bonaparte, however, soon
fell again into the same excesses, but fortunately money became more
plentiful. This inconceivable mania of spending money was almost the
sole cause of her unhappiness. Her thoughtless profusion occasioned
permanent disorder in her household until the period of Bonaparte's
second marriage, when, I am informed, she became regular in her
expenditure. I could not say so of her when she was Empress in 1804.
--[Notwithstanding her husband's wish, she could never bring her
establishment into any order or rule. He wished that no tradesmen
should ever reach her, but he was forced to yield on this point.
The small inner rooms were filled with them, as with artists of all
sorts. She had a mania for having herself painted, and gave her
portraits to whoever wished for one, relations, 'femmes de chambre',
even to tradesmen. They never ceased bringing her diamonds, jewels,
shawls, materials for dresses, and trinkets of all kinds; she bought
everything without ever asking the price; and generally forgot what
she had purchased. . . All the morning she had on a shawl which
she draped on her shoulders with a grace I have seen in no one else.
Bonaparte, who thought her shawls covered her too much, tore them
off, and sometimes threw them into the fire; then she sent for
another (Rémusat, tome ii. pp. 343-345). After the divorce her
income, large as it was, was insufficient, but the Emperor was more
compassionate then, and when sending the Comte Mollien to settle her
affairs gave him strict orders "not to make her weep" (Meneval,
tome iii. p.237)]--
The amiable Josephine had not less ambition in little things than
her husband had in great. She felt pleasure in acquiring and not in
possessing. Who would suppose it? She grew tired of the beauty of the
park of Malmaison, and was always asking me to take her out on the high
road, either in the direction of Nanterre, or on that of Marly, in the
midst of the dust occasioned by the passing of carriages. The noise
of the high road appeared to her preferable to the calm silence of the
beautiful avenues of the park, and in this respect Hortense had the same
taste as her mother. This whimsical fancy astonished Bonaparte, and he
was sometimes vexed at it. My intercourse with Josephine was delightful;
for I never saw a woman who so constantly entered society with such an
equable disposition, or with so much of the spirit of kindness, which is
the first principle of amiability. She was so obligingly attentive as
to cause a pretty suite of apartments to be prepared at Malmaison for me
and my family.
She pressed me earnestly, and with all her known grace, to accept it;
but almost as much a captive at Paris as a prisoner of state, I wished
to have to myself in the country the moments of liberty I was permitted
to enjoy. Yet what was this liberty? I had bought a little house at
Ruel, which I kept during two years and a half. When I saw my friends
there, it had to be at midnight, or at five o'clock in the morning;
and the First Consul would often send for me in the night when couriers
arrived. It was for this sort of liberty I refused Josephine's kind
offer. Bonaparte came once to see me in my retreat at Ruel, but
Josephine and Hortense came often. It was a favourite walk with these
ladies.
At Paris I was less frequently absent from Bonaparte than at Malmaison.
We sometimes in the evening walked together in the garden of the
Tuileries after the gates were closed. In these evening walks he always
wore a gray greatcoat, and a round hat. I was directed to answer, "The
First Consul," to the sentinel's challenge of, "Who goes there?" These
promenades, which were of much benefit to Bonaparte, and me also, as a
relaxation from our labours, resembled those which we had at Malmaison.
As to our promenades in the city, they were often very amusing.
At the period of our first inhabiting the Tuileries, when I saw
Bonaparte enter the cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening in his
gray coat, I knew he would say, "Bourrienne, come and take a turn."
Sometimes, then, instead of going out by the garden arcade, we would
take the little gate which leads from the court to the apartments of the
Duc d'Angoulême. He would take my arm, and we would go to buy articles
of trifling value in the shops of the Rue St. Honoré; but we did not
extend our excursions farther than Rue de l'Arbre Sec. Whilst I made the
shopkeeper exhibit before us the articles which I appeared anxious to
buy he played his part in asking questions.
Nothing was more amusing than to see him endeavouring to imitate the
careless and jocular tone of the young men of fashion. How awkward was
he in the attempt to put on dandy airs when pulling up the corners of
his cravat he would say, "Well, Madame, is there anything new to-day?
Citizen, what say they of Bonaparte? Your shop appears to be well
supplied. You surely have a great deal of custom. What do people say of
that buffoon, Bonaparte?" He was made quite happy one day when we were
obliged to retire hastily from a shop to avoid the attacks drawn upon us
by the irreverent tone in which Bonaparte spoke of the First Consul.