1798-1799.
Bonaparte's departure for Suez--Crossing the desert--Passage of the
Red Sea--The fountain of Moses--The Cenobites of Mount Sinai--Danger
in recrossing the Red Sea--Napoleon's return to Cairo--Money
borrowed at Genoa--New designs upon Syria--Dissatisfaction of the
Ottoman Porte--Plan for invading Asia--Gigantic schemes--General
Berthier's permission to return to France--His romantic love and the
adored portrait--He gives up his permission to return home--Louis
Bonaparte leaves Egypt--The first Cashmere shawl in France--
Intercepted correspondence--Departure for Syria--Fountains of
Messoudish--Bonaparte jealous--Discontent of the troops--El-Arish
taken--Aspect of Syria--Ramleh--Jerusalem.
On the 24th of December we set out for Suez, where we arrived on
the 26th. On the 25th we encamped in the desert some leagues before
Ad-Geroth. The heat had been very great during the day; but about eleven
at night the cold became so severe as to be precisely in an inverse
ratio to the temperature of the day. This desert, which is the route of
the caravans from Suez, from Tor and the countries situated on the north
of Arabia, is strewed with the bones of the men and animals who, for
ages past, have perished in crossing it. As there was no wood to be
got, we collected a quantity of these bones for fuel. Monge himself was
induced to sacrifice some of the curious skulls of animals which he
had picked up on the way and deposited in the Berlin of the
General-in-Chief. But no sooner had we kindled our fires than an
intolerable effluvium obliged us to raise our camp and advance farther
on, for we could procure no water to extinguish the fires.
On the 27th Bonaparte employed himself in inspecting the town and port
of Suez, and in giving orders for some naval and military works. He
feared--what indeed really occurred after his departure from Egypt--the
arrival of some English troops from the East Indies, which he had
intended to invade. These regiments contributed to the loss of his
conquest.
--[Sir David Baird, with a force of about 7000 men sent from India,
landed at Cosseir in July 1801.]--
On the morning of the 28th we crossed the Red Sea dry-shod, to go to the
Wells of Moses, which are nearly a myriametre from the eastern coast,
and a little southeast of Suez. The Gulf of Arabia terminates at about
5,000 metres north of that city. Near the port the Red Sea is not above
1,500 metres wide, and is always fordable at low water. The caravans
from Tor and Mount Sinai always pass at that part,
--[I shall say nothing of the Cenobites of Mount Sinai, as I had not
the honour of seeing them. Neither did I see the register
containing the names of Ali, Salah-Eddin, Ibrahim or Abraham,
on which Bonaparte is said to have inscribed his name. I perceived
at a distance some high hills which were said to be Mount Sinai.
I conversed, through the medium of an interpreter, with some Arabian
chiefs of Tor and its neighbourhood. They had been informed of our
excursion to the Wells, and that they might there thank the French
General for the protection granted to their caravans and their trade
with Egypt. On the 19th of December, before his departure from
Suez, Bonaparte signed a sort of safeguard, or exemption from
duties, for the convent of Mount Sinai. This had been granted out
of respect to Moses and the Jewish nation, and also because the
convent of Mount Sinai is a seat of learning and civilisation amidst
the barbarism of the deserts.--Bourrienne.]--
either in going to or returning from Egypt. This shortens their journey
nearly a myriametre. At high tide the water rises five or six feet at
Suez, and when the wind blows fresh it often rises to nine or ten feet.
We spent a few hours seated by the largest of the springs called the
Wells of Moses, situated on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Arabia. We
made coffee with the water from these springs, which, however, gave it
such a brackish taste that it was scarcely drinkable.
Though the water of the eight little springs which form the Wells of
Moses is not so salt as that of many wells dug in other parts of the
deserts, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly brackish, and does not allay
thirst so well as fresh water.
Bonaparte returned to Suez that same night. It was very dark when we
reached the sea-shore. The tide was coming up, and the water was pretty
high. We deviated a little from the way we had taken in the morning; we
crossed a little too low down; we were thrown into disorder, but we did
not lose ourselves in the marshes as has been stated. There were none.
I have read somewhere, though I did not see the fact, nor did I hear it
mentioned at the time, that the tide, which was coming up, would have
been the grave of the General-in-Chief had not one of the guides saved
him by carrying him on his shoulders. If any such danger had existed,
all who had not a similar means of escape must have perished.
This is a fabrication. General Caffarelli was the only person who was
really in danger, for his wooden leg prevented his sitting firmly on
his horse in the water; but some persons came to his assistance and
supported him.
--[Bonaparte extricated himself as the others did from the real
danger he and his escort had run. At St. Helena he said, "Profiting
by the low tide, I crossed the Red Sea dry-shod. On my return I was
overtaken by the night and went astray in the middle of the rising
tide. I ran the greatest danger. I nearly perished in the same
manner as Pharaoh did. This would certainly have furnished all the
Christian preachers with a magnificent test against me."
--Bourrienne.]--
On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief wished to discover the site
of the canal which in ancient times formed a junction between the Red
Sea and the Nile by Belbeis. M. Lepère, who was a member of the Egyptian
Institute, and is now inspector-general of bridges and highways,
executed on the spot a beautiful plan, which may confidently be
consulted by those who wish to form an accurate idea of that ancient
communication, and the level of the two seas.
--[Since accurately ascertained during the progress of the works for
the Suez Canal.]--
On his arrival at the capital Bonaparte again devoted all his thoughts
to the affairs of the army, which he had not attended to during his
short absence. The revenues of Egypt were far from being sufficient
to meet the military expenditure. To defray his own expenses Bonaparte
raised several considerable loans in Genoa through the medium of M.
James. The connection of James with the Bonaparte family takes its date
from this period.
--[Joseph Bonaparte says that the fathers of Napoleon and of M.
James had long known one another, and that Napoleon had met James at
Autun. ('Erreurs', tome i, p. 296).]--
Since the month of August the attention of General Bonaparte had been
constantly fixed on Syria. The period of the possible landing of an
enemy in Egypt had now passed away, and could not return until the month
of July in the following year. Bonaparte was fully convinced that that
landing would take place, and he was not deceived. The Ottoman Porte
had, indeed, been persuaded that the conquest of Egypt was not in her
interest. She preferred enduring a rebel whom she hoped one day to
subdue to supporting a power which, under the specious pretext of
reducing her insurgent beys to obedience, deprived her of one of her
finest provinces, and threatened the rest of the empire.
On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief had no longer any doubt as
to the course which the Porte intended to adopt. The numerous class
of persons who believed that the Ottoman Porte had consented to our
occupation of Egypt were suddenly undeceived. It was then asked how we
could, without that consent, have attempted such an enterprise? Nothing,
it was said, could justify the temerity of such an expedition, if it
should produce a rupture between France, the Ottoman empire, and its
allies. However, for the remainder of the year Bonaparte dreaded nothing
except an expedition from Gaza and El-Arish, of which the troops
of Djezzar had already taken possession. This occupation was justly
regarded as a decided act of hostility; war was thus practically
declared. "We must adopt anticipatory measures," thought Napoleon; "we
must destroy this advanced guard of the Ottoman empire, overthrow
the ramparts of Jaffa and Acre, ravage the country, destroy all her
resources, so as to render the passage of an army across the desert
impracticable." Thus was planned the expedition against Syria.
General Berthier, after repeated entreaties, had obtained permission
to return to France. The 'Courageuse' frigate, which was to convey him
home, was fitting out at Alexandria; he had received his instructions,
and was to leave Cairo on the 29th of January, ten days before
Bonaparte's departure for Syria. Bonaparte was sorry to part with him;
but he could not endure to see an old friend, and one who had served
him well in all his campaigns, dying before his eyes, the victim of
nostalgia and romantic love. Besides, Berthier had been for some time
past, anything but active in the discharge of his duties. His passion,
which amounted almost to madness, impaired the feeble faculties with
which nature had endowed him. Some writers have ranked him in the class
of sentimental lovers: be this as it may, the homage which Berthier
rendered to the portrait of the object of his adoration more frequently
excited our merriment than our sensibility.
One day I went with an order from Bonaparte to the chief of his staff,
whom I found on his knees before the portrait of Madame Visconti, which
was hanging opposite the door. I touched him, to let him know I was
there. He grumbled a little, but did not get angry.
The moment was approaching when the two friends were to part, perhaps
forever. Bonaparte was sincerely distressed at this separation, and the
chief of his staff was informed of the fact. At a moment when it was
supposed Berthier was on his way to Alexandria, he presented himself
to the General-in-Chief. "You are, then, decidedly going to Asia?" said
he.--"You know," replied the General, "that all is ready, and I shall
set out in a few days."--"Well, I will not leave you. I voluntarily
renounce all idea of returning to France. I could not endure to forsake
you at a moment when you are going to encounter new dangers. Here are
my instructions and my passport." Bonaparte, highly pleased with this
resolution, embraced Berthier; and the coolness which had been excited
by his request to return home was succeeded by a sincere reconciliation.
Louis Bonaparte, who was suffering from the effects of the voyage, was
still at Alexandria. The General-in-Chief, yielding to the pacific views
of his younger brother, who was also beginning to evince some symptoms
of nostalgia, consented to his return home. He could not, however,
depart until the 11th of March 1799. I felt the absence of Louis very
much.
On his return to France Louis passed through Sens, where he dined with
Madame de Bourrienne, to whom he presented a beautiful shawl, which
General Berthier had given me. This, I believe, was the first Cashmere
that had ever been seen in France. Louis was much surprised when Madame
de Bourrienne showed him the Egyptian correspondence, which had been
seized by the English and printed in London. He found in the collection
some letters addressed to himself, and there were others, he said, which
were likely to disturb the peace of more than one family on the return
of the army.
On the 11th of February 1799 we began our march for Syria, with about
12,000 men. It has been erroneously stated that the army amounted to
only 6000: nearly that number was lost in the course of the campaign.
However, at the very moment we were on our way to Syria, with 12,000
men, scarcely as many being left in Egypt, the Directory published that,
"according to the information which had been received," we had 60,000
infantry and 10,000 cavalry; that the army had doubled its numbers by
battles; and that since our arrival in Egypt, we had lost only 300 men.
Is history to be written from such documents?
We arrived, about four o'clock in the afternoon, at Messoudiah, or, "the
Fortunate Spot." Here we witnessed a kind of phenomenon, which was not
a little agreeable to us. Messoudiah is a place situated on the coast of
the Mediterranean, surrounded with little dunes of very fine sand, which
the copious rains of winter readily penetrate. The rain remains in the
sand, so that on making with the fingers holes of four or five inches in
depth at the bottom of these little hills, the water immediately
flows out. This water was, indeed, rather thick, but its flavour was
agreeable; and it would have become clear if we could have spared time
to allow it to rest and deposit the particles of sand it contained.
It was a curious spectacle to behold us all lying prostrate, digging
wells in miniature; and displaying a laughable selfishness in our
endeavours to obtain the most abundant source. This was a very important
discovery to us. We found these sand-wells at the extremity of the
desert, and it contributed, in no small degree, to revive the courage of
our soldiers; besides, when men are, as was the case with us, subject to
privations of every kind, the least benefit which accrues inspires the
hope of a new advantage. We were approaching the confines of Syria, and
we enjoyed by anticipation, the pleasure we were about to experience, on
treading a soil which, by its variety of verdure and vegetation, would
remind us of our native land. At Messoudiah we likewise possessed the
advantage of bathing in the sea, which was not more than fifty paces
from our unexpected water-supply.
Whilst near the wells of Messoudiah, on the way to El-Arish, I one day
saw Bonaparte walking alone with Junot, as he was often in the habit of
doing. I stood at a little distance, and my eyes, I know not why, were
fixed on him during their conversation. The General's countenance, which
was always pale, had, without my being able to divine the cause, become
paler than usual. There was something convulsive in his features--a
wildness in his look, and he several times struck his head with his
hand. After conversing with Junot about a quarter of an hour he
quitted him and came towards me. I never saw him exhibit such an air
of dissatisfaction, or appear so much under the influence of some
prepossession. I advanced towards him, and as soon as we met, he
exclaimed in an abrupt and angry tone, "So! I find I cannot depend upon
you.--These women!--Josephine! --if you had loved me, you would
before now have told me all I have heard from Junot--he is a real
friend--Josephine!--and I 600 leagues from her--you ought to have told
me.--That she should thus have deceived me!--'Woe to them!--I
will exterminate the whole race of fops and puppies!--As to
her--divorce!--yes, divorce! a public and open divorce!--I must
write!--I know all!--It is your fault--you ought to have told me!"
These energetic and broken exclamations, his disturbed countenance
and altered voice informed me but too well of the subject of his
conversation with Junot. I saw that Junot had been drawn into a culpable
indiscretion; and that, if Josephine had committed any faults, he had
cruelly exaggerated them. My situation was one of extreme delicacy.
However, I had the good fortune to retain my self-possession, and as
soon as some degree of calmness succeeded to this first burst, I replied
that I knew nothing of the reports which Junot might have communicated
to him; that even if such reports, often the offspring of calumny, had
reached my ear, and if I had considered it my duty to inform him of
them, I certainly would not have selected for that purpose the moment
when he was 600 leagues from France. I also did not conceal how blamable
Junot's conduct appeared to me, and how ungenerous I considered it
thus rashly to accuse a woman who was not present to justify or defend
herself; that it was no great proof of attachment to add domestic
uneasiness to the anxiety, already sufficiently great, which the
situation of his brothers in arms, at the commencement of a hazardous
enterprise, occasioned him.
Notwithstanding these observations, which, however, he listened to with
some calmness, the word "divorce" still escaped his lips; and it is
necessary to be aware of the degree of irritation to which he was liable
when anything seriously vexed him, to be able to form an idea of what
Bonaparte was during this painful scene. However, I kept my ground. I
repeated what I had said. I begged of him to consider with what facility
tales were fabricated and circulated, and that gossip such as that which
had been repeated to him was only the amusement of idle persons; and
deserved the contempt of strong minds. I spoke of his glory. "My glory!"
cried he. "I know not what I would not give if that which Junot has
told me should be untrue; so much do I love Josephine! If she be really
guilty a divorce must separate us for ever. I will not submit to be a
laughing-stock for all the imbeciles in Paris. I will write to Joseph;
he will get the divorce declared."
Although his agitation continued long, intervals occurred in which he
was less excited. I seized one of these moments of comparative calm
to combat this idea of divorce which seemed to possess his mind. I
represented to him especially that it would be imprudent to write to his
brother with reference to a communication which was probably false. "The
letter might be intercepted; it would betray the feelings of irritation
which dictated it. As to a divorce, it would be time to think of that
hereafter, but advisedly."
These last words produced an effect on him which I could not have
ventured to hope for so speedily. He became tranquil, listened to me
as if he had suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped the
subject, and never returned to it; except that about a fortnight after,
when we were before St. Jean d'Acre, he expressed himself greatly
dissatisfied with Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him by
his indiscreet disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions
of malignity. I perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for
this indiscretion; and I can state, almost with certainty, that this was
one of the reasons why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like
many of his comrades whom Bonaparte had loved less. It may be supposed
that Josephine, who was afterwards informed by Bonaparte of Junot's
conversation, did not feel particularly interested in his favour. He
died insane on the 27th of July 1813.
--[However indiscreet Junot might on this occasion have shown
himself in interfering in so delicate a matter, it is pretty certain
that his suspicions were breathed to no other ear than that of
Bonaparte himself. Madame Junot, in speaking of the ill-suppressed
enmity between her husband and Madame Bonaparte, says that he never
uttered a word even to her of the subject of his conversation with
the General-in-Chief to Egypt. That Junot's testimony, however,
notwithstanding the countenance it obtained from Bonaparte's
relations, ought to be cautiously received, the following passage
from the Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. i. p. 250,
demonstrative of the feelings of irritation between the parties,
will show:
"Junot escorted Madame Bonaparte when she went to join the
General-in-Chief in Italy. I am surprised that M. de Bourrienne
has omitted mentioning this circumstance in his Memoirs. He must
have known it, since he was well acquainted with everything
relating to Josephine, and knew many facts of high interest in her
life at this period and subsequently. How happens it too that he
makes no mention of Mademoiselle Louise, who might be called her
'demoiselle de compagnie' rather than her 'femme de chambre'? At
the outset of the journey to Italy she was such a favourite with
Josephine that she dressed like her mistress, ate at table with
her, and was in all respects her friend and confidante.
"The journey was long, much too long for Junot, though he was very
much in love with Mademoiselle Louise. But he was anxious to join
the army, for to him his General was always the dearest of
mistresses. Junot has often spoken to me, and to me alone, of the
vexations he experienced on this journey. He might have added to
his circumstantial details relative to Josephine the conversation he
is reported to have had with Bonaparte to Egypt; but he never
breathed a word on the subject, for his character was always noble
and generous. The journey to Italy did not produce the effect which
usually arises from such incidents in common life; namely, a closer
friendship and intimacy between the parties. On the contrary,
Madame Bonaparte from that moment evinced some degree of ill-humour
towards Junot, and complained with singular warmth of the want of
respect which he had shown her, in making love to her 'femme de
chambre' before her face."
According to 'Erreurs (tome i. pp. 4, 50) Junot was not then in
Syria. On 10th February Napoleon was at Messoudiah. Junot only
arrived from Egypt at Gaza on the 25th February. Madame d'Abrantes
(ii. 32) treats this conversation as apocryphal. "This (an anecdote
of her own) is not an imaginary episode like that, for example, of
making a person speak at Messoudiah who never was there."]--
Our little army continued its march on El-Arish, where we arrived on
the 17th of February. The fatigues experienced in the desert and the
scarcity of water excited violent murmurs amongst the soldiers during
their march across the isthmus. When any person on horseback passed them
they studiously expressed their discontent. The advantage possessed by
the horsemen provoked their sarcasms. I never heard the verses which
they are said to have repeated, but they indulged in the most violent
language against the Republic, the men of science, and those whom they
regarded as the authors of the expedition. Nevertheless these brave
fellows, from whom it was not astonishing that such great privations
should extort complaints, often compensated by their pleasantries for
the bitterness of their reproaches.
Many times during the crossing of the isthmus I have seen soldiers,
parched with thirst, and unable to wait till the hour for distribution
of water, pierce the leathern bottles which contained it; and this
conduct, so injurious to all, occasioned numerous quarrels.
El-Arish surrendered on the 17th of February. It has been erroneously
stated that the garrison of this insignificant place, which was set at
liberty on condition of not again serving against us, was afterwards
found amongst the besieged at Jaffa. It has also been stated that it
was because the men composing the El-Arish garrison did not proceed to
Bagdad, according to the capitulation, that we shot them at Jaffa. We
shall presently see the falsehood of these assertions.
On the 28th of February we obtained the first glimpse of the green and
fertile plains of Syria, which, in many respects, reminded us of the
climate and soil of Europe. We now had rain, and sometimes rather too
much. The feelings which the sight of the valleys and mountains called
forth made us, in some degree, forget the hardships and vexations of an
expedition of which few persons could foresee the object or end. There
are situations in life when the slightest agreeable sensation alleviates
all our ills.
On the 1st of March we slept at Ramleh, in a small convent occupied by
two monks, who paid us the greatest attention. They gave us the church
for a hospital. These good fathers did not fail to tell us that it was
through this place the family of Jesus Christ passed into Egypt, and
showed us the wells at which they quenched their thirst.
--[Ramleh, the ancient Arimathea, is situated at the base of a chain
of mountains, the eastern extremity of which is washed by the
Persian Gulf, and the western by the Mediterranean.--Bourrienne.]--
The pure and cool water of these wells delighted us.
We were not more than about six leagues from Jerusalem.
I asked the General whether he did not intend to direct his march by the
way of that city, so celebrated in many respects. He replied, "Oh no!
Jerusalem is not in my line of operations. I do not wish to be annoyed
by mountaineers in difficult roads. And, besides, on the other side
of the mountain I should be assailed by swarms of cavalry. I am not
ambitious of the fate of Cassius."
We therefore did not enter Jerusalem, which was not disturbed by the
war. All we did was to send a written declaration to the persons in
power at Jerusalem, assuring them that we had no design against that
country, and only wished them to remain at peace. To this communication
no answer was returned, and nothing more passed on the subject.
--[Sir Walter Scott says, speaking of Bonaparte, that he believes
that little officer of artillery dreamed of being King of Jerusalem.
What I have just stated proves that he never thought of such a
thing. The "little officer of artillery" had a far more splendid
dream in his head.--Bourrienne.]--
We found at Ramleh between two and three hundred Christians in a
pitiable state of servitude, misery, and dejection. On conversing with
them I could not help admiring how much the hope of future rewards may
console men under present ills. But I learned from many of them that
they did not live in harmony together. The feelings of hatred and
jealousy are not less common amongst these people than amongst the
better-instructed inhabitants of rich and populous cities.