4 And there went out another horse _that was_ red: and _power_

was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth,

and that they should kill one another: and there was given

unto him a great sword.

4. _And there went out another horse._ In this symbol there were, as

in the others, several particulars which it is proper to explain in

order that we may be able to understand its application. The particular

things in the symbol are the following: (a) The horse. See this

explained in the Notes on ver. 2. (b) The colour of the horse: _another

horse |that was| red_. This symbol cannot be mistaken. As the white

horse denoted prosperity, triumph, and happiness, so this would denote

carnage, discord, bloodshed. This is clear, not only from the nature

of the emblem, but from the explanation immediately added: “And power

was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and

that they should kill one another.” On the _colour_, compare Bochart,

_Hieroz._ P. i. lib. ii. c. vii. p. 104. See also Zec. i. 8. There is

no possibility of mistaking this, that a time of _slaughter_ is denoted

by this emblem. (c) The power given to him that sat on the horse:

_and |power| was given to him that sat thereon to take peace from

the earth, and that they should kill one another_. This would seem

to indicate that the condition immediately preceding this was a

condition of tranquillity, and that this was now disturbed by some

cause producing discord and bloodshed. This idea is confirmed by the

original words――τὴν εἰρήνην――“_the_ peace;” that is, the previously

existing peace. When peace in general is referred to, the word is used

without the article: Mat. x. 34, “Think not that I am come to send

peace――βαλεῖν εἰρήνην――upon the earth.” Comp. Lu. i. 79; ii. 14; xix.

38; Mar. v. 34; Jn. xiv. 27; xvi. 33; Ac. vii. 26; ix. 31, _et al._ in

the Greek. In these cases the word peace is without the article. The

characteristics of the period referred to by this are: (a) that peace

and tranquillity existed before; (b) that such peace and tranquillity

were now taken away, and were succeeded by confusion and bloodshed;

and (c) that the particular form of that confusion was civil discord,

producing mutual slaughter: “that they should kill one another.”

(d) The presentation of a sword: _and there was given unto him a great

sword_. As an emblem of what he was to do, or of the period that was

referred to by the opening of the {147} seal. The sword is an emblem

of war, of slaughter, of authority (Ro. xiii. 4), and is here used as

signifying that that period would be characterized by carnage. Comp.

Is. xxxiv. 5; Re. xix. 17, 18; Le. xxvi. 25; Ge. xxvii. 40; Mat. x. 34;

xxvi. 52. It is not said _by whom_ the sword was presented, but _the

fact_ is merely referred to, that the rider _was_ presented with a

sword as a symbol of what would occur.

In inquiring now into the period referred to by this symbol, we

naturally look to that which immediately succeeded the one which was

represented by the opening of the first seal; that is, the period

which followed the accession of Commodus, A.D. 180. We shall find,

in the events which succeeded his accession to the empire, a state

of things which remarkably accords with the account given by John in

this emblem――so much so, that if it were supposed that the book was

written _after_ these events had occurred, and that John had _designed_

to represent them by this symbol, he could not have selected a more

appropriate emblem. The only authority which it is necessary to refer

to here is Mr. Gibbon; who, as before remarked, seems to have been

raised up by a special Providence to make a record of those events

which were referred to by some of the most remarkable prophecies in

the Bible. As he had the highest qualifications for an historian, his

statements may be relied on as accurate; and as he had no belief in the

inspiration of the prophetic records, his testimony will not be charged

with partiality in their favour. The following particulars, therefore,

will furnish a full illustration of the opening of the second seal:

(a) The previous state of peace. This is implied in the expression,

“and power was given to him to _take peace_ from the earth.” Of this

we have had a full confirmation in the peaceful reign of Hadrian and

the Antonines. See the Notes on the exposition of the first seal.

Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the accession of Commodus to the imperial

throne, says that he “had nothing to wish, and everything to enjoy.

The beloved son of Marcus [Commodus] succeeded his father amidst the

acclamations of the senate and armies; and when he ascended the throne,

the happy youth saw around him neither competitor to remove, nor

enemies to punish. In this calm elevated station, it was surely natural

that he should prefer the love of mankind to their detestation; the

mild glories of his five predecessors to the ignominious fate of Nero

and Domitian,” i. 51. So again, on the same page, he says of Commodus,

“His graceful person, popular address, and imagined virtues attracted

the public favour; the honourable peace which he had recently granted

to the barbarians diffused an universal joy.” No one can doubt that the

accession of Commodus was preceded by a remarkable prevalence of peace

and prosperity. (b) Civil war and bloodshed: _to take peace from the

earth, and that they should kill one another_. Of the applicability of

this to the time supposed to be represented by this seal, we have the

fullest confirmation in the series of civil wars commencing with the

assassination of the emperor Commodus, A.D. 193, and continued, with

scarcely any intervals of intermission, for eighty or ninety years.

So Sismondi, on the fall of the Roman empire (i. 36), says, “With

Commodus’ death commenced the third and most calamitous period. It

lasted ninety-two years, from 193 to 284. During that time, thirty-two

emperors, and twenty-seven pretenders to the empire, alternately

hurried each other from the throne, by incessant civil warfare.

Ninety-two years of almost incessant civil warfare taught the world

_on what a frail foundation the virtue of the Antonines had reared the

felicity of the empire_.” The full history of this period may be seen

in Gibbon, i. pp. 50‒197. Of course it is impossible in these Notes

to present anything like a complete account of the characteristics

of those times. Yet the briefest summary may well show the general

condition of the Roman empire then, and the propriety of representing

it by the symbol of a red horse, as a period when peace would be taken

from the earth, and when men would kill one another. Commodus himself

is represented by Mr. Gibbon in the following words:――“Commodus was not,

as he has been represented, a tiger, born with an insatiate thirst of

human blood, and capable, from his infancy, of the most inhuman actions.

Nature had formed him of a weak, rather than a wicked disposition. His

simplicity and timidity rendered him the slave of his attendants, who

gradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at first obeyed the

dictates of others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the

ruling passion of his soul,” i. 51. During the first {148} three years

of his reign “his hands were yet unstained with blood” (_Ibid._), but

he soon degenerated into a most severe and bloody tyrant, and “when

Commodus had once tasted human blood, he was incapable of pity or

remorse,” i. 52. “The tyrant’s rage,” says Mr. Gibbon (i. 52), “after

having shed the noblest blood of the senate, at length recoiled on

the principal instrument of his cruelty. While Commodus _was immersed

in blood and luxury_ he devolved the detail of public business on

Perennis, a servile and ambitious minister, who had obtained his post

by the murder of his predecessor,” &c. “Every sentiment of virtue and

humanity was extinct in the mind of Commodus,” i. 55. After detailing

the history of his crimes, his follies, and his cruelties, Mr. Gibbon

remarks of him: “His cruelty proved at last fatal to himself. He had

shed with impunity the best blood of Rome: he perished as soon as he

was dreaded by his own domestics. Marcia, his favourite concubine,

Eclectus, his chamberlain, and Lætus, his pretorian prefect, alarmed by

the fate of their companions and predecessors, resolved to prevent the

destruction which every hour hung over their heads, either from the mad

caprice of the tyrant, or the sudden indignation of the people. Marcia

seized the occasion of presenting a draught of wine to her lover, after

he had fatigued himself with hunting some wild beasts. Commodus retired

to sleep; but while he was labouring with the effects of poison and

drunkenness, a robust youth, by profession a wrestler, entered his

chamber, and strangled him without resistance,” i. 57. The immediate

consequence of the assassination of Commodus was the elevation of

Pertinax to the throne, and his murder eighty-six days after (_Decline

and Fall_, i. 60). Then followed the public setting-up of the empire

to sale by the pretorian guards, and its purchase by a wealthy Roman

senator, Didius Julianus, or Julian, who, “on the throne of the

world, found himself without a friend and without an adherent,” i. 63.

“The streets and public places in Rome resounded with clamours and

imprecations.” “The public discontent was soon diffused from the centre

to the frontiers of the empire,” i. 63. In the midst of this universal

indignation Septimius Severus, who then commanded the army in the

neighbourhood of the Danube, resolved to avenge the death of Pertinax,

and to seize upon the imperial crown. He marched to Rome, overcame the

feeble Julian, and placed himself on the throne. Julian, after having

reigned sixty-six days, was beheaded in a private apartment of the

baths of the palace, i. 67. “In less than four years Severus subdued

the riches of the East, and the valour of the West. He vanquished

two competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated numerous

armies provided with weapons and discipline equal to his own,” i. 68.

Mr. Gibbon then enters into a detail of “the two _civil wars_ against

Niger and Albinus”――rival competitors for the empire (i. 68‒70), both

of whom were vanquished, and both of whom were put to death “in their

flight from the field of battle.” Yet he says, “Although the wounds

of civil war were apparently healed, its mortal poison still lurked

in the vitals of the constitution,” i. 71. After the death of Severus,

then follows an account of the contentions between his sons, Geta and

Caracalla, and of the death of the former by the instigation of the

latter (i. 77); then of the remorse of Caracalla, in which it is said

that “his disordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father

and his brother rising into life to threaten and upbraid him” (i. 77);

then of the cruelties which Caracalla inflicted on the friends of Geta,

in which “it was computed that, under the vague appellation of the

friends of Geta, above twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered

death” (i. 78); then of the departure of Caracalla from the capital,

and his cruelties in other parts of the empire, concerning which

Mr. Gibbon remarks (i. 78, 79), that “Caracalla was the common enemy

of mankind. Every province was by turns the scene of his rapine

and cruelty. In the midst of peace and repose, upon the slightest

provocation, he issued his commands at Alexandria in Egypt for a

general massacre. From a secure post in the temple of Serapis he

viewed and directed the slaughter of many thousand citizens, as well

as strangers, without distinguishing either the number or the crime of

the sufferers,” &c. Then follows the account of the assassination of

Caracalla (i. 80); then, and in consequence of that, of the civil war

which crushed Macrinus, and raised Elagabalus to the throne (i. 83);

then of the life and follies of that wretched voluptuary, and of his

massacre by the pretorian guards {149} (i. 86); then, after an interval

of thirteen years, of the murder of his successor, the second Severus,

on the Rhine; then of the civil wars excited against his murderer and

successor, Maximin, in which the two emperors of a day――the Gordians,

father and son――perished in Africa, and Maximin himself, and his son,

in the siege of Aquileia; then of the murder at Rome of the two joint

emperors, Maximus and Balbinus; and quickly after that an account of

the murder of their successor in the empire, the third and youngest

Gordian, on the banks of the river Aboras; then of the slaughter of

the next emperor Philip, together with his son and associate in the

empire, in the battle near Verona:――and this state of things may be

said to have continued until the accession of Diocletian to the empire,

A.D. 284. See _Decline and Fall_, i. 110‒197. Does any portion of the

history of the world present a similar period of connected history that

would be so striking a fulfilment of the symbols used here of “peace

being taken from the earth,” and “men killing one another?” In regard

to this whole period it is sufficient, after reading Mr. Gibbon’s

account, to ask two questions: (1) If it were supposed that John lived

_after_ this period, and designed to represent this by an expressive

symbol, could he have found one that would have characterized it

better than this does? (2) And if it should be supposed that Mr. Gibbon

_designed_ to write a commentary on this “seal,” and to show the exact

fulfilment of the symbol, could he have selected a better portion of

history to do it, or could he have better described facts that would

be a complete fulfilment? It is only necessary to observe further,

(c) that this is a _marked_ and _definite_ period. It has such a

beginning, and such a continuance and ending, as to show that this

symbol was applicable to this _as_ a period of the world. For it was

not only preceded by a state of peace, as is supposed in the symbol,

but no one can deny that the condition of things in the empire, from

Commodus onward through many years, was such as to be appropriately

designated by the symbol here used.

5 And when he had opened the third seal, I heard the third

beast say, Come and see. And I beheld, and lo, a black horse;

and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his hand.

6 And I heard a voice in the midst of the four beasts say,

[217]A measure of wheat for a penny, and three measures of

barley for a penny; and _see_ thou [218]hurt not the oil and

the wine.

5, 6. _And when he had opened the third seal._. Unfolding another

portion of the volume. See Notes on ch. v. 1. ¶ _I heard the third

beast say, Come and see._ See Notes on ch. iv. 7. It is not apparent

why the _third_ beast is represented as taking a particular interest

in the opening of _this_ seal (comp. Notes on ver. 3), nor is it

necessary to show why it was so. The general design seems to have been,

to represent each one of the four living creatures as interested in

the opening of the seals, but the _order_ in which they did this does

not seem to be a matter of importance. ¶ _And I beheld, and lo, a

black horse._ The specifications of the symbol here are the following:

(a) As before, the horse. See Notes on ver. 2. (b) The _colour_ of the

horse: _lo, a black horse_. This would properly denote distress and

calamity――for _black_ has been regarded always as such a symbol. So

Virgil speaks of _fear_ as black: “atrumque timorem” (_Æn._ ix. 619).

So again, _Georg._ iv. 468:

“Caligantem nigra formidine lucum.”

So, as applied to the dying Acca, _Æn._ xi. 825:

“Tenebris nigrescunt omnia circum.”

Black, in the Scriptures, is the image of fear, of famine, of death.

La. v. 10: “Our skin was black like an oven, because of the terrible

famine.” Je. xiv. 2: “Because of the drought Judah mourneth, and the

gates thereof languish; they are in deep mourning [literally, _black_]

for the land.” Joel ii. 6: “All faces shall gather blackness.” Na.

ii. 10: “The knees smite together, and there is great pain in all

loins, and the faces of them all gather blackness.” Comp. Re. vi. 12;

Eze. xxxii. 7. See also Bochart, _Hieroz._ P. i. lib. ii. c. vii.

pp. 106, 107. From the _colour_ of the horse here introduced we should

naturally look for some dire calamity, though the _nature_ of the

calamity would not be designated by the mere use of the word _black_.

What the calamity was to be must be determined by what follows in

the symbol. Famine, pestilence, oppression, heavy taxation, tyranny,

invasion――any of these might be denoted by the colour of the horse.

(c) The balances: _and he that sat on him had a pair of balances in his

hand_. The original word here rendered _a pair {150} of balances_, is

ζυγὸν. This word properly means _a yoke_, serving to couple anything

together, as a yoke for cattle. Hence it is used to denote the _beam_

of a balance, or of a pair of scales――and is evidently so used here.

The idea is, that something was to be _weighed_, in order to ascertain

either its _quantity_ or its _value_. Scales or balances are the

emblems of justice or equity (comp. Job xxxi. 6; Ps. lxii. 9; Pr.

xi. 1; xvi. 11); and when joined with symbols that denote the sale of

corn and fruit by weight, become the symbol of scarcity. Thus “bread by

weight” (Le. xxvi. 26) denotes scarcity. So in Eze. iv. 16, “And they

shall eat bread by weight.” The use of balances here as a symbol would

signify that something was to be accurately and carefully weighed out.

The connection leads us to suppose that this would appertain to the

necessaries of life, and that it would occur either in consequence of

scarcity, or because there would be an accurate or severe exaction, as

in collecting a revenue on these articles. The balance was commonly the

symbol of equity and justice; but it was also, sometimes, the symbol

of exaction and oppression, as in Ho. xii. 7: “The balance of deceit

is in his hands; he loveth to oppress.” If the balances stood alone,

and there were no proclamation as to what was to occur, we should look,

under this seal, to a time of the exact administration of justice, as

scales or balances are now used as emblems of the rigid application

of the laws and of the principles of justice in courts, or in public

affairs. If _this_ representation stood alone, or if the black horse

and the scales constituted the whole of the symbol, we should look

for some severe administration, or perhaps some heavy calamity under a

rigorous administration of laws. The reference, however, to the “wheat

and barley,” and to the price for which they were to be weighed out,

serves still further to limit and define the meaning of the symbol

as having reference to the necessaries of life――to the productions of

the land――to the actual capital of the country. Whether this refers

to scarcity, or to taxation, or both, must be determined by the other

parts of the symbol. (d) The proclamation: _And I heard a voice in the

midst of the four beasts say_. That is, from the throne, ch. iv. 6.

The voice was not that of one of the four beasts, but it seemed to come

from among them. As the rider went forth, this was the proclamation

that was made in regard to him; or this is that which is symbolized

in his going forth, to wit, that there would be such a state of things

that a measure of wheat would be sold for a penny, &c. The proclamation

consists essentially of two things――that which refers to the price

or value of wheat and barley, and that which requires that care shall

be taken not to injure the oil and the wine. Each of these demands

explanation. ¶ _A measure of wheat for a penny._ See the margin. The

word rendered _measure_――χοῖνιξ, _chœnix_――denotes an Attic measure

for grain and things dry, equal to the forty-eighth part of the Attic

medimnus, or the eighth part of the Roman modius, and consequently was

nearly equivalent to one quart English (Rob. _Lex._). The word rendered

_penny_, δηνάριον――Lat. _denarius_――was of the same value as the

Greek δραχμή, _drachmē_, and was equivalent to about fourteen cents or

sevenpence. This was the usual price of a day’s labour, Mat. xx. 2, 9.

The chœnix, or measure of grain here referred to, was the ordinary

daily allowance for one man [_Odyss._, xix. 27, 28). See Stuart, _in

loco_. The common price of the Attic medimnus of wheat was five or six

denarii; but here, as that contained forty-eight chœnixes or quarts,

the price would be augmented to forty-eight denarii――or it would

be about eight times as dear as ordinary; that is, there would be a

scarcity or famine. The price of a _bushel_ of wheat at this rate would

be about four dollars and a half or 18 shillings――a price which would

indicate great scarcity, and which would give rise to much distress.

¶ _And three measures of barley for a penny._ It would seem from this

that barley usually bore about one-third the price of wheat. It was

a less valuable grain, and perhaps was produced in greater abundance.

This is not far from the proportion which the price of this grain

usually {151} bears to that of wheat, and here, as in the case of

the wheat, the thing which would be indicated would be scarcity. This

proclamation of “a measure of wheat for a penny” was heard either

as addressed _to_ the horseman, as a rule of action for him, or as

addressed _by_ the horseman as he went forth. If the former is the

meaning, it would be an appropriate address to one who was going forth

to collect tribute――with reference to the _exact_ manner in which this

tribute was to be collected, implying some sort of severity of exaction;

or to one who should distribute wheat and barley out of the public

granaries at an advanced price, indicating scarcity. Thus it would

mean that a severe and heavy tax――represented by the scales and the

scarcity――or a tax so severe as to _make_ grain dear, was referred

to. If the latter is the meaning, then the idea is that there would be

a scarcity, and that grain would be dealt out by the government at a

high and oppressive price. The latter idea would be as consonant with

the symbol of the scales and the price mentioned as the other, if it

were not for the _additional_ injunction not to “hurt the oil and the

wine”――which cannot be well applied to the idea of dealing out grain at

a high price. It can, however, be connected, by a fair interpretation

of that passage, with such a severity of taxation that there would

be a propriety in such a command――for, as we shall see, under the

explanation of that phrase, such a law was actually promulgated

as resulting from severity of taxation. The idea, then, in

the passage before us, would seem to be, (a) that there would

be a rigid administration of the law in regard to the matter

under consideration――that pertaining to the productions of the

earth――represented by the balances; and (b) that that would be

connected with general scarcity, or such an exercise of this power as

to determine the price of grain, so that the price would be some three

times greater than ordinary. ¶ _And see thou hurt not the oil and the

wine._ There has been a great variety of interpretations proposed of

this passage, and it is by no means easy to determine the true sense.

The first inquiry in regard to it is, to whom is it addressed? Perhaps

the most common impression on reading it would be, that it is addressed

to the horseman with the balances, commanding _him_ not to injure the

oliveyards and the vineyards. But this is not probably the correct view.

It does not appear that the horseman goes forth to destroy anything, or

that the effect of his going forth is directly to injure anything. This,

therefore, should not be understood as addressed to the horseman, but

should be regarded as a general command to any and all _not_ to injure

the oliveyards and vineyards; that is, an order that nothing should

be done essentially to injure them. If thus regarded as addressed to

others, a fair and congruous meaning would be furnished by either of

the following interpretations: either (a) considered as addressed to

those who were disposed to be prodigal in their manner of living, or

careless as to the destruction of the crop of the oil and wine, as

they would now be needed; or (b) as addressed to those who raised such

productions, on the supposition that they would be _taxed_ heavily,

or that large quantities of these productions would be extorted for

revenue, that they should not mutilate their fruit-trees in order to

evade the taxes imposed by the government. In regard to the things

specified here――oil and wine――it may be remarked, that they were

hardly considered as articles of luxury in ancient times. They were

almost as _necessary_ articles as wheat and barley. They constituted

a considerable part of the food and drink of the people, as well as

furnished a large portion of the revenue, and it would seem to be with

reference to that fact that the command here is given that they should

not be injured; that is, that nothing should be done to diminish

the quantity of oil and wine, or to impair the productive power of

oliveyards and vineyards. The state of things thus described by this

seal, as thus interpreted, would be, (a) a rigid administration of the

laws of the empire, particularly in reference to taxation, producing a

scarcity among the necessary articles of living; (b) a strong tendency,

_from_ the severity of the taxation, to mutilate such kinds of property,

with a view either of concealing the real amount of property, or of

diminishing the amount of taxes; and (c) a solemn command from some

authoritative quarter _not_ to do this. A command from the ruling

power _not_ to do this would meet all that would be fairly demanded

in the _interpretation_ of the passage; and what is necessary in

its _application_, is to find such a state of things as would {152}

correspond with these predictions; that is, such as a writer _would

have_ described _by_ such symbols on the supposition that they were

referred to.

Now it so happens that there _were_ important events which occurred

in the Roman empire, and connected with its decline and fall, of

sufficient importance to be noticed in a series of calamitous events,

which corresponded with the symbol here, as above explained. They

were such as these: (a) The _general_ severity of taxation, or the

oppressive burdens laid on the people by the emperors. In the account

which Mr. Gibbon gives of the operation of the _Indictions_, and

_Superindictions_, though the specific laws on this subject pertained

to a subsequent period, the general nature of the taxation of the

empire and its oppressive character may be seen (_Decline and Fall_,

i. 357‒359). A general estimate of the amount of revenue to be exacted

was made out, and the collecting of this was committed to the pretorian

prefects, and to a great number of subordinate officers. “The lands

were measured by surveyors who were sent into the provinces; their

nature, whether arable, or pasture, or woods, was distinctly reported;

and an estimate made of their common value, from the average produce of

five years. The number of slaves and of cattle constituted an essential

part of the report; an oath was administered to the proprietors, which

bound them to disclose the true state of their affairs; and their

attempts to prevaricate or elude the intention of the legislature were

severely watched, and punished as a capital crime, which included the

double guilt of treason and of sacrilege. According to the different

nature of lands, their real produce in the various articles of _wine or

oil, corn or barley_, wood or iron, was transported by the labour or at

the expense of the provincials to the imperial magazines, from whence

they were occasionally distributed for the use of the court or of the

army, and of the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople,” i. p. 358.

Comp. Lactant. _de Mort. Persecut._, c. 23. (b) The particular order,

under this oppressive system of taxation, respecting the preservation

of vineyards and oliveyards, may be referred to, also, as corresponding

to the command sent forth under this rider, not to “hurt the oil and

the wine.” That order was in the following words:――“If any one shall

sacrilegiously cut a vine, or stint the fruit of prolific boughs,

and craftily feign poverty in order to avoid a fair assessment,

he shall, immediately on detection, suffer death, and his property

be confiscated” (_Cod. Theod._ l. xiii. lib. xi. seq.; Gibbon,

i. 358, note). Mr. Gibbon remarks: “Although this law is not without

its studied obscurity, it is, however, clear enough to prove the

minuteness of the inquisition, and the disproportion of the penalty.”

(c) Under this general subject of the severity of taxation――as a fact

far-spreading and oppressive, and as so important as to hasten the

downfall of the empire, may be noticed a distinct edict of Caracalla

as occurring more directly in the period in which the rider with

the balances may be supposed to have gone forth. This is stated by Mr.

Gibbon (i. 91) as one of the important causes which contributed to the

downfall of the empire. “The personal characters of the emperors, their

victories, laws, and fortunes,” says he, “can interest us no farther

than they are connected with the general history of the decline and

fall of the monarchy. Our constant attention to that object will not

suffer us to overlook a most important edict of Antoninus Caracalla,

which communicated to all the free inhabitants of the empire the name

and privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality, however,

flowed not from the sentiments of a generous mind; it was the sordid

result of avarice,” &c. He then proceeds at length to state the nature

and operations of that law, by which a heavy tax, under the pretence

of liberality, was in fact imposed on all the citizens of the empire――a

fact which, in its ultimate results, the historian of the _Decline and

Fall_ regards as so closely connected with the termination of the

empire. See Gibbon, i. pp. 91‒95. After noticing the laws of Augustus,

Nero, and the Antonines, and the real privileges conferred by them on

those who became entitled to the rank of Roman citizens――privileges

which were a compensation in the honour, dignity, and offices of that

rank for the measure of taxation which it involved――he proceeds to

notice the fact that the _title_ of “Roman citizen” was conferred

by Caracalla on all the free citizens of the empire, involving

the subjection to all the heavy taxes usually imposed on those who

sustained the rank expressed by the title, but with nothing of the

compensation connected {153} with the title when it was confined to

the inhabitants of Italy. “But the favour,” says he, “which implied

a distinction, was lost in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the

reluctant provincials were compelled to assume _the vain title_, and

the real _obligations_, of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious son

of Severus [Caracalla] contented with such a measure of taxation as

had appeared sufficient to his moderate predecessors. Instead of a

twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances; and

during his reign he crushed alike every part of the empire under the

weight of his iron sceptre,” i. 95. So again (_Ibid._), speaking of

the taxes which had been lightened somewhat by Alexander, Mr. Gibbon

remarks: “It is impossible to conjecture the motive that engaged him

to spare so trifling a remnant of the evil; but the noxious weed,

which had not been totally eradicated, again sprung up with the most

luxuriant growth, and in the succeeding age darkened the Roman world

with its deadly shade. In the course of this history we shall be too

often summoned to explain the land-tax, the capitation, and the heavy

contributions of _corn_, _wine_, _oil_, and meat, which were exacted

from the provinces for the use of the court, the army, and the capital.”

In reference to this whole matter of _taxation_ as being one of the

things which contributed to the downfall of the empire, and which

spread woe through the falling empire――a woe worthy to be illustrated

by one of the seals――a confirmation may be derived from the reign of

Galerius, who, as Cæsar, acted under the authority of Diocletian; who

excited Diocletian to the work of persecution (_Decline and Fall_,

i. 317, 318); and who, on the abdication of Diocletian, assumed the

title of Augustus (_Decline and Fall_, i. 222). Of his administration

in general Mr. Gibbon (i. 226) remarks: “About that time the avarice

of Galerius, or perhaps the exigencies of the state, had induced him

to make a very strict and rigorous inquisition into the property of

his subjects for the purpose of a general taxation, both on their

lands and on their persons. A very minute survey appears to have been

taken of their real estates; and wherever there was the slightest

suspicion of concealment, torture was very freely employed to obtain

a sincere declaration of their personal wealth.” Of the nature of this

exaction under Galerius; of the cruelty with which the measure was

prosecuted――particularly in its bearing on Christians, towards whom

Galerius cherished a mortal enmity (_Decline and Fall_, i. 317);

and of the extent and severity of the suffering among Christians and

others, caused by it――the following account of Lactantius (_De Mort.

Persecut._, c. 23) will furnish a painful but most appropriate

illustration:――“Swarms of exactors sent into the provinces and cities

filled them with agitation and terror, as though a conquering enemy

were leading them into captivity. The fields were separately measured,

the trees and vines, the flocks and herds numbered, and an examination

made of the men. In the cities the cultivated and rude were united as

of the same rank. The streets were crowded with groups of families,

and every one required to appear with his children and slaves. Tortures

and lashes resounded on every side. Sons were gibbeted in the presence

of their parents, and the most confidential servants harassed that

they might make disclosures against their masters, and wives that

they might testify unfavourably of their husbands. If there were

a total destitution of property, they were still tortured to make

acknowledgments against themselves, and, when overcome by pain,

inscribed for what they did not possess. Neither age nor ill-health was

admitted as an excuse for not appearing. The sick and weak were borne

to the place of inscription, a reckoning made of the age of each, and

years added to the young and deducted from the old, in order to subject

them to a higher taxation than the law imposed. The whole scene was

filled with wailing and sadness. In the meantime individuals died,

and the herds and the flocks diminished, yet tribute was none the less

required to be paid for the dead, so that it was no longer allowed

either to live or die without a tax. Mendicants alone escaped, where

nothing could be wrenched, and whom misfortune and misery had made

incapable of farther oppression. These the impious wretch affecting to

pity, that they might not suffer want, ordered to be assembled, borne

off in vessels, and plunged into the sea.” See Lord on the Apoc., pp.

128, 129. These facts in regard to the severity of taxation, and the

rigid nature of the law enforcing it; to the sources of the révenue

exacted in the provinces, and to the care that none {154} of those

sources should be diminished; and to the actual and undoubted bearing

of all this on the decline and fall of the empire, are so strikingly

applicable to the symbol here employed, that if it be supposed that it

was _intended_ to refer to them, no more natural or expressive symbol

could have been used; if it were supposed that the historian _meant_ to

make a record of the fulfilment, he could not well have made a search

which would more strikingly accord with the symbol. Were we _now_ to

represent these things by a symbol, we could scarcely find one that

would be more expressive than that of a rider on a black horse with

a pair of scales, sent forth under a proclamation which indicated

that there would be a most rigid and exact administration of severe

and oppressive laws, and with a special command, addressed to the

people, not for the purposes of concealment, or from opposition to the

government, to injure the sources of revenue. It may serve further to

illustrate this, to copy one of the usual emblems of a Roman procurator

or questor. It is taken from Spanheim, _De Usu Num. Diss._, vi. 545.

See Elliott, i. 169. It has a balance as a symbol of exactness or

justice, and an ear of grain as a symbol employed with reference to

procuring or exacting grain from the provinces.

Illustration: Emblem of a Roman Procurator.

7 And when he had opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of

the fourth beast say, Come and see.

7. _And when he had opened the fourth seal._ See Notes, ch. v. 1.

¶ _I heard the voice of the fourth beast say._ The flying eagle. Notes,

ch. iv. 7. As in the other cases, there does not appear to have been

any particular reason why the _fourth_ of the living creatures should

have made this proclamation rather than either of the others. It was

poetic and appropriate to represent each one in his turn as making

proclamation. ¶ _Come and see._ See Notes, ver. 1.

8 And I looked, and behold a pale horse; and his name that

sat on him was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power

was given [219]unto them over the fourth part of the earth,

to kill [220]with sword, and with hunger, and with death, and

with the beasts of the earth.

8. _And I looked, and behold a pale horse_――ἵππος χλωρὸς. On the

_horse_, as an emblem, see Notes on ver. 2. The _peculiarity_ of

this emblem consists in the _colour_ of the horse, the rider, and the

power that was given unto him. In these there is entire harmony, and

there can be comparatively little difficulty in the explanation and

application. The _colour_ of the horse was _pale_――χλωρὸς. This word

properly means _pale-green_, _yellowish-green_, like the colour of the

first shoots of grass and herbage; then _green_, _verdant_, like young

herbage, Mar. vi. 39; Re. viii. 7; ix. 4; and then _pale yellowish_

(Rob. _Lex._). The colour here would be an appropriate one to denote

the reign of death――as one of the most striking effects of death is

_paleness_――and, of course, of death produced by any cause, famine,

pestilence, or the sword. From this portion of the symbol, if it stood

with nothing to limit and define it, we should naturally look for some

condition of things in which death would prevail in a remarkable manner,

or in which multitudes of human beings would be swept away. And yet,

perhaps, from the very nature of _this_ part of the symbol, we should

look for the prevalence of death in some such peaceful manner as by

famine or disease. The _red_ colour would more naturally denote the

ravages of death in war; the black, the ravages of death by sudden

calamity; the pale would more obviously suggest famine or wasting

disease. ¶ _And his name that sat on him was Death._ No description is

given of his aspect; nor does he appear with any emblem――as sword, or

spear, {155} or bow. There is evident scope for the fancy to picture

to itself the form of the destroyer; and there is just that kind of

obscurity about it which contributes to sublimity. Accordingly, there

has been ample room for the exercise of the imagination in the attempts

to paint “Death on the pale horse,” and the opening of this seal has

furnished occasion for some of the greatest triumphs of the pencil. The

simple _idea_ in this portion of the symbol is, that death would reign

or prevail under the opening of this seal――whether by sword, by famine,

or by pestilence, is to be determined by other descriptions in the

symbol. ¶ _And Hell followed with him._ Attended him as he went forth.

On the meaning of the word here rendered _hell_――ᾅδης, _hades_――see

Notes on Lu. xvi. 23, comp. Notes on Job x. 21, 22; Is. xiv. 9. It is

here used to denote the abode of the dead, considered as a place where

they dwell, and not in the more restricted sense in which the word is

now commonly used as a place of punishment. The idea is, that the dead

would be so numerous at the going forth of this horseman, that it would

seem as if the pale nations of the dead had come again upon the earth.

A vast retinue of the dead would accompany him; that is, it would be

a time when death would prevail on the earth, or when multitudes would

die. ¶ _And power was given unto them._ Marg., _to him_. The common

Greek text is αὐτοῖς――_to them_. There are many MSS., however, which

read αὐτῷ――_to him_. So Professor Stuart reads it. The authority,

however, is in favour of _them_ as the reading; and according to this,

death and his train are regarded as grouped together, and the power is

considered as given to them collectively. The sense is not materially

varied. ¶ _Over the fourth part of the earth._ That is, of the Roman

world. It is not absolutely necessary to understand this as extending

over _precisely_ a fourth part of the world. Comp. Re. viii. 7‒10, 12;

ix. 15, _et al._ Undoubtedly we are to look in the fulfilment of this

to some far-spread calamity; to some severe visitations which would

sweep off great multitudes of men. The _nature_ of that visitation

is designated in the following specifications. ¶ _To kill with sword_.

In war and discord――and we are, therefore, to look to a period of

war. ¶ _And with hunger._ With famine――one of the accompaniments of

war――where armies ravage a nation, trampling down the crops of grain;

consuming the provisions laid up; employing in war, or cutting off,

the men who would be occupied in cultivating the ground; making it

necessary that they should take the field at a time when the grain

should be sown or the harvest collected; and shutting up the people in

besieged cities to perish by hunger. Famine has been not an unfrequent

accompaniment of war; and we are to look for the fulfilment of this

in its extensive prevalence. ¶ _And with death._ Each of the other

forms――“with the sword and with hunger”――imply that _death_ would reign;

for it is said that “power was given to _kill_ with sword and with

hunger.” This word, then, must refer to death in some other form――to

death that seemed to reign without any such _visible_ cause as the

“sword” and “hunger.” This would well denote the pestilence――not

an unfrequent accompaniment of war. For nothing is better fitted

to produce this than the unburied bodies of the slain; the filth of

a camp; the want of food; and the crowding together of multitudes

in a besieged city; and, accordingly, the pestilence, especially in

Oriental countries, has been often closely connected with war. That the

_pestilence_ is referred to here is rendered more certain by the fact

that the Hebrew word דֶּבֶר, _pestilence_, which occurs about fifty times

in the Old Testament, is rendered θάνατος, _death_, more than thirty

times in the Septuagint. ¶ _And with the beasts of the earth_. With

wild beasts. This, too, would be one of the consequences of war, famine,

and pestilence. Lands would be depopulated, and wild beasts would be

multiplied. Nothing more is necessary to make them formidable than a

prevalence of these things; and nothing, in the early stages of society,

or in countries ravaged by war, famine, and the pestilence, is more

formidable. Homer, at the very beginning of his _Iliad_, presents us

with a representation similar to this. Comp. Eze. xiv. 21: “I send my

four sore judgments upon Jerusalem, the sword, and the famine, and the

noisome beast, and the pestilence,” דֶבֶר――Sept., as here, θάνατον. See

also 2 Ki. xvii. 26.

In regard to the fulfilment of this there can be little difficulty, if

the principles adopted in the interpretation of the first three seals

are correct. We {156} may turn to Gibbon, and, as in the other cases,

we shall find that he has been an unconscious witness of the fidelity

of the representation in this seal. Two _general_ remarks may be made

before there is an attempt to illustrate the particular things in the

symbol. (a) The first relates to _the place_ in the order of time, or

in history, which this seal occupies. If the three former seals have

been located with any degree of accuracy, we should expect that this

would follow, not very remotely, the severe laws pertaining to taxation,

which, according to Mr. Gibbon, contributed so essentially to the

downfall of the empire. And if it be admitted to be probable that the

fifth seal refers to a time of persecution, it would be most natural to

fix this period between those times and the times of Diocletian, when

the persecution ceased. I may be permitted to say, that I was led to

fix on this period without having any definite view beforehand of what

occurred _in_ it, and was surprised to find in Mr. Gibbon what _seems_

to be so accurate a correspondence with the symbol. (b) The second

remark is, that the _general_ characteristics of this period, as

stated by Mr. Gibbon, agree remarkably with what we should expect

of the period from the symbol. Thus speaking of this whole period

(A.D. 248‒268), embracing the reigns of Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus,

Valerian, and Gallienus, he says, “From the great secular games

celebrated by Philip to the death of the emperor Gallienus, there

elapsed twenty years of shame and misfortune. During this calamitous

period every instant of time was marked, every province of the Roman

world was afflicted by barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and

the ruined empire seemed to approach the last and fatal moment of its

dissolution,” i. 135.

In regard to the _particular_ things referred to in the symbol, the

following specifications may furnish a sufficient confirmation and

illustration: (a) The killing with the sword. A fulfilment of this,

so far as the _words_ are concerned, might be found indeed in many

portions of Roman history, but no one can doubt that it was eminently

true of this period. It was the period of the _first_ Gothic invasion

of the Roman empire; the period when those vast hordes, having

gradually come down from the regions of Scandinavia, and having moved

along the Danube towards the Ukraine and the countries bordering on the

Borysthenes, invaded the Roman territories from the East, passed over

Greece, and made their appearance almost, as Mr. Gibbon says, within

sight of Rome. Of this invasion Mr. Gibbon says, “This is the first

considerable occasion [the fact that the emperor Decius was summoned

to the banks of the Danube, A.D. 250, by the invasion of the Goths]

in which history mentions that great people, who afterwards broke the

Roman power, sacked the Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy.

So memorable was the part which they acted in the subversion of the

Western empire, that the name of GOTHS is frequently, but improperly,

used as a general appellation of rude and warlike barbarism,” i. p. 136.

As one of the illustrations that the “sword” would be used by “Death”

in this period, we may refer to the siege and capture of Philippolis.

“A hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the

sack of that great city” (_Dec. and Fall_, i. 140). “The whole period,”

says Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, “was

one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity. The Roman empire

was, at the same time, and on every side, attacked by the blind fury

of foreign invaders, and the wild ambition of domestic usurpers,”

i. 144. “Such were the barbarians,” says Mr. Gibbon in the close of

his description of the Goths at this period, and of the tyrants that

reigned, “and such the tyrants, who, under the reigns of Valerian and

Gallienus, dismembered the provinces, and reduced the empire to the

lowest pitch of disgrace and ruin, from whence it seemed impossible

that it should ever emerge,” i. 158. (b) Famine: “Shall kill with

hunger.” This would naturally be the consequence of long-continued

wars, and of such invasions as those of the Goths. Mr. Gibbon says

of this period: “Our habits of thinking so fondly connect the order

of the universe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of

history has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon

meteors, preternatural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies, fictitious

or exaggerated. But _a long and general famine_ was a calamity of a

more serious kind. It was the inevitable consequence of rapine and

oppression, which extirpated the produce of the present, and the hope

of future harvests,” i. p. 159. Prodigies, and preternatural {157}

darkness, and earthquakes, were _not_ seen in the vision of the opening

of the _seal_――but _war_ and _famine_ were; and the facts stated by

Mr. Gibbon are such as would be now appropriately symbolized by Death

on the pale horse. (c) Pestilence: “And shall kill with death.” Of the

pestilence which raged in this period Mr. Gibbon makes the following

remarkable statement, in immediate connection with what he says of

the famine:――“Famine is almost always followed by epidemical diseases,

the effect of scanty and unwholesome food. Other causes must, however,

have contributed to the furious plague, which, from the year 250 to

the year 265, _raged without interruption in every province, every

city, and almost every family of the Roman empire_. During some time

five thousand persons died daily at Rome; and many towns that had

escaped the hands of the barbarians were entirely depopulated,” i. 159.

(d) Wild beasts: “And shall kill with the beasts of the earth.” As

already remarked, these are formidable enemies in the early stages of

society, and when a country becomes, from any cause, depopulated. They

are not mentioned by Mr. Gibbon as contributing to the decline and fall

of the empire, or as connected with the calamities that came upon the

world at that period. But no one can doubt that in such circumstances

they would be likely to abound, especially if the estimate of

Mr. Gibbon be correct (i. 159), when speaking of these times, and

making an estimate of the proportion of the inhabitants of Alexandria

that had perished――which he says was more than one-half――he adds,

“Could we venture to extend the analogy to the other provinces, we

might suspect that _war_, _pestilence_, and _famine_ had consumed in

a few years the moiety of the human species.” Yet, though not adverted

to by Mr. Gibbon, there _is_ a record pertaining to this very period,

which shows that this was one of the calamities with which the world

was then afflicted. It occurs in Arnobius, _Adv. Gentes_, lib. i.

p. 5. Within a few years after the death of Gallienus (about A.D. 300)

he speaks of wild beasts in such a manner as to show that they were

regarded as a sore calamity. The public peril and suffering on this

account were so great, that in common with other evils this was charged

on Christians as one of the judgments of heaven which they brought

upon the world. In defending Christians against the general charge that

these judgments were sent from heaven on their account, he adverts to

the prevalence of wild beasts, and shows that they could not have been

sent as a judgment on account of the existence of Christianity, by

the fact that they had prevailed also in the times of heathenism,

long before Christianity was introduced into the empire. “Quando cum

feris bella, et proelia cum leonibus gesta sunt? Non ante nos? Quando

pernicies populis venenatis ab anguibus data est? Non ante nos?” “When

were wars waged with wild beasts, and contests with lions? Was it not

before our times? When did a plague come upon men poisoned by serpents?

Was it not before our times?” In regard to the _extent_ of the

destruction which these causes would bring upon the world, there is a

remarkable confirmation in Gibbon. To say, as is said in the account

of the seal, that “a _fourth_ part of the earth” would be subjected to

the reign of death by the sword, by famine, by pestilence, and by wild

beasts, may seem to many to be an improbable statement――a statement

for the fulfilment of which we should look in vain to any historical

records. Yet Mr. Gibbon, without expressly mentioning the plague of

wild beasts, but referring to the three others――“war, pestilence, and

famine”――goes into a calculation, in a passage already referred to, by

which he shows that it is probable that from these causes _half_ the

human race was destroyed. The following is his estimate:――“We have the

knowledge of a very curious circumstance, of some use perhaps in the

melancholy calculation of human calamities. An exact register was kept

at Alexandria of all the citizens entitled to receive the distribution

of corn. It was found that the ancient number of those comprised

between the ages of forty and seventy had been equal to the whole sum

of claimants, from fourteen to fourscore years of age, who remained

alive after the reign of Gallienus. Applying this authentic fact to

the most correct tables of mortality, it evidently proves that above

half the people of Alexandria had perished; and could we venture to

extend the analogy to the other provinces, _we might suspect that

war, pestilence, and famine had consumed in a few years the moiety

of the human species_, ” i. 159. The historian says that it might be

“_suspected_ ” from these data that one-half of the {158} human race

had been cut off in a few years, from these causes; in the Apocalyptic

vision it is said that power was given over one “_fourth_” of the earth.

We may remark, (a) that the description in the symbol is as _likely_

to be correct as the “suspicion” of the historian; and (b) that his

statement that in this period “a moiety of the race,” or one-half of

the race, perished, takes away all improbability from the prediction,

and gives a most graphic confirmation of the symbol of _Death on

the pale horse_. If such a desolation in fact occurred, there is no

improbability in the supposition that it might have been prefigured by

the opening of a prophetic seal. Such a wide-spread desolation would

be _likely_ to be referred to in a series of symbols that were designed

to represent the downfall of the Roman power, and the great changes in

human affairs that would affect the welfare of the church.

9 And when he had opened the fifth seal, I saw under

the [221]altar the [222]souls of them that were slain for

[223]the word of God, and for the testimony which they held:

10 And they cried with a loud voice, saying, [224]How long,

O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and [225]avenge

our blood on them that dwell on the earth?

11 And [226]white robes were given unto every one of them;

and it was said unto them, that they should [227]rest yet

for a little season, until[228] their fellow-servants also

and their brethren, that should be killed as they _were_,

should be fulfilled.

9‒11. _And when he had opened the fifth seal._ Notes, ch. v. 1; vi. 1.

¶ _I saw under the altar._ The four living creatures are no longer

heard as in the opening of the first four seals. No reason is given

for the change in the manner of the representation; and none can be

assigned, unless it be, that having represented each one of the four

living creatures in their turn as calling attention to the remarkable

events about to occur, there seemed to be no necessity or propriety

in introducing them again. In itself considered, it cannot be supposed

that they would be any less interested in the events about to be

disclosed than they were in those which preceded. This seal pertains

to _martyrs_――as the former successively did to a time of prosperity

and triumph; to discord and bloodshed; to oppressive taxation; to war,

famine, and pestilence. In the series of woes, it was natural and

proper that there should be a vision of martyrs, if it was intended

that the successive seals should refer to coming and important periods

of the world; and accordingly we have here a striking representation

of the martyrs crying to God to interpose in their behalf and to

avenge their blood. The points which require elucidation are: (a) their

position――under the altar; (b) their invocation――or their prayer that

they might be avenged; (c) the clothing of them with robes; and (d) the

command to wait patiently a little time. (1) The position of the

martyrs――_under the altar_. There were in the temple at Jerusalem two

altars――the altar of burnt sacrifices, and the altar of incense. The

altar here referred to was probably the former. This stood in front

of the temple, and it was on this that the daily sacrifice was made.

Comp. Notes on Mat. v. 23, 24. We are to remember, however, that the

temple and the altar were both destroyed before the time when this

book was written, and this should, therefore, be regarded merely as

a vision. John saw these souls _as if_ they were collected under the

altar――the place where the sacrifice for sin was made――offering their

supplications. _Why_ they are represented as being there is not so

apparent; but probably two suggestions will explain this: (a) The altar

was the place where sin was expiated, and it was natural to represent

these redeemed martyrs as seeking refuge there; and (b) it was usual to

offer prayers and supplications _at_ the altar, in connection with the

sacrifice made for sin, and on the ground of that sacrifice. The idea

is, that they who were suffering persecution would naturally seek a

refuge in the place where expiation was made for sin, and where prayer

was appropriately offered. The _language_ here is such as a Hebrew

would naturally use; the _idea_ is appropriate to anyone who believes

in the atonement, and who supposes that that is the appropriate refuge

for those who are in trouble. But while the language here is such as

a Hebrew would use, and while the reference in the language is to the

altar of burnt sacrifice, the scene should be regarded as undoubtedly

laid in heaven――the temple where God resides. The whole representation

is that of fleeing to the atonement, and pleading with {159} God in

connection with the sacrifice for sin. ¶ _The souls of them that were

slain._ That had been put to death by persecution. This is one of the

incidental proofs in the Bible that the soul does not cease to exist

at death, and also that it does not cease to be conscious, or does not

sleep till the resurrection. These souls of the martyrs are represented

as still in existence; as remembering what had occurred on the earth;

as interested in what was now taking place; as engaged in prayer; and

as manifesting earnest desires for the divine interposition to avenge

the wrongs which they had suffered. ¶ _For the word of God._ On account

of the word or truth of God. See Notes on ch. i. 9. ¶ _And for the

testimony which they held._ On account of their testimony to the truth,

or being faithful witnesses of the truth of Jesus Christ. See Notes on

ch. i. 9. (2) The invocation of the martyrs, ver. 10: _And they cried

with a loud voice._ That is, they pleaded that their blood might be

avenged. ¶ _Saying, How long, O Lord, holy and true._ They did not

doubt that God _would_ avenge them, but they inquired _how long_ the

vengeance would be delayed. It seemed to them that God was slow to

interpose, and to check the persecuting power. They appeal therefore to

him as a God of holiness and truth; that is, as one who could not look

with approval on sin, and in whose sight the wrongs inflicted by the

persecuting power must be infinitely offensive; as one who was true

to his promises, and faithful to his people. On the ground of his own

hatred of wrong, and of his plighted faithfulness to his church, they

pleaded that he would interpose. ¶ _Dost thou not judge and avenge our

blood._ That is, dost thou _forbear_ to judge and avenge us; or dost

thou delay to punish those who have persecuted and slain us. They do

not speak as if they had any doubt that it would be done, nor as if

they were actuated by a spirit of _revenge_; but as if it would be

_proper_ that there should be an expression of the divine sense of the

wrongs that had been done them. It is not right to desire vengeance

or revenge; it is to desire that justice should be done, and that

the government of God should be vindicated. The word “_judge_” here

may either mean “judge _us_,” in the sense of “vindicate _us_,” or

it may refer to their persecutors, meaning “judge _them_.” The more

probable sense is the latter: “How long dost thou forbear to execute

judgment on our account on those that dwell on the earth?” The word

_avenge_――ἐκδικέω――means to do justice; to execute punishment. ¶ _On

them that dwell on the earth._ Those who are still on the earth. This

shows that the scene here is laid in heaven, and that the souls of

the martyrs are represented as there. We are not to suppose that this

_literally_ occurred, and that John actually saw the souls of the

martyrs beneath the altars――for the whole representation is symbolical;

nor are we to suppose that the injured and the wronged in heaven

actually pray for vengeance on those who wronged them, or that the

redeemed in heaven will continue to pray with reference to things on

the earth; but it may be fairly inferred from this that there will be

_as real_ a remembrance of the wrongs of the persecuted, the injured,

and the oppressed, _as if_ such prayer were offered there; and that the

oppressor has as much to dread from the divine vengeance _as if_ those

whom he has injured should cry in heaven to the God who hears prayer,

and who takes vengeance. The wrongs done to the children of God; to the

orphan, the widow, the down-trodden; to the slave and the outcast, will

be as certainly remembered in heaven as if they who are wronged should

plead for vengeance there, for every act of injustice and oppression

goes to heaven and pleads for vengeance. Every persecutor should dread

the death of the persecuted _as if_ he went to heaven to plead against

him; every cruel master should dread the death of his slave that is

crushed by wrongs; every seducer should dread the death and the cries

of his victim; every one who does wrong in any way should remember that

the sufferings of the injured cry to heaven with a martyr’s pleadings,

saying, “How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and

avenge our blood?” (3) The robes that were given to the martyrs: _And

white {160} robes were given unto every one of them._ Emblems of purity

or innocence. See Notes on ch. iii. 5. Here the robes would be an

emblem of their innocence as martyrs; of the divine approval of their

testimony and lives, and a pledge of their future blessedness. (4) The

command to wait: _And it was said unto them, that they should rest yet

for a little season._ That is, that they must wait for a little season

before they could be avenged as they desired, ver. 10. They had pleaded

that their cause might be at once vindicated, and had asked how long

it would be before it should be done. The reply is, that the desired

vindication would not at once occur, but that they must wait until

other events were accomplished. Nothing definite is determined by the

phrase “a little season,” or a short time. It is simply an intimation

that this would not _immediately_ occur, or was not soon to take place.

Whether it refers to an existing persecution, and to the fact that

they were to wait for the divine interposition until that was over, and

those who were then suffering persecution should be put to death and

join them; or whether to a series of persecutions stretching along in

the history of the world, in such a sense that the promised vengeance

would take place only when all those persecutions were passed, and the

number of the martyrs completed, cannot be determined from the meaning

of their words. Either of these suppositions would accord well with

what the language naturally expresses. ¶ _Until their fellow-servants

also._ Those who were then suffering persecution, or those who should

afterwards suffer persecution, grouping all together. ¶ _And their

brethren._ Their brethren as Christians, and their brethren in

trial: those then living, or those who would live afterwards and pass

through similar scenes. ¶ _Should be fulfilled._ That is, till these

persecutions were passed through, and the number of the martyrs was

complete. The state of things represented here would seem to be, that

there was then a persecution raging on the earth. Many had been put

to death, and their souls had fled to heaven, where they pleaded

that their cause might be vindicated, and that their oppressors and

persecutors might be punished. To this the answer was, that _they_ were

now safe and happy――that God approved their course, and that in token

of his approbation they should be clothed in white raiment; but that

the invoked vindication could not at once occur. There were others who

would yet be called to suffer as they had done, and they must wait

until all that number was completed. _Then_, it is implied, God would

interpose, and vindicate his name. The scene, therefore, is laid in a

time of persecution, when many had already died, and when there were

many more that were exposed to death; and a sufficient fulfilment of

the passage, so far as the _words_ are concerned, would be found in

_any_ persecution, where many might be represented as having already

gone to heaven, and where there was a certainty that many more would

follow. We naturally, however, look for the fulfilment of it in some

period succeeding those designated by the preceding symbols. There

would be no difficulty, in the early history of the church, in finding

events that would correspond with all that is represented by the

symbol; but it is natural to look for it in a period succeeding that

represented, under the fourth seal, by Death on the pale horse. If the

previous seals have been correctly interpreted we shall not be much in

danger of erring in supposing that this refers to the persecution under

Diocletian; and perhaps we may find in one who never intended to write

a word that could be construed as furnishing a proof of the fulfilment

of the prophecies of the New Testament, what should be regarded as a

complete verification of all that is represented here. The following

particulars may justify this application: (a) The _place_ of that

persecution in history, or the time when it occurred. As already

remarked, if the previous seals have been rightly explained, and the

fourth seal denotes the wars, the famine, and the pestilence, under

the invasion of the Goths, and in the time of Valerian and Gallienus,

then the last great persecution of the church under Diocletian would

well accord with the period in history referred to. Valerian died in

A.D. 260, being flayed alive by Sapor, king of Persia; Gallienus died

in A.D. 268, being killed at Milan. Diocletian ascended the throne

A.D. 284, and resigned the purple A.D. 304. It was during this period,

and chiefly at the instigation of Galerius, that the tenth persecution

of the Christians occurred――the last under the Roman power; for in

A.D. 306 Constantine ascended the throne, and ultimately became {161}

the protector of the church. (b) The _magnitude_ of this persecution

under Diocletian is as consonant to the representation here as its

place in history. So important was it, that, in a general chapter

on the persecutions of the Christians, Mr. Gibbon has seen fit,

in his remarks on the nature, causes, extent, and character of the

persecutions, to give a prominence to this which he has not assigned

to any others, and to attach an importance to it which he has not to

any other. See vol. i. pp. 317‒322. The _design_ of this persecution,

as Mr. Gibbon expresses it (i. 318), was “to set bounds to the progress

of Christianity;” or, as he elsewhere expresses it (on the same page),

“the destruction of Christianity.” Diocletian, himself naturally averse

from persecution, was excited to this by Galerius, who urged upon the

emperor every argument by which he could persuade him to engage in

it. Mr. Gibbon says in regard to this, “Galerius at length extorted

from him [Diocletian] the permission of summoning a council, composed

of a few persons, the most distinguished in the civil and military

departments of the state. It may be presumed that they insisted on

every topic which might interest the pride, the piety, the fears

of their sovereign _in the destruction of Christianity_,” i. 318.

The _purpose_ evidently in the persecution, was, to make a last and

desperate effort, through the whole Roman empire, for the destruction

of the Christian religion; for Mr. Gibbon (i. 320) says that “the

edict against the Christians was designed for a general law _of the

whole empire_.” Other efforts had failed. The religion still spread,

notwithstanding the rage and fury of nine previous persecutions. It was

resolved to make one more effort. This was designed by the persecutors

to be the last, in the hope that then the Christian name would cease

to be: in the providence of God it _was_ the last――for then even

these opposing powers became convinced that the religion could not be

destroyed in this manner――and as this persecution was to establish this

fact, it was an event of sufficient magnitude to be symbolized by the

opening of one of the seals. (c) The _severity_ of this persecution

accorded with the description here, and was such as to deserve a place

in the series of important events which were to occur in the world. We

have seen above, from the statement of Mr. Gibbon, that it was designed

for the “whole empire,” and it in fact raged with fury throughout the

empire. After detailing some of the events of local persecutions under

Diocletian, Mr. Gibbon says, “The resentment or the fears of Diocletian

at length transported him beyond the bounds of moderation, which he

had hitherto preserved, and he declared, in a series of edicts, his

intention of abolishing the Christian name. By the first of these

edicts the governors of the provinces were directed to apprehend all

persons of the ecclesiastical order; and the prisons destined for

the vilest criminals were soon filled with a multitude of bishops,

presbyters, deacons, and exorcists. By a second edict the magistrates

were commanded to employ every method of severity which might reclaim

them from their odious superstition, and oblige them to return to the

established worship of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a

subsequent edict, to the whole body of Christians, who were exposed to

a violent and general persecution. Instead of those salutary restraints

which had required the direct and solemn testimony of an accuser,

it became the duty as well as the interest of the imperial officers

to discover, to pursue, and to torment the most obnoxious among the

faithful. Heavy penalties were denounced against all who should presume

to save a proscribed sectary from the just indignation of the gods,

and of the emperors,” i. 322. The first decree against the Christians,

at the instigation of Galerius, will show the general nature of this

fiery trial of the church. That decree was to the following effect:

“All assembling of the Christians for the purposes of religious worship

was forbidden; the Christian churches were to be demolished to their

foundations; all manuscripts of the Bible should be burned; those who

held places of honour or rank must either renounce their faith or be

degraded; in judicial proceedings the torture might be used against

all Christians, of whatever rank; those belonging to the lower walks

of private life were to be divested of their rights as citizens and

as freemen; Christian slaves were to be incapable of receiving their

freedom, so long as they remained Christians” (Neander, _Hist. of the

Church_, Torrey’s Trans. i. 148). This persecution was the last against

the Christians by the Roman emperors; the {162} last that was waged by

that mighty Pagan power. Diocletian soon resigned the purple, and after

the persecution had continued to rage, with more or less severity,

under his successors, for ten years, the peace of the church was

established. “Diocletian,” says Mr. Gibbon (i. 322), “had no sooner

published his edicts against the Christians, than, as if he had been

committing to other hands his work of persecution, he divested himself

of the imperial purple. The character and situation of his colleagues

and successors sometimes urged them to enforce, and sometimes to

suspend, the execution of these rigorous laws; nor can we acquire

a just and distinct idea of this important period of ecclesiastical

history, unless we separately consider the state of Christianity in

the different parts of the empire, during the space of ten years which

elapsed between the first edicts of Diocletian _and the final peace

of the church_.” For this detail consult Gibbon, i. 322‒329, and the

authorities there referred to; and Neander, _Hist. of the Church_,

i. 147‒156. Respecting the details of the persecution, Mr. Gibbon

remarks (i. 326), “It would have been an easy task, from the history

of Eusebius, from the declamations of Lactantius, and from the most

ancient acts, to collect a long series of horrid and disgustful

pictures, and to fill many pages with racks and scourges, with

iron-hooks, and red-hot beds, and with the variety of tortures which

fire and steel, savage beasts, and more savage executioners, could

inflict on the human body.” It is true that Mr. Gibbon professes to

doubt the truth of these records, and attempts to show that the account

of the number of the martyrs has been greatly exaggerated; yet no one,

in reading his own account of this persecution, can doubt that it was

the result of a determined effort to blot out the Christian religion,

and that the whole of the imperial power was exerted to accomplish

this end. At length the last of the imperial persecutions ceased,

and the great truth was demonstrated that Christianity could not be

extinguished by power, and that “the gates of hell could not prevail

against it.” “In the year 311,” says Neander (i. 156), “the remarkable

edict appeared which put an end to the last sanguinary conflict of

the Christian church and the Roman empire.” This decree was issued by

the author and instigator of the persecution, Galerius, who, “softened

by a severe and painful disease, the consequence of his excesses, had

been led to think that the God of the Christians might, after all, be

a powerful being, whose anger punished him, and whose favour he must

endeavour to conciliate.” This man suspended the persecution, and gave

the Christians permission “once more to hold their assemblies, provided

they did nothing contrary to the good order of the Roman state.” “Ita

ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant” (Neander, _ibid._).

12 And I beheld when he had opened the sixth seal, and, lo,

there was a great [229]earthquake; and the sun[230] became

black as sackcloth of hair, and the moon became as blood;

13 And the [231]stars of heaven fell unto the earth, even as a

fig-tree casteth her [232]untimely figs, when she is shaken of

a mighty wind.

14 And the [233]heaven departed as a scroll when it is rolled

together; and [234]every mountain and island were moved out of

their places.

15 And the kings of the earth, and the great men, and the

rich men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men, and every

bondman, and every freeman, [235]hid themselves in the dens

and in the rocks of the mountains;

16 And [236]said to the mountains and rocks, Fall on us, and

hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and

from the wrath of the Lamb:

17 For the [237]great day of his wrath is come; and [238]who

shall be able to stand?

12‒17. _And I beheld when he had opened the sixth seal._ See Notes,

ch. v. 1; vi. 1. ¶ _And, lo, there was a great earthquake._ Before

endeavouring to ascertain to what the sixth seal was designed to

refer, it is proper, as in the previous cases, to furnish a particular

explanation of the meaning of the symbols. All the symbols represented

in the opening of this seal denote consternation, commotion, changes;

but still they are all significant, and we are to suppose that

something would occur corresponding with each one of them. It cannot

be supposed that the things here described were represented on the

part of the roll or volume that was now unfolded in any other way than

that they were pictures, or that the whole was a species of panoramic

representation made to pass before the eyes. Thus understood, it would

not be difficult to represent each one of these things in a painting:

as the heaving ground――the agitated forests――the trembling hills――the

falling cities and houses――the sun blackened, and the moon turned to

blood.

(a) The earthquake, ver. 12: _There was a great earthquake._ The word

here used denotes a shaking or agitation of the earth. The effect, when

violent, is to produce important changes――opening chasms in the earth;

throwing down houses and temples; sinking hills, and elevating plains;

causing ponds and lakes to dry up, or forming them where none existed;

elevating the ocean from its bed, rending rocks, &c. As all that occurs

in the opening of the other seals is symbolical, it is to be presumed

that this is also, and that for the fulfilment {163} of this we are not

to look for a literal earthquake, but for such agitations and changes

in the world as would be properly symbolized by this. The earthquake,

as a symbol, would merely denote great agitations or overturnings on

the earth. The particular character of those changes must be determined

by other circumstances in the symbol that would limit and explain it.

There are, it is said, but three literal earthquakes referred to in the

Scripture: that mentioned in 1 Ki. xix. 11; that in Uzziah’s time, Am.

i. 1; Zec. xiv. 5; and that which took place at the Saviour’s death.

All the rest are emblematical or symbolical――referring mostly to civil

commotions and changes. Then in Hag. ii. 6, 7: “Yet once, it is a

little while, and I will shake the heavens and the earth, and the sea,

and the dry land, and I will shake all nations, and the desire of all

nations shall come; and I will fill this house with glory, saith the

Lord of hosts.” That is, there would be great agitations in the world

before he came. See Notes on He. xii. 26‒28. So also great changes

and commotions are referred to in Is. xxiv. 19, 20: “The earth is

utterly broken down, the earth is clean dissolved, the earth is moved

exceedingly. The earth shall reel to and fro like a drunkard, and shall

be removed like a cottage.” An _earthquake_, if there were no other

circumstances limiting and explaining the symbol, would merely denote

great agitation and commotion――_as if_ states and empires were tumbling

to ruin. As this is here a mere _symbol_, it is not necessary to

look for a literal fulfilment, or to expect to find in history actual

earthquakes to which this had reference, any more than when it is said

that “the heavens departed as a scroll” we are to expect that they will

be literally rolled up; but if, in the course of history, earthquakes

preceded remarkable political convulsions and revolutions, it would be

proper to represent such events in this way.

(b) The darkening of the sun: _And the sun became black as sackcloth of

hair._ Sackcloth was a coarse black cloth, commonly, though not always,

made of hair. It was used for sacks, for strainers, and for mourning

garments; and as thus worn it was not an improper emblem of sadness and

distress. The idea here is, that the sun put on a dark, dingy, doleful

appearance, _as if_ it were in mourning. The general image, then, in

this emblem, is that of calamity――_as if_ the very sun should put on

the robes of mourning. We are by no means to suppose that this was

_literally_ to occur, but that _some_ great calamity would happen, of

which this would be an appropriate emblem. See Notes on Is. xiii. 10;

Mat. xxiv. 29. Comp. Is. xxiv. 23; xxxiv. 4; l. 3; lx. 19, 20; Eze.

xxxii. 7, 8; Joel ii. 10; iii. 15, 16; Am. viii. 9. What is the

particular nature of the calamity is to be learned from other parts

of the symbol.

(c) The discoloration of the moon: _And the moon became as blood._

Red like blood――either from the smoke and vapour that usually precedes

an earthquake, or as a mere emblem. This also would betoken calamity,

and _perhaps_ the symbol may be so far limited and modified by this

as to denote _war_, for that would be most naturally suggested by the

colour――_red_. Comp. Notes on ver. 4 of this chapter. But _any_ great

calamity would be appropriately represented by this――as the change of

the moon to such a colour would be a natural emblem of distress.

(d) The falling of the stars, ver. 13: _And the stars of heaven fell

unto the earth._ This _language_ is derived from the poetic idea that

the sky seems to be a solid concave, in which the stars are _set_,

and that when any convulsion takes place, that concave will be shaken,

and the stars will be loosened and fall from their places. See this

language explained in the Notes on Is. xxxiv. 4. Sometimes the expanse

above us is spoken of as a curtain that is spread out, and that may

be rolled up; sometimes as a solid crystalline expanse in which the

stars are fixed. According to either representation the stars are

described as falling to the earth. If the expanse is _rolled up_, the

stars, having nothing to support them, fall; if violent tempests or

concussions shake the heavens, the stars, loosened from their fixtures,

fall to the earth. Stars, in the Scriptures, are symbols of princes

and rulers (see Da. viii. 10; Re. viii. 10, 11; ix. 1); and the natural

meaning of this symbol is, that there would be commotions which would

{164} unsettle princes, and bring them down from their thrones――like

stars falling from the sky. ¶ _Even as a fig-tree casteth her untimely

figs._ Marg., _green_; Gr., ὀλύνθους. This word properly denotes

_winter-figs_, or such as grow under the leaves, and do not ripen at

the proper season, but hang upon the trees during the winter (Rob.

_Lex._). This fruit seldom matures, and easily falls off in the spring

of the year (Stuart, _in loco_). A violent wind shaking a plantation of

fig-trees would of course cast many such figs to the ground. The point

of the comparison is, the ease with which the stars would seem to be

shaken from their places, and hence the ease with which, in these

commotions, princes would be dethroned.

(e) The departing of the heavens, ver. 14: _And the heaven departed

as a scroll._ That is, as a book or volume――βιβλίον――rolled up. The

heavens are here described as spread out, and their passing away

is represented by the idea that they might be rolled up, and thus

disappear. See Notes on Is. xxxiv. 4. This, too, is a symbol, and we

are not to suppose that it will literally occur. Indeed it never _can_

literally occur; and we are not, therefore, to look for the fulfilment

of this in any physical fact that would correspond with what is here

said. The plain meaning is, that there would be changes _as if_ such

an event would happen; that is, that revolutions would occur in the

high places of the earth, and among those in power, _as if_ the stars

should fall, and the very heavens were swept away. This is the natural

meaning of the symbol, and this accords with the usage of the language

elsewhere.

(f) The removal of mountains and islands, ver. 14: _And every

mountain and island were moved out of their places._ This would denote

convulsions in the political or moral world, as great as would occur in

the physical world if the very mountains were removed and the islands

should change their places. We are not to suppose that this would

literally occur; but we should be authorized from this to expect that,

in regard to those things which seemed to be permanent and fixed on

an immovable basis, like mountains and islands, there would be violent

and important changes. If thrones and dynasties long established were

overthrown; if institutions that seemed to be fixed and permanent were

abolished; if a new order of things should rise in the political world,

the meaning of the symbol, so far as the language is concerned, would

be fulfilled.

(g) The universal consternation, ver. 15‒17: _And the kings of the

earth_, &c. The design of these verses (15‒17), in the varied language

used, is evidently to denote universal consternation and alarm――_as

if_ the earth should be convulsed, and the stars should fall, and

the heavens should pass away. This consternation would extend to all

classes of men, and fill the world with alarm, _as if_ the end of

all things were coming. ¶ _The kings of the earth._ Rulers――all who

occupied thrones. ¶ _The great men._ High officers of state. ¶ _And

the rich men._ Their wealth would not secure them from destruction,

and they would be alarmed like others. ¶ _And the chief captains._ The

commanders of armies, who tremble like other men when God appears in

judgment. ¶ _And the mighty men._ Men of great prowess in battle, but

who feel now that they have no power to withstand God. ¶ _And every

bondman._ Servant――δοῦλος. This word does not necessarily denote a

_slave_ (comp. Notes on Ep. vi. 5; 1 Ti. vi. 1; Phile. 16), but here

the connection seems to demand it, for it stands in contrast with

_freeman_. There were, in fact, slaves in the Roman empire, and there

is no objection in supposing that they are here referred to. There

is no reason why they should not be filled with consternation as well

as others; and as this does not refer to the end of the world, or the

day of judgment, the word here determines nothing as to the question

whether slavery is to continue on the earth. ¶ _And every freeman._

Whether the master of slaves or not. The idea is, {165} that all

classes of men, high and low, would be filled with alarm. ¶ _Hid

themselves in the dens._ Among the caves or caverns in the mountains.

See Notes on Is. ii. 19. These places were resorted to for safety in

times of danger. Comp. 1 Sa. xiii. 6; xxiv.; Ju. vi. 2; Je. xli. 9; Jos.

_Ant._ book xiv. ch. xv.; _Jewish Wars_, book i. ch. xvi. ¶ _And in

the rocks of the mountains._ Among the crags or the fastnesses of the

mountains――also natural places of refuge in times of hostile invasion

or danger. See Notes on Is. ii. 21. ¶ _And said to the mountains and

rocks, Fall on us_, &c., ver. 16. This language is found substantially

in Ho. x. 8: “And they shall say to the mountains, Cover us; and to

the hills, Fall on us.” It is also used by the Saviour as denoting the

consternation which would occur at his coming: “Then shall they begin

to say to the mountains, Fall on us; and to the hills, Cover us,”

Lu. xxiii. 30. It is language denoting consternation, and an awful

fear of impending wrath. The state of mind is that where there is

an apprehension that God himself is coming forth with the direct

instruments of his vengeance, and where there is a desire rather to

be crushed by falling rocks and hills than by the vengeance of his

uplifted arm. ¶ _From the face of him that sitteth on the throne._

The face of God――for he seems to be coming forth with the displays of

his vengeance. It is not said that God would actually come forth in a

visible form, but their consternation would be as great as if he were

to do this; the state of mind indicated by this was an apprehension

that it would be so. ¶ _And from the wrath of the Lamb._ The Lamb

of God; the Lord Jesus. See Notes on ch. v. 6. There seems to be an

incongruity between the words _wrath_ and _Lamb_; but the word _Lamb_

here is so far a proper name as to be used only to designate the

Redeemer. He comes forth to execute wrath, not as a Lamb, but as the

Son of God, who bore that name. It would seem from this that they who

thus dreaded the impending terrors were aware of their source, or had

knowledge enough to understand by whom they were to be inflicted. They

would see that these were _divine_ judgments, and would apprehend that

the end of the world drew near. ¶ _For the great day of his wrath is

come_, ver. 17. The threatening judgments would be so severe and awful

that they would suppose that the end of the world was coming. ¶ _And

who shall be able to stand?_ To stand before him, or to withstand his

judgments.

It is unnecessary to say that there has been, in this case, as in

reference to every other part of the book of Revelation, a great

diversity of opinion respecting the events symbolized by this seal.

Grotius applied it to the wars between the Jews and Romans under Nero

and Vespasian; Dr. Hammond supposed that the defeat of the Jewish

leaders in those wars was particularly symbolized; Mr. Brightman

referred these symbols to the persecution under Diocletian; Mr. Mede,

Dr. Cressner, Dr. More, Mr. Whiston, Mr. Jurien, Mr. Daubuz, Mr. Lowman,

Bishop Newton, Mr. Elliott, and others, refer it to the defeat of the

Pagan powers, and the final suppression of those powers as opposed to

Christianity; Vitringa regarded it as foreshadowing the overthrow of

the antichristian powers of the western Roman empire; Cocceius explains

it of the wars of the Emperor Frederick against the German princes in

the sixteenth century; Dean Woodhouse, of the day of vengeance at the

end of the world; Mr. Cunninghame, of the same period as the seventh

trumpet, commencing with the French revolution, and to be consummated

by the visible advent of the Son of God; Professor Stuart, of the

destruction of Jerusalem; and Mr. Lord, of a series of events, part of

which are fulfilled, three of them corresponding with the first three

vials――the first expressive of the revolution of France, the second

of a despotism extending through several years, and the third of the

overthrow of that violent dynasty, at the fall of {166} Bonaparte, in

1815. It is not my purpose to examine these views; but, amidst this

great variety of opinion, it seems to me that the obvious and natural

application of the opening of the seal has not been adverted to. I

shall suggest it because it _is_ the most natural and obvious, and

seems to be demanded by the explanations given of the previous seals.

It is, in one word, the impending judgments from the invasions of the

northern hordes of Goths and Vandals, threatening the breaking up of

the Roman empire――the gathering of the storm, and the hovering of those

barbarians on the borders of the empire; the approaches which they made

from time to time towards the capital, though restrained as yet from

taking it; the tempest of wrath that was, as it were, _suspended_ yet

on the frontiers, until the events recorded in the next chapter should

occur, then bursting forth in wrath in successive blasts, as denoted

by the first four trumpets of the seventh seal (ch. viii.), when the

empire was entirely overthrown by the Goths and Vandals. The precise

point of time which I suppose this seal occupies is that _succeeding_

the last persecution. It embraces the preparatory arrangements of

these hordes of invaders――their gathering on the frontiers of the

empire――their threatened approaches toward the capital――and the

formation of such vast armies as would produce universal consternation.

A brief notice of these preparatory scenes, as adapted to produce the

alarm referred to in the opening of the sixth seal, is all that will

be necessary here; the more complete detail must be reserved for the

explanation of the four trumpets of the seventh seal, when the work

of destruction was consummated. These preparations and threatened

invasions were events sufficiently important in their relation to the

church, to what preceded, and to the future history of the world, to

be symbolized here; and they are events in which all the particulars of

the symbol may find a fulfilment. Anyone has only to look on a chart of

history to see how appropriately this application of the symbol follows,

if the previous explanations have been correct. In the illustration of

this, in order to show the probability that these events are referred

to by the symbols of the sixth seal, I would submit the following

remarks:――

(1) The _time_ is that which would be naturally suggested by this

seal in its relation to the others. If the fifth referred to the

persecutions under Diocletian――the last great persecution of the Pagan

powers in attempting to extinguish the Christian name――then we should

naturally look for the fulfilment of the opening of the next in some

event, or series of events, which would succeed that at no very distant

interval, and that pertained to the empire or power that had been the

prominent subject of the predictions in the previous seals. It would

also be natural to look for some events that might be regarded as

conveying an expression of the divine feeling in regard to that power,

or that would present it in such an aspect that it would be seen that

its power to persecute was at an end. This natural _expectation_ would

be answered either by some symbol that would refer to the complete

triumph of the Christian system, or by such a series of judgments as

would break the persecuting power itself in pieces. Now the threatened

irruption of the northern barbarians followed the series of events

already described with sufficient _nearness_ to make it proper to

regard that series of events as referred to.

(2) The events were of sufficient _importance_ in the history of

the empire to deserve this notice in the foreshadowing of what would

occur. They were connected with the breaking up of that mighty power,

and the complete change of the aspect of the world, in a political and

religious point of view. A new order of things arose in the world’s

history. A new religion became established. New kingdoms from the

fragments of the once-mighty Roman empire were founded, and the affairs

of the world were put on a new footing. These mighty northern hordes

not only spread consternation and alarm, as if the world were coming

to an end, but they laid the foundations of kingdoms which continue to

this day. In fact, few more important events have occurred in history.

(3) This series of events was _introduced_ in the manner described

in the opening of the sixth seal. I have already said that it is not

_necessary_ to suppose, in the fulfilment of the symbol, that there

would be a literal earthquake; but nothing in the symbol forbids us

to suppose that there might be, and if there were we could not but

consider it as remarkable. Now it so happens that the series of events

pertaining {167} to the Gothic invasions is introduced by Mr. Gibbon

in the following language: “A.D. 365. In the second year of the reign

of Valentinian and Valens, on the morning of the twenty-first day of

July, the greatest part of the Roman world was shaken by a violent and

destructive earthquake. The impression was communicated to the waters;

the shores of the Mediterranean were left dry by the sudden retreat

of the sea; great quantities of fish were caught with the hand; large

vessels were stranded on the mud; and a curious spectator amused his

eye, or rather his fancy, by contemplating the various appearances of

valleys and mountains which had never before, since the formation of

the globe, been exposed to the sun. But the tide soon returned, with

the weight of an immense and irresistible deluge, which was severely

felt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt;

large boats were transported, and lodged on the roofs of houses, or

at the distance of two miles from the shore; the people, with their

habitations, were swept away by the waters; and the city of Alexandria

annually commemorated the day on which fifty thousand persons had

lost their lives in the inundation. This calamity, the report of which

was magnified from one province to another, _astonished and terrified

the subjects of Rome_; and their affrighted imagination enlarged the

real extent of the momentary evil. They recollected the preceding

earthquakes which had subverted the cities of Palestine and Bithynia;

they considered these alarming strokes as the prelude only of still

more dreadful calamities, and their fearful vanity was disposed to

confound _the symptoms of a declining empire and a sinking world_,”

vol. ii. pp. 115, 116. Mr. Gibbon then proceeds to detail the evils

of war, as greatly surpassing the calamities produced by any natural

causes, and adds (p. 116), “In the disastrous period of the fall of the

Roman empire, which may be justly dated from the reign of Valens, the

happiness and security of each individual was personally attacked; and

the arts and labours of ages were rudely defaced by the barbarians of

Scythia and Germany.” He then proceeds with an exceedingly interesting

description of the origin, the habits, and the movements of the

Tartar nations, particularly the Huns, as they moved to the West, and

precipitated the Gothic nations on the provinces of the Roman empire,

until Rome itself was thrice besieged, was taken, and was sacked

(ii. 116‒266). The earthquake referred to occurred in A.D. 365. The

movements of the Huns from their territories in the neighbourhood of

China had commenced about A.D. 100, and in A.D. 375 they overcame the

Goths lying along the Danube. The Goths, pressed and overcome by these

savage invaders, asked permission of the Romans to cross the Danube, to

find protection in the Roman empire, and to cultivate the waste lands

of Thrace (Gibbon, ii. 129, 130). In the year 376 they were transported

over the Danube, by the permission of the Roman emperor Valens; an

event which, according to Mr. Gibbon, in its ultimate result, was

the cause of the downfall of the empire; for they learned their own

strength; they were attracted by the riches of the capital and the

hope of reward, until they finally drew the Western emperor to Ravenna,

sacked Rome, and took possession of Italy.

(4) A slight reference to the _series_ of events in these periods

of consternation and conquest may show more closely the nature of

the alarms which would be caused by the prospect of these dreadful

invasions, and may prepare us for a better understanding of the

successive calamities which occurred under these invaders, when the

empire fell, as described by the four first trumpets of the seventh

seal. I shall copy from the tables of contents of Mr. Gibbon’s history,

under the twenty-sixth, thirtieth, and thirty-first chapters:――

“A.D.

365. Earthquakes.

376. The Huns and Goths.

100. The emigration of the Huns.

375. Their victories over the Goths.

376. The Goths implore the protection of Valens.

” They are transported over the Danube into the

Roman empire.

” They penetrate into Thrace.

377. Union of the Goths with Huns, Alani, &c.

378. Battle of Hadrianople.

” The defeat of the Romans.

383‒395. The settlement of the Goths in Thrace and Asia.

395. Revolt of the Goths.

396. Alaric marches into Greece.

398. Is proclaimed king of the Visigoths.

400‒403. He invades Italy.

406. Radagaisus invades Italy.

” Besieges Florence.

” Threatens Rome.

” The remainder of the Germans invade Gaul.

407. Desolation of Gaul.

408. Alaric marches to Rome.

” First siege of Rome by the Goths.

{168} 408. Famine, plague, superstition.

409. Alaric accepts a ransom and raises the siege.

” Fruitless negotiations for peace.

” Second siege of Rome by the Goths.

410. Third siege and sack of Rome by the Goths.

” Respect of the Goths for the Christian religion.

” Pillage and fire of Rome.

” Captives and fugitives.

411‒416. Fall of the usurpers Jovinus, Sebastian, and

Attalus.

409. Invasion of Spain by the Suevi, Vandals, Alani, &c.

415‒418. The Goths conquer and restore Spain.”

(5) This would coincide, in the _effects_ produced on the empire, with

the consternation and alarm described in the passage before us. The

symbols are such as _would be_ employed on the supposition that these

are the events referred to; they are such as the events are fitted to

suggest. The mighty preparations in the East and North――the report of

which could not but spread through the empire――would be appropriately

symbolized by the earthquake, the darkened sun, the moon becoming like

blood, the stars falling, the departing heavens, and the kings and

great men of the earth fleeing in alarm to find a place of safety, as

if the end of the world were drawing near. Nothing could have been so

well adapted to produce the consternation described in the opening of

the sixth seal, as the dreaded approach of vast hosts of barbarians

from the regions of the North. This alarm would be increased by the

fact that their numbers were unknown; that their origin was hidden;

and that the advancing multitudes would sweep everything before them.

As in other cases, also, rumour would increase their numbers and

augment their ferocity. The sudden shock of an earthquake, the falling

stars, the departing heavens, the removal of mountains and islands,

and the consternation of kings and all classes of people, would be

the appropriate emblems to represent these impending calamities. In

confirmation of this, and as showing the _effect_ produced by the

approach of the Goths, and the dread of the Gothic arms, in causing

universal consternation, the following extracts may be adduced from Mr.

Gibbon, when describing the threatened invasion of Alaric, king of the

Visigoths. He quotes from Claudian. “‘Fame,’ says the poet, ‘encircling

with terror her gloomy wings, proclaimed the march of the barbarian

army, and filled Italy with consternation.’” Mr. Gibbon adds, “the

apprehensions of each individual were increased in just proportion

to the measure of his fortune; and the most timid, who had already

embarked their valuable effects, meditated their escape to the island

of Sicily, or to the African coast. The public distress was aggravated

by the fears and reproaches of superstition. Every hour produced some

horrid tale of strange and portentous accidents; the Pagans deplored

the neglect of omens and the interruption of sacrifices; but the

Christians still derived some comfort from the powerful intercession of

the saints and martyrs,” ii. 218, 219. See further illustrations in the

Notes on ch. viii. 7‒13.

CHAPTER VII.

ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.

The state of things represented in this chapter is, that where there

had been awful consternation and alarm, as if the end of the world

were coming, and where the signs of the approaching consummation of all

things are, as it were, held back until there should be an opportunity

of sealing the number that was to be saved. This is symbolized by

four angels standing in the four quarters of the earth, and holding

the winds and the storms that they should not blow on the earth until

the servants of God should be sealed in their foreheads. The idea

is that of sudden destruction about to burst on the world, which, if

unrestrained, would apparently bring on the consummation of all things,

but which is held back until the purposes of God in regard to his

people shall be accomplished――that is, until those who are the true

servants of God shall be designated by some appropriate mark. This

furnishes an opportunity of disclosing a glorious vision of those who

will be saved, alike among the Jews and the Gentiles. The _fact_, as

seen in the symbol, is, that the end of the world does _not_ come at

the opening of the sixth seal, as it seemed as if it would, and as

it was anticipated in the time of the consternation. The number of

the chosen was not complete, and the impending wrath was therefore

suspended. God interposes in favour of his people, and discloses in

vision a vast number from all lands who will yet be saved, and the

winds and storms are held back as if by angels.

The _points_, then, that are apparent in this chapter, without

any reference {169} now to the question of the application, are the

following: (1) The impending ruin that seemed about to spread over

the earth, apparently bringing on the consummation of all things,

restrained or suspended, ver. 1. This impending ruin is symbolized by

the four winds of heaven that seemed about to sweep over the world;

the interposition of God is represented by the four angels who have

power over those winds to hold them back, as if it depended on their

will to let them loose and to spread ruin over the earth or not. (2) A

suspension of these desolating influences and agents until another

important purpose could be accomplished――that is, until the servants

of God could be sealed in their foreheads, ver. 2, 3. Another angel,

acting independently of the four first seen, and having power to

command, appears in the east, having the seal of the living God; and

he directs the four angels having the four winds not to let them loose

upon the earth until the servants of God should be sealed in their

foreheads. This obviously denotes some suspension of the impending

wrath, and for a specific purpose, that something might be done by

which the true servants of God would be so marked as to be publicly

known――_as if_ they had a mark or brand to that effect imprinted on

their foreheads. Whatever would serve to designate them, to determine

who they were, to ascertain their number, would be a fulfilment of this

act of the sealing angel. The length of _time_ during which it would

be done is not designated; the essential thing is, that there would

be a suspension of impending judgments, _in order_ that it might be

done. Whether this was to occupy a longer or a shorter period is not

determined by the symbol; nor is it determined _when_ the winds thus

held back would be suffered to blow. (3) The number of the sealed,

ver. 4‒8. The seer does not represent himself as actually beholding

the process of sealing, but he says that he heard the number of those

who were sealed. That number was an hundred and forty-four thousand,

and they were selected from the twelve tribes of the children of

Israel――Levi being reckoned, who was not usually numbered with the

tribes, and the tribe of Dan being omitted. The number from each tribe,

large or small, was the same; the entire portion selected being but

a very small part of the whole. The general idea here, whatever may

be the particular application, is, that there would be a _selection_,

and that the whole number of the tribe would not be embraced; that

the selection would be made from _each_ tribe, and that all would

have the same mark, and be saved by the same means. It would not be

in accordance with the nature of symbolic representation to suppose

that the saved would be the precise number here referred to; but _some_

great truth is designed to be represented by this fact. We should look,

in the fulfilment, to some process by which the true servants of God

would be designated; we should expect that a portion of them would be

found in each one of the classes here denoted by a tribe; we should

suppose that the true servants of God thus referred to would be _as

safe_ in the times of peril as if they were designated by a visible

mark. (4) After this, another vision presents itself to the seer. It

is that of a countless multitude before the throne, redeemed out of all

nations, with palms in their hands, ver. 9‒17. The scene is transferred

to heaven, and there is a vision of _all_ the redeemed――not only of the

hundred and forty-four thousand, but of all who would be rescued and

saved from a lost world. The _design_ is doubtless to cheer the hearts

of the true friends of God in times of gloom and despondency, by a

view of the great numbers that will be saved, and the glorious triumph

that awaits the redeemed in heaven. This portion of the vision embraces

the following particulars:――(a) A vast multitude, which no man can

number, is seen before the throne in heaven. They are clad in white

robes――emblems of purity; they have palms in their hands――emblems

of victory, ver. 9. (b) They are engaged in ascribing praise to God,

ver. 10. (c) The angels, the elders, and the four living creatures,

fall down before the throne, and unite with the redeemed in ascriptions

of praise, ver. 11, 12. (d) A particular inquiry is made of the

seer――evidently to call his attention to it――respecting those who

appear there in white robes, ver. 13. (e) To this inquiry it is

answered, that they were those who had come up out of great tribulation,

and who had washed their robes, and had made them pure in the blood of

the Lamb, ver. 14. (f) Then follows a description of their condition

and employment in heaven, ver. 15‒17. They are {170} constantly

before the throne; they serve God continually; they neither hunger nor

thirst; they are not subjected to the burning heat of the sun; they are

provided for by the Lamb in the midst of the throne; and all tears are

forever wiped away from their eyes. This must be regarded, I think,

as an episode, having no _immediate_ connection with what precedes or

with what follows. It seems to be thrown in here――while the impending

judgments of the sixth seal are suspended, and before the seventh is

opened――to furnish a _relief_ in the contemplation of so many scenes

of woe, and to cheer the soul with inspiring hopes from the view of

the great number that would ultimately be saved. While these judgments,

therefore, are suspended, the mind is directed on to the world of

triumph, as a view fitted to sustain and comfort those who would be

partakers in the scenes of woe. At the same time it is one of the most

touching and beautiful of all the representations of heaven ever penned,

and is eminently adapted to comfort those, in all ages, who are in a

vale of tears.

In the exposition it will be proper (ver. 1‒8) to inquire into the

fair meaning of the _language_ employed in the symbols; and then to

inquire whether there are any known facts to which the description is

applicable. The first inquiry may and should be pursued independently

of the other; and it may be added, that the explanation offered on this

may be correct, even if the other should be erroneous. The same remark,

also, is applicable to the remainder of the chapter (ver. 9‒17), and

indeed is of general applicability in the exposition of this book.

CHAPTER VII.

AND after these things I saw four angels standing on the four

corners of the earth, holding the [239]four winds of the earth,

that the wind should not blow on the earth, nor on the sea,

nor on any tree.

1. _And after these things._ After the vision of the things referred

to in the opening of the sixth seal. The natural interpretation

would be, that what is here said of the angels and the winds occurred

_after_ those things which are described in the previous chapter.

The exact chronology may not be always observed in these symbolical

representations, but doubtless there is a general order which is

observed. ¶ _I saw four angels._ He does not describe their forms,

but merely mentions their agency. This is, of course, a symbolical

representation. We are not to suppose that it would be _literally_

fulfilled, or that, at the time referred to by the vision, four

celestial beings would be stationed in the four quarters of the world

for the purpose of checking and restraining the winds that blow from

the four points of the compass. The meaning is, that events would

occur which would be properly _represented_ by four angels standing

in the four quarters of the world, and having power over the winds.

¶ _Standing on the four corners of the earth._ This language is, of

course, accommodated to the prevailing mode of speaking of the earth

among the Hebrews. It was a common method among them to describe it as

a vast plain, having four corners, those corners being the prominent

points――north, south, east, and west. So we speak now of the four winds,

the four quarters of the world, &c. The Hebrews spoke of the earth,

as we do of the rising and setting of the sun and of the motions of

the heavenly bodies, according to appearances, and without aiming at

philosophical exactness. Comp. Notes on Job xxvi. 7. With this view

they spoke of the earth as an extended plain, and as having boundaries

or corners, as a plain or field naturally has. Perhaps, also, they used

this language with some allusion to an edifice, as having four corners;

for they speak also of the earth as having _foundations_. The language

which the Hebrews used was in accordance with the prevailing ideas

and language of the ancients on the subject. ¶ _Holding the four winds

of the earth._ The winds blow in fact from every quarter, but it is

convenient to speak of them as coming from the four principal points

of the compass, and this method is adopted probably in every language.

So among the Greeks and Latins, the winds were arranged under four

classes――Zephyrus, Boreas, Notus, and Eurus――considered as under

the control of a king, Æolus. See Eschenburg, _Man. Class. Lit._

§ 78, comp. § 108. The angels here are represented as “_holding_” the

winds――κρατοῦντας. That is, they held them back when about to sweep

over {171} the earth, and to produce far-spread desolation. This is an

allusion to a popular belief among the Hebrews, that the agency of the

angels was employed everywhere. It is not suggested that the angels

had _raised_ the tempest here, but only that they now restrained and

controlled it. The essential idea is, that they had _power_ over those

winds, and that they were now exercising that power by keeping them

back when they were about to spread desolation over the earth. ¶ _That

the wind should not blow on the earth._ That there should be a calm,

_as if_ the winds were held back. ¶ _Nor on the sea._ Nowhere――neither

on sea nor land. The sea and the land constitute the surface of the

globe, and the language here, therefore, denotes that there would be a

universal calm. ¶ _Nor on any tree._ To injure it. The _language_ here

used is such as would denote a state of profound quiet; as when we say

that it is so still that not a leaf of the trees moves.

In regard to the literal meaning of the symbol here employed there can

be no great difficulty; as to its application there may be more. The

winds are the proper symbols of wars and commotions. Comp. Da. vii. 2.

In Je. xlix. 36, 37 the symbol is both used and explained: “And upon

Elam will I bring the four winds from the four quarters of heaven, and

will scatter them toward all those winds; and there shall be no nation

whither the outcasts of Elam shall not come. For I will cause Elam to

be dismayed before their enemies, and before them that seek their life.”

So in Je. li. 1, 2, a destroying wind is an emblem of destructive war:

“I will raise up against Babylon a destroying wind, and will send unto

Babylon fanners, that shall fan her, and shall empty her land.” Comp.

Horace, _Odes_, b. i. 14. The essential ideas, therefore, in this

portion of the symbol, cannot be mistaken. They are two: (1) that at

the period of time here referred to――after the opening of the sixth

seal and before the opening of the seventh――there would be a state of

things which would be well represented by rising tempests and storms,

which if unrestrained would spread desolation afar; and (2) that this

impending ruin was held back as if by angels having control of those

winds; that is, those tempests were not suffered to go forth to spread

desolation over the world. A suspended tempest; calamity held in check;

armies hovering on the borders of a kingdom, but not allowed to proceed

for a time; hordes of invaders detained, or stayed in their march, as

if by some restraining power not their own, and from causes not within

themselves――any of these things would be an obvious fulfilling of the

meaning of the symbol.

2 And I saw another angel ascending from the east, having the

[240]seal of the living God; and he cried with a loud voice

to the four angels, to whom it was given to hurt the earth and

the sea,

2. _And I saw another angel._ Evidently having no connection with the

four, and employed for another purpose. _This_ angel, also, must have

been symbolic; and all that is implied is, that something would be done

_as if_ an angel had done it. ¶ _Ascending from the east._ He appeared

in the east, and seemed to rise like the sun. It is not easy to

determine what is the special significancy, if any, of the _east_ here,

or why this quarter of the heavens is designated rather than the north,

the south, or the west. It may be that as light begins in the east,

this would be properly symbolic of something that could be compared

with the light of the morning; or that some influence in “sealing”

the servants of God would in fact go out from the east; or perhaps no

special significance is to be attached to the quarter from which the

angel is seen to come. It is not necessary to suppose that every minute

thing in a symbol is to receive a complete fulfilment, or that there

will be some particular thing to correspond with it. Perhaps all that

is meant here is, that as the sun comes forth with splendour from the

east, so the angel came with magnificence to perform a task――that of

sealing the servants of God――cheerful and joyous like that which the

sun performs. It is certain that from no other quarter of the heavens

would it be so appropriate to represent an angel as coming forth to

perform a purpose of light, and mercy, and salvation. It does not

seem to me, therefore, that we are to look, in the fulfilment of this,

for any special influence setting in _from the east_ as that which

is symbolized here. ¶ _Having the seal of the living God._ Bearing

it in his hands. In regard to this seal the following remarks may be

made:――(a) {172} The phrase “seal _of the living God_” doubtless means

that which God had appointed, or which he would use; that is, if God

himself came forth in this manner, he would use this seal for these

purposes. Men often have a seal of their own, with some name, symbol,

or device, which designates it as theirs, and which no other one has a

right to use. A seal is sometimes used by the person himself; sometimes

intrusted to a high officer of state; sometimes to the secretary of a

corporation; and sometimes, as a mark of special favour, to a friend.

In this case it was intrusted to an angel, who was authorized to use it,

and whose use of it would be sanctioned, of course, wherever he applied

it, by the living God, as if he had employed it himself. (b) As to the

_form_ of the seal, we have no information. It would be most natural to

suppose that the _name_ “of the living God” would be engraven on it, so

that that name would appear on anyone to whom it might be affixed. Comp.

Notes on 2 Ti. ii. 19. It was customary in the East to brand the name

of the master on the forehead of a slave (Grotius, _in loco_); and such

an idea would meet all that is implied in the _language_ here, though

there is no certain evidence that there is an allusion to that custom.

In subsequent times, in the church, it was common for Christians

to impress the sign of the cross on their foreheads (Tertullian

_de Corona_; Cyrill. lib. vi. See Grotius). As nothing is said here,

however, about any mark or device on the seal, conjecture is useless

as to what it was. (c) As to what was to be designated by the seal,

the main idea is clear, that it was to place some such mark upon his

friends that they would be known to be his, and that they would be safe

in the impending calamities. There is perhaps allusion here to Eze. ix.

4‒6, where the following direction to the prophet occurs:――“Go through

the midst of the city, through the midst of Jerusalem, and set a mark

upon the foreheads of the men that sigh, and that cry, for all the

abominations that be done in the midst thereof. And to the others he

said in mine hearing, Go ye after him through the city, and smite; let

not your eye spare, neither have ye pity: slay utterly old and young,

both maids and little children, and women; but come not near any man

upon whom is the mark.” The essential ideas in the _sealing_, in the

passage before us, would therefore seem to be, (1) that there would

be some mark, sign, or token, by which they who were the people of God

would be known; that is, there would be _something_ which would answer,

in this respect, the same purpose _as if_ a seal had been impressed

upon their foreheads. Whether this was an outward badge, or a religious

rite, or the doctrines which they would hold and by which they would be

known, or something in their spirit and manner which would characterize

his true disciples, may be a fair subject of inquiry. It is not

specifically designated by the use of the word. (2) It would be

something that would be conspicuous or prominent, _as if_ it were

impressed on the forehead. It would not be merely some _internal_

sealing, or some designation by which they would be known to themselves

and to God, but it would be something _apparent_, as if engraved on

the forehead. What this would be, whether a profession, or a form of

religion, or the holding of some doctrine, or the manifestation of a

particular spirit, is not here designated. (3) This would be something

appointed by God himself. It would not be of human origin, but would

be _as if_ an angel sent from heaven should impress it on the forehead.

If it refers to the doctrines which they would hold, they could not be

doctrines of human origin; if to the spirit which they would manifest,

it would be a spirit of heavenly origin; if to some outward protection,

it would be manifest that it was from God. (4) This would be a pledge

of safety. The design of sealing the persons referred to seems to have

been to secure their safety in the impending calamities. Thus the winds

were held back until those who were to be sealed could be designated,

and then they were to be allowed to sweep over the earth. These things,

therefore, we are to look for in the fulfilment of the symbol. ¶ _And

he cried with a loud voice._ As if he had authority to command, and as

if the four winds were about to be let forth upon the world. ¶ _To whom

it was given to hurt the earth and the sea._ Who had power committed

{173} to them to do this by means of the four winds.

3 Saying, [241]Hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the

trees, till we have [242]sealed the servants of our God

[243]in their foreheads.

3. _Saying, Hurt not the earth, neither the sea_, &c. Let the winds

be restrained until what is here designated shall be done. These

destroying angels were commanded to suspend the work of destruction

until the servants of God could be rendered secure. The division here,

as in ver. 1, of the “earth, the sea, and the trees,” seems to include

everything――water, land, and the productions of the earth. Nothing was

to be injured until the angel should designate the true servants of God.

¶ _Till we have sealed the servants of our God._ The use of the plural

“_we_” seems to denote that he did not expect to do it alone. Who were

to be associated with him, whether angels or men, he does not intimate;

but the work was evidently such that it demanded the agency of more

than one. ¶ _In their foreheads._ See Notes on ver. 2; comp. Eze. ix. 4,

5. A mark thus placed on the forehead would be conspicuous, and would

be something which could at once be recognized if destruction should

spread over the world. The fulfilment of this is to be found in two

things: (a) in something which would be conspicuous or prominent――so

that it could be seen; and (b) in the mark being of such a nature or

character that it would be a proper designation of the fact that they

were the true servants of God.