Sully, however, was alone in urging that the main force of the attack

should be in the north, upon the Rhine and Meuse. Villeroy and those who

were secretly in the Spanish interest were for beginning it with the

southern combination and against Milan. Sully believed the Duke of Savoy

to be variable and attached in his heart to Spain, and he thought it

contrary to the interests of France to permit an Italian prince to grow

so great on her frontier. He therefore thoroughly disapproved the plan,

and explained to the Dutch ambassador that all this urgency to carry on

the war in the south came from hatred to the United Provinces, jealousy

of their aggrandizement, detestation of the Reformed religion, and hope

to engage Henry in a campaign which he could not carry on successfully.

But he assured Aerssens that he had the means of counteracting these

designs and of bringing on an invasion for obtaining possession of the

Meuse. If the possessory princes found Henry making war in the Milanese

only, they would feel themselves ruined, and might throw up the game.

He begged that Barneveld would come on to Paris at once, as now or never

was the moment to assure the Republic for all time.

The King had acted with malicious adroitness in turning the tables upon

the Prince and treating him as a rebel and a traitor because, to save his

own and his wife's honour, he had fled from a kingdom where he had but

too good reason to suppose that neither was safe. The Prince, with

infinite want of tact, had played into the King's hands. He had bragged

of his connection with Spain and of his deep designs, and had shown to

all the world that he was thenceforth but an instrument in the hands of

the Spanish cabinet, while all the world knew the single reason for which

he had fled.

The King, hopeless now of compelling the return of Conde, had become most

anxious to separate him from his wife. Already the subject of divorce

between the two had been broached, and it being obvious that the Prince

would immediately betake himself into the Spanish dominions, the King was

determined that the Princess should not follow him thither.

He had the incredible effrontery and folly to request the Queen to

address a letter to her at Brussels, urging her to return to France.

But Mary de' Medici assured her husband that she had no intention of

becoming his assistant, using, to express her thought, the plainest and

most vigorous word that the Italian language could supply. Henry had

then recourse once more to the father and aunt.

That venerable couple being about to wait upon the Archduke's envoy, in

compliance with the royal request, Pecquius, out of respect to their

advanced age, went to the Constable's residence. Here both the Duchess

and Constable, with tears in their eyes, besought that diplomatist to do

his utmost to prevent the Princess from the sad fate of any longer

sharing her husband's fortunes.

The father protested that he would never have consented to her marriage,

preferring infinitely that she should have espoused any honest gentleman

with 2000 crowns a year than this first prince of the blood, with a

character such as it had proved to be; but that he had not dared to

disobey the King.

He spoke of the indignities and cruelties to which she was subjected,

said that Rochefort, whom Conde had employed to assist him in their

flight from France, and on the crupper of whose horse the Princess had

performed the journey, was constantly guilty of acts of rudeness and

incivility towards her; that but a few days past he had fired off pistols

in her apartment where she was sitting alone with the Princess of Orange,

exclaiming that this was the way he would treat anyone who interfered

with the commands of his master, Conde; that the Prince was incessantly

railing at her for refusing to caress the Marquis of Spinola; and that,

in short, he would rather she were safe in the palace of the Archduchess

Isabella, even in the humblest position among her gentlewomen, than to

know her vagabondizing miserably about the world with her husband.

This, he said, was the greatest fear he had, and he would rather see her

dead than condemned to such a fate.

He trusted that the Archdukes were incapable of believing the stories

that he and the Duchess of Angouleme were influenced in the appeals they

made for the separation of the Prince and Princess by a desire to serve

the purposes of the King. Those were fables put about by Conde. All

that the Constable and his sister desired was that the Archduchess would

receive the Princess kindly when she should throw herself at her feet,

and not allow her to be torn away against her will. The Constable spoke

with great gravity and simplicity, and with all the signs of genuine

emotion, and Peter Pecquius was much moved. He assured the aged pair

that he would do his best to comply with their wishes, and should

immediately apprise the Archdukes of the interview which had just taken

place. Most certainly they were entirely disposed to gratify the

Constable and the Duchess as well as the Princess herself, whose virtues,

qualities, and graces had inspired them with affection, but it must be

remembered that the law both human and divine required wives to submit

themselves to the commands of their husbands and to be the companions of

their good and evil fortunes. Nevertheless, he hoped that the Lord would

so conduct the affairs of the Prince of Conde that the Most Christian

King and the Archdukes would all be satisfied.

These pious and consolatory commonplaces on the part of Peter Pecquius

deeply affected the Constable. He fell upon the Envoy's neck, embraced

him repeatedly, and again wept plentifully.

CHAPTER, III.

Strange Scene at the Archduke's Palace--Henry's Plot frustrated--

His Triumph changed to Despair--Conversation of the Dutch Ambassador

with the King--The War determined upon.

It was in the latter part of the Carnival, the Saturday night preceding

Shrove Tuesday, 1610. The winter had been a rigorous one in Brussels,

and the snow lay in drifts three feet deep in the streets. Within and

about the splendid palace of Nassau there was much commotion. Lights and

flambeaux were glancing, loud voices, martial music, discharge of pistols

and even of artillery were heard together with the trampling of many

feet, but there was nothing much resembling the wild revelry or cheerful

mummery of that holiday season. A throng of the great nobles of Belgium

with drawn swords and menacing aspect were assembled in the chief

apartments, a detachment of the Archduke's mounted body-guard was

stationed in the courtyard, and five hundred halberdiers of the burgher

guilds kept watch and ward about the palace.

The Prince of Conde, a square-built, athletic young man of middle

stature, with regular features, but a sulky expression, deepened at

this moment into ferocity, was seen chasing the secretary of the French

resident minister out of the courtyard, thwacking him lustily about the

shoulders with his drawn sword, and threatening to kill him or any other

Frenchman on the spot, should he show himself in that palace. He was

heard shouting rather than speaking, in furious language against the

King, against Coeuvres, against Berny, and bitterly bewailing his

misfortunes, as if his wife were already in Paris instead of Brussels.

Upstairs in her own apartment which she had kept for some days on pretext

of illness sat the Princess Margaret, in company' of Madame de Berny,

wife of the French minister, and of the Marquis de Coeuvres, Henry's

special envoy, and a few other Frenchmen. She was passionately fond of

dancing. The adoring cardinal described her as marvellously graceful and

perfect in that accomplishment. She had begged her other adorer, the

Marquis Spinola, "with sweetest words," that she might remain a few days

longer in the Nassau Palace before removing to the Archduke's residence,

and that the great general, according to the custom in France and

Flanders, would be the one to present her with the violins. But Spinola,

knowing the artifice concealed beneath these "sweetest words," had

summoned up valour enough to resist her blandishments, and had refused a

second entertainment.

It was not, therefore, the disappointment at losing her ball that now

made the Princess sad. She and her companions saw that there had been

a catastrophe; a plot discovered. There was bitter disappointment and

deep dismay upon their faces. The plot had been an excellent one. De

Coeuvres had arranged it all, especially instigated thereto by the father

of the Princess acting in concurrence with the King. That night when all

was expected to be in accustomed quiet, the Princess, wrapped in her

mantilla, was to have stolen down into the garden, accompanied only by

her maid the adventurous and faithful Philipotte, to have gone through a

breach which led through a garden wall to the city ramparts, thence

across the foss to the counterscarp, where a number of horsemen under

trustworthy commanders were waiting. Mounting on the crupper behind one

of the officers of the escort, she was then to fly to the frontier,

relays of horses having been provided at every stage until she should

reach Rocroy, the first pausing place within French territory; a perilous

adventure for the young and delicate Princess in a winter of almost

unexampled severity.

On the very morning of the day assigned for the adventure, despatches

brought by special couriers from the Nuncius and the Spanish ambassador

at Paris gave notice of the plot to the Archdukes and to Conde, although

up to that moment none knew of it in Brussels. Albert, having been

apprised that many Frenchmen had been arriving during the past few days,

and swarming about the hostelries of the city and suburbs, was at once

disposed to believe in the story. When Conde came to him, therefore,

with confirmation from his own letters, and demanding a detachment of the

body-guard in addition to the burgher militiamen already granted by the

magistrates, he made no difficulty granting the request. It was as if

there had been a threatened assault of the city, rather than the

attempted elopement of a young lady escorted by a handful of cavaliers.

The courtyard of the Nassau Palace was filled with cavalry sent by the

Archduke, while five hundred burgher guards sent by the magistrates were

drawn up around the gate. The noise and uproar, gaining at every moment

more mysterious meaning by the darkness of night, soon spread through the

city. The whole population was awake, and swarming through the streets.

Such a tumult had not for years been witnessed in Brussels, and the

rumour flew about and was generally believed that the King of France at

the head of an army was at the gates of the city determined to carry off

the Princess by force. But although the superfluous and very scandalous

explosion might have been prevented, there could be no doubt that the

stratagem had been defeated.

Nevertheless, the effrontery and ingenuity of de Coeuvres became now

sublime. Accompanied by his colleague, the resident minister, de Berny,

who was sure not to betray the secret because he had never known it--his

wife alone having been in the confidence of the Princess--he proceeded

straightway to the Archduke's palace, and, late in the night as it was,

insisted on an audience.

Here putting on his boldest face when admitted to the presence, he

complained loudly of the plot, of which he had just become aware,

contrived by the Prince of Conde to carry off his wife to Spain against

her will, by main force, and by assistance of Flemish nobles, archiducal

body-guard, and burgher militia.

It was all a plot of Conde, he said, to palliate still more his flight

from France. Every one knew that the Princess could not fly back to

Paris through the air. To take her out of a house filled with people,

to pierce or scale the walls of the city, to arrange her journey by

ordinary means, and to protect the whole route by stations of cavalry,

reaching from Brussels to the frontier, and to do all this in profound

secrecy, was equally impossible. Such a scheme had never been arranged

nor even imagined, he said. The true plotter was Conde, aided by

ministers in Flanders hostile to France, and as the honour of the King

and the reputation of the Princess had been injured by this scandal, the

Ambassador loudly demanded a thorough investigation of the affair in

order that vengeance might fall where it was due.

The prudent Albert was equal to the occasion. Not wishing to state the

full knowledge which he possessed of de Coeuvres' agency and the King's

complicity in the scheme of abduction to France, he reasoned calmly with

the excited marquis, while his colleague looked and listened in dumb

amazement, having previously been more vociferous and infinitely more

sincere than his colleague in expressions of indignation.

The Archduke said that he had not thought the plot imputed to the King

and his ambassador very probable. Nevertheless, the assertions of the

Prince had been so positive as to make it impossible to refuse the guards

requested by him. He trusted, however, that the truth would soon be

known, and that it would leave no stain on the Princess, nor give any

offence to the King.

Surprised and indignant at the turn given to the adventure by the French

envoys, he nevertheless took care to conceal these sentiments, to abstain

from accusation, and calmly to inform them that the Princess next morning

would be established under his own roof; and enjoy the protection of the

Archduchess.

For it had been arranged several days before that Margaret should leave

the palace of Nassau for that of Albert and Isabella on the 14th, and the

abduction had been fixed for the night of the 13th precisely because the

conspirators wished to profit by the confusion incident on a change of

domicile.

The irrepressible de Coeuvres, even then hardly willing to give up the

whole stratagem as lost, was at least determined to discover how and by

whom the plot had been revealed. In a cemetery piled three feet deep

with snow on the evening following that mid-winter's night which had been

fixed for the Princess's flight, the unfortunate ambassador waited until

a certain Vallobre, a gentleman of Spinola's, who was the go-between of

the enamoured Genoese and the Princess, but whom de Coeuvres had gained

over, came at last to meet him by appointment. When he arrived, it was

only to inform him of the manner in which he had been baffled, to

convince him that the game was up, and that nothing was left him but to

retreat utterly foiled in his attempt, and to be stigmatized as a

blockhead by his enraged sovereign.

Next day the Princess removed her residence to the palace of the

Archdukes, where she was treated with distinguished honour by Isabella,

and installed ceremoniously in the most stately, the most virtuous, and

the most dismal of courts. Her father and aunt professed themselves as

highly pleased with the result, and Pecquius wrote that "they were glad

to know her safe from the importunities of the old fop who seemed as mad

as if he had been stung by a tarantula."

And how had the plot been revealed? Simply through the incorrigible

garrulity of the King himself. Apprised of the arrangement in all its

details by the Constable, who had first received the special couriers of

de Coeuvres, he could not keep the secret to himself for a moment, and

the person of all others in the world to whom he thought good to confide

it was the Queen herself. She received the information with a smile, but

straightway sent for the Nuncius Ubaldini, who at her desire instantly

despatched a special courier to Spinola with full particulars of the time

and mode of the proposed abduction.

Nevertheless the ingenuous Henry, confiding in the capacity of his deeply

offended queen to keep the secret which he had himself divulged, could

scarcely contain himself for joy.

Off he went to Saint-Germain with a train of coaches, impatient to get

the first news from de Coeuvres after the scheme should have been carried

into effect, and intending to travel post towards Flanders to meet and

welcome the Princess.

"Pleasant farce for Shrove Tuesday," wrote the secretary of Pecquius, "is

that which the Frenchmen have been arranging down there! He in whose

favour the abduction is to be made was seen going out the same day

spangled and smart, contrary to his usual fashion, making a gambado

towards Saint-Germain-en-Laye with four carriages and four to meet the

nymph."

Great was the King's wrath and mortification at this ridiculous exposure

of his detestable scheme. Vociferous were Villeroy's expressions of

Henry's indignation at being supposed to have had any knowledge of or

complicity in the affair. "His Majesty cannot approve of the means one

has taken to guard against a pretended plot for carrying off the

Princess," said the Secretary of State; "a fear which was simulated by

the Prince in order to defame the King." He added that there was no

reason to suspect the King, as he had never attempted anything of the

sort in his life, and that the Archduke might have removed the Princess

to his palace without sending an army to the hotel of the Prince of

Orange, and causing such an alarm in the city, firing artillery on the

rampart as if the town had been full of Frenchmen in arms, whereas one

was ashamed next morning to find that there had been but fifteen in all.

"But it was all Marquis Spinola's fault," he said, "who wished to show

himself off as a warrior."

The King, having thus through the mouth of his secretary of state warmly

protested against his supposed implication in the attempted abduction,

began as furiously to rail at de Coeuvres for its failure; telling the

Duc de Vendome that his uncle was an idiot, and writing that unlucky

envoy most abusive letters for blundering in the scheme which had been so

well concerted between them. Then he sent for Malherbe, who straightway

perpetrated more poems to express the King's despair, in which Henry was

made to liken himself to a skeleton with a dried skin, and likewise to a

violet turned up by the ploughshare and left to wither.

He kept up through Madame de Berny a correspondence with "his beautiful

angel," as he called the Princess, whom he chose to consider a prisoner

and a victim; while she, wearied to death with the frigid monotony and

sepulchral gaieties of the archiducal court, which she openly called her

"dungeon" diverted herself with the freaks and fantasies of her royal

adorer, called him in very ill-spelled letters "her chevalier, her heart,

her all the world," and frequently wrote to beg him, at the suggestion of

the intriguing Chateau Vert, to devise some means of rescuing her from

prison.

The Constable and Duchess meanwhile affected to be sufficiently satisfied

with the state of things. Conde, however, received a letter from the

King, formally summoning him to return to France, and, in case of

refusal, declaring him guilty of high-treason for leaving the kingdom

without the leave and against the express commands of the King. To this

letter, brought to him by de Coeuvres, the Prince replied by a paper,

drawn up and served by a notary of Brussels, to the effect that he had

left France to save his life and honour; that he was ready to return when

guarantees were given him for the security of both. He would live and

die, he said, faithful to the King. But when the King, departing from

the paths of justice, proceeded through those of violence against him, he

maintained that every such act against his person was null and invalid.

Henry had even the incredible meanness and folly to request the Queen to

write to the Archdukes, begging that the Princess might be restored to

assist at her coronation. Mary de' Medici vigorously replied once more

that, although obliged to wink at the King's amours, she declined to be

his procuress. Conde then went off to Milan very soon after the scene

at the Nassau Palace and the removal of the Princess to the care of the

Archdukes. He was very angry with his wife, from whom he expressed a

determination to be divorced, and furious with the King, the validity of

whose second marriage and the legitimacy of whose children he proposed

with Spanish help to dispute.

The Constable was in favour of the divorce, or pretended to be so, and

caused importunate letters to be written, which he signed, to both Albert

and Isabella, begging that his daughter might be restored to him to be

the staff of his old age, and likewise to be present at the Queen's

coronation. The Archdukes, however, resolutely refused to permit her to

leave their protection without Conde's consent, or until after a divorce

had been effected, notwithstanding that the father and aunt demanded it.

The Constable and Duchess however, acquiesced in the decision, and

expressed immense gratitude to Isabella.

"The father and aunt have been talking to Pecquius," said Henry very

dismally; "but they give me much pain. They are even colder than the

season, but my fire thaws them as soon as I approach."

"P. S.--I am so pining away in my anguish that I am nothing but skin and

bones. Nothing gives me pleasure. I fly from company, and if in order

to comply with the law of nations I go into some assembly or other,

instead of enlivening, it nearly kills me."--[Lettres missives de Henri

vii. 834].

And the King took to his bed. Whether from gout, fever, or the pangs of

disappointed love, he became seriously ill. Furious with every one, with

Conde, the Constable, de Coeuvres, the Queen, Spinola, with the Prince of

Orange, whose councillor Keeremans had been encouraging Conde in his

rebellion and in going to Spain with Spinola, he was now resolved that

tho war should go on. Aerssens, cautious of saying too much on paper of

this very delicate affair, always intimated to Barneveld that, if the

Princess could be restored, peace was still possible, and that by moving

an inch ahead of the King in the Cleve matter the States at the last

moment might be left in the lurch. He distinctly told the Advocate, on

his expressing a hope that Henry might consent to the Prince's residence

in some neutral place until a reconciliation could be effected, that the

pinch of the matter was not there, and that van der Myle, who knew all

about it, could easily explain it.

Alluding to the project of reviving the process against the Dowager, and

of divorcing the Prince and Princess, he said these steps would do much

harm, as they would too much justify the true cause of the retreat of the

Prince, who was not believed when he merely talked of his right of

primogeniture: "The matter weighs upon us very heavily," he said, "but

the trouble is that we don't search for the true remedies. The matter is

so delicate that I don't dare to discuss it to the very bottom."

The Ambassador had a long interview with the King as he lay in his bed

feverish and excited. He was more impatient than ever for the arrival

of the States' special embassy, reluctantly acquiesced in the reasons

assigned for the delay, but trusted that it would arrive soon with

Barneveld at the head, and with Count Lewis William as a member for

"the sword part of it."

He railed at the Prince of Orange, not believing that Keeremans would

have dared to do what he had done but with the orders of his master.

He said that the King of Spain would supply Conde with money and with

everything he wanted, knowing that he could make use of him to trouble

his kingdom. It was strange, he thought, that Philip should venture to

these extremities with his affairs in such condition, and when he had so

much need of repose. He recalled all his ancient grievances against

Spain, his rights to the Kingdom of Navarre and the County of St. Pol

violated; the conspiracy of Biron, the intrigues of Bouillon, the plots

of the Count of Auvergne and the Marchioness of Verneuil, the treason of

Meragne, the corruption of L'Hoste, and an infinity of other plots of the

King and his ministers; of deep injuries to him and to the public repose,

not to be tolerated by a mighty king like himself, with a grey beard. He

would be revenged, he said, for this last blow, and so for all the rest.

He would not leave a troublesome war on the hands of his young son. The

occasion was favourable. It was just to defend the oppressed princes

with the promptly accorded assistance of the States-General. The King of

Great Britain was favourable. The Duke of Savoy was pledged. It was

better to begin the war in his green old age than to wait the pleasure

and opportunity of the King of Spain.

Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland : with a view of the primary causes and movements of the Thirty Years' War, 1610a · 第 2 / 3 段