DEAR SIR,

I have been favoured with a copy of the forthcoming

number of the 'Edinburgh Review,' and I perhaps too much

presume upon the bare acquaintance with you of which

alone I can boast, in thus unceremoniously assuming you

to be the author of the article entitled 'Church and

State,' and in offering you my very warm and cordial

thanks for the manner in which you have treated both

the work, and the author, on whom you deigned to bestow

your attention. In whatever you write, you can hardly

hope for the privilege of most anonymous productions,

a real concealment; but if it had been possible not to

recognize you, I should have questioned your authorship

in this particular case, because the candour and

single-mindedness which it exhibits are, in one who has

long been connected in the most distinguished manner with

political party, so rare as to be almost incredible.

I hope to derive material benefit, at some more tranquil

season, from a consideration of your argument throughout.

I am painfully sensible, whenever I have occasion to

re-open the book, of its shortcomings, not only of the

subject but even of my own conceptions: and I am led

to suspect that, under the influence of most kindly

feelings, you have omitted to criticize many things

besides the argument, which might fairly have come within

your animadversion.

In the mean time I hope you will allow me to apprise

you that on one material point especially I am not so

far removed from you as you suppose. I am not conscious

that I have said either that the _Test Act_ should be

repealed, or that it should not have been passed: and

though on such subjects language has many bearings which

escape the view of the writer at the moment when the pen

is in his hand, yet I think that I can hardly have put

forth either of these propositions, because I have never

entertained the corresponding sentiments. Undoubtedly

I should speak of the pure abstract idea of Church and

State as implying that they are co-extensive: and I

should regard the present composition of the State of the

United Kingdom as a deviation from that pure idea, but

only in the same sense as all differences of religious

opinion in the Church are a deviation from its pure

idea, while I not only allow that they are permitted,

but believe that (within limits) they were intended to

be permitted. There are some of these deflections from

abstract theory which appear to me allowable; and that

of the admission of persons not holding the national

creed into civil office is one which, in my view, must

be determined by times and circumstances. At the same

time I do not recede from any protest which I have

made against the principle, that religious differences

are irrelevant to the question of competency for civil

office: but I would take my stand between the opposite

extremes, the one that no such differences are to be

taken into view, the other that all such differences are

to constitute disqualifications.

I need hardly say the question I raise is not whether you

have misrepresented me, for, were I disposed to anything

so weak, the whole internal evidence and clear intention

of your article would confute me: indeed I feel I ought

to apologize for even supposing that you may have been

mistaken in the apprehension of my meaning, and I freely

admit on the other hand the possibility that, totally

without my own knowledge, my language may have led to

such an interpretation.

In these lacerating times one clings to everything of

personal kindness in the past, to husband it for the

future, and if you will allow me I shall earnestly desire

to carry with me such a recollection of your mode of

dealing with the subject; upon which, the attainment

of truth, we shall agree, so materially depends upon

the temper in which the search for it is instituted and

conducted.

I did not mean to have troubled you at so much length,

and I have only to add that I am, with much respect,

Dear Sir,

Very truly yours,

W. E. GLADSTONE.

Chapter of Autobiography · 第 9 / 14 题