fly; but he was unable to get far, and was soon afterwards captured and
brought back to Kukawa. Shehu Umar solemnly declared that he would not
harm him, and installed him in the house that he had himself just
quitted.
SECOND REIGN OF SHEHU UMAR (1854-81)
Three months later, fearing doubtless lest Durman should dethrone him a
second time, the Shehu assembled the principal mallams and asked them:
‘Is it better to kill one man than to allow ten to be killed? If one man
may cause the death of several others, may one get rid of that one?
Consult your own consciences and the Book and let me know your answer.’
All guessed that the Shehu alluded to a new civil war rendered possible
by a new rebellion on the part of Durman, and they replied: ‘Certainly
it is better to execute one man than to allow ten to be killed,
especially if it is the one man who may cause the death of the others.’
Thereupon Shehu Umar gave orders to his head-slave to go and put his
brother to death,[499] but to act discreetly so that his death should
remain uncertain for some time. His orders were obeyed, and henceforward
Shehu Umar enjoyed a peaceful tenure of power. But if the Shehu himself
was of a pacific temper, the same was not true of his son, Yerima Bukar,
a brave, bold and energetic prince, fond of war and booty.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE NGIZIMS, 1855 (?)
Yerima Bukar’s first expedition was directed against the Ngizims, a
pagan tribe, said to be descended from the Sos, and living to the south
of the Bedde country. Having paid tribute to the Sultan of Sokoto, they
naturally refused to pay a second time to the Sultan of Bornu. Moreover,
they defended themselves courageously when Bukar entered their country.
The campaign, which lasted five months, was a very arduous one for the
Kanuri, but, on the other hand, they gained much booty, principally in
slaves.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MUSGU
The Shehu succeeded in restraining for five years the bellicose temper
of his son; but the Musgu, against whom Durman had already had to take
severe measures during his short reign, having again refused to pay
tribute, Yerima Bukar had to direct four successive expeditions against
them in order to obtain their submission (1861-5).
EXPEDITION AGAINST ADAMAWA
It was next the turn of Adamawa, a very hilly country to the south of
the Benue, to suffer invasion. The rich town of Balbaya was captured,
but all the camels and the greater part of the horses of the army
perished. The troops were soon in such a state of destitution that the
Shehu had to send in haste both horses and clothes to enable his son to
make an honourable entry into Kukawa (1866).
AGAINST THE BEDDES
Two years of peace followed, and then Yerima Bukar had to subdue the
Beddes, who had refused to pay tribute, and had driven away the Shehu’s
envoys, 1869.
AGAINST FIKA AND BAUCHI
The following year he had to subdue Fika, an important group of towns,
situated to the east of Gujba, whose inhabitants had driven away the
Shehu’s representative, Kachella Abdullahi, son of Kachella Arri Marghi,
who had been appointed to this district on the death of his father.
Bukar destroyed the fortifications of the town,[500] imposed a heavy
tribute on the inhabitants, and continued his march westwards on his way
to attack the town of Misau, situated to the north of Bauchi and a
tributary of the Fulani. But he was at once recalled by his father, who
did not wish to involve himself in difficulties with the Sultan of
Sokoto (1870).
AGAINST THE BEDDES
Bukar was not at all anxious to return. He therefore ceased to attack
the Fulani, but remained on the western frontier of Bornu raiding and
plundering far and wide, and gradually approaching the Beddes, whose
submission had been far from satisfactory. But the rainy season was
approaching, and his lieutenants feared its effects on their cavalry.
They therefore advised Al Haji, the Bedde chief, to pay a certain amount
of tribute to Bukar, and at the same time begged Shehu Umar to give his
son formal orders to return to Kukawa (1872).
AGAINST KUSSERI
Bukar had never forgotten the help which the inhabitants of Kusseri had
given to the Sultan of Wadai, when, summoned by Ibram, he invaded Bornu
and obliged his father to take to flight. It was they who had assisted
the passage of the Wadai army by showing them a ford, and a number of
them had joined the invaders of Bornu. Always on the look-out for
somewhere to attack, Bukar obtained leave from his father to march
against this town. The battle was just about to begin when an order
arrived from Shehu Umar instructing him to make peace, as the
inhabitants of Kusseri had hastily sent to Kukawa a tribute of 300
slaves. The army had to return to Bornu without fighting, but not
without having partly ravaged the banks of the Logone and sacked the
town of Ngurkum (1879).
Two years later Bukar asked leave from his father to go on an
expedition, but this time without telling him whither. The Shehu, now an
old man and not daring any longer to refuse him anything, allowed him to
set out, and Bukar took advantage of this to renew his designs against
Kusseri.
He had arrived in front of the town, when he received a message from his
mother telling him that the Shehu was at his last gasp, and that, unless
he returned within five days, the courtiers would nominate some one else
as Shehu.
Bukar set out at once and arrived in Kukawa on the fourth day. The Shehu
was still alive, but the principal eunuchs prevented Bukar from seeing
him, fearing that before he died Umar would designate Bukar as his
successor. Those eunuchs wished Bukar to owe the throne to themselves in
order that they might make large profits. Three days afterwards, about
two o’clock in the afternoon, the Shehu breathed his last without having
seen his son (1881).
The chief eunuchs, Malla Kerim, Yiroma, and Mestrema, deliberated over
the choice of a successor. They dreaded the accession of Bukar, whose
firm and haughty character had, in his father’s lifetime, more than once
disappointed their schemes. Malla Kerim, who of the three commanded the
most warriors, made up his mind the first. Taking the ring, rosary, and
cap of Shehu Umar, and leaving Mestrema to watch the corpse, he repaired
in company with Yiroma to Bukar. Giving him the ring, &c., he said:
‘Your father is dead, here are the emblems of power.’
Bukar refused to accept them except in the presence of numerous
witnesses, and summoned his son, Kiari, and his friends, Kassim, Bunu,
Abana, Lamino, and his principal slaves. Having informed them of the
death of his father he ordered them to assemble his troops. A procession
of horse and foot was then formed, and they proceeded to the palace,
whose four gates were guarded by the troops of Malla Kerim and could not
be opened except in his presence. When they reached the corpse, the
chief eunuch raised the shroud and said: ‘Behold, he is dead, we resign
him to you for burial.’
He then put the dead man’s ring on Bukar’s finger, his rosary round his
neck, and his cap on his head. Outside the drums beat and announced to
the people by their slow and measured roll the death of the old Shehu
and the proclamation of the new. The Liman, the Legari, and the Talba
came to wash the dead, and having assembled all the mallams, celebrated
the obsequies that same night.
REIGN OF SHEHU BUKAR (1881-4)
The next morning very early the crowd of courtiers and notables
assembled at the palace. Shetima, descendant of the ancient Tubba
sultans of Bornu, gave the investiture to Bukar by clothing him in the
royal gown and turban, and according to custom asked him: ‘What province
will you give me?’
‘I grant you the Kagaburi country,’ replied the new Shehu.
The Shehu’s relatives then came to swear fidelity to him, and the
ceremony of investiture ended with a great noise of drums, trumpets, and
other instruments of music.
For seven days Bukar only resided in the palace during the daytime,
passing the night in his own house. On the seventh day he distributed
alms in memory of his father, and installed himself definitely in the
palace, leaving his own house and all that was in it, except his women,
to his son Kiari.
His first thought was to restore order in the country. ‘Hitherto’, said
he, ‘you have been plunderers of whom I was the chief. Henceforward, I
shall tolerate no more plundering, and I shall punish without fail any
one who disobeys me.’
During the second year of his reign he made an expedition against the
Beddes, and captured the towns of Kadera, Aburraga, and Tagari.
The following year he had to repress a revolt of the people of Mulgue in
the south of Bornu; but for this expedition he could only gather a few
troops, for his subjects, tired of the constant wars in which he
involved them, made but a poor response to his summons; some only sent a
slave, others a son, others again no one at all.
The Shehu was much annoyed, and as soon as he returned to Kukawa he
summoned a great meeting, where he announced that in order to punish his
subjects for their half-hearted obedience he should inflict on all a
fine equal to half their property. Soon afterwards long caravans of
slaves and animals loaded with produce of all sorts might be seen
entering the capital every day. Never before had such wealth been
accumulated in the palace of the Shehu.
But the common people and the notables murmured loudly. Everywhere in
all the villages was to be heard the same malediction: ‘May God cut him
off and rid us of him.’
As it chanced the Shehu did die soon afterwards, long before he had seen
paid in full the formidable fine which he had inflicted on his subjects,
and every one agreed that God had heard the unanimous prayer of an
oppressed nation (1884).
REIGN OF IBRAHIM (1884-5)
On the death of Shehu Bukar the courtiers chose as his successor his
uncle, Abba Mustapha, younger brother of Shehu Umar. But, as a result of
intrigues, there was a sudden change, and the next morning the high
dignitaries of the Court proclaimed Ibrahim, younger brother of Shehu
Bukar.
Abba Mustapha, chagrined at thus being deceived, at first refused to
take the oath of allegiance and sought refuge in flight. But he soon
returned on a promise from his nephew that his life would be spared.
Ibrahim, however, did not keep his promise, and Mustapha was soon
afterwards assassinated.[501] He himself died after reigning one year
without having been able to undertake any expedition.
REIGN OF ASHIMI (1885-93)
His younger brother, Ashimi, third son of Shehu Umar, was chosen to
succeed him. After a pacific reign of eight years he was obliged to take
up arms to defend his kingdom against the invasion of Rabeh, advancing
from Baghirmi.
To repulse the invader he sent to meet him an army of 30,000 men, under
the orders of Mohammed Tar, son of Amadu Guimi. The encounter took place
a little to the south of Ngala, at Ngamagué, in April 1893.
Rabeh, who could only muster 3,000 men, took care to camp on the border
of a marsh, which served to protect him against a surprise by the
enemy’s cavalry, who were much superior in number. Mohammed Tar,
presumptuous and imprudent, got entangled in the marsh, the horses were
mired, and those of their riders who could not succeed in disengaging
themselves were massacred in great numbers by the enemy’s gun-men.
On hearing the news of the disaster Ashimi organized a second army more
numerous than the first, put himself at their head and marched against
Rabeh. In spite of the support of several heavy cannon, sent him by the
Sultan of Zinder, his troops lacked confidence. The Bornu army fled at
the first charge and the flight was soon changed into a rout. Ashimi
returned in hot haste to Kukawa in order to dispatch his most precious
possessions north-westwards, and to fly himself as soon as possible.
It is said that he left Kukawa one Saturday evening and that the
conqueror entered the town on Sunday morning. Rabeh immediately launched
a column commanded by Abba Bukar in pursuit of the fugitive Shehu.
Ashimi was overtaken at Lumburem, on the River Wobe, east of Duchi, and
had barely time to escape, leaving in the hands of the enemy all his
baggage, his animals, his slaves, and even his women.
The scattered Kanuri then nominated as Shehu his nephew Kiari. The
latter declared his intention of marching without delay against the
invader, but his partisans, alarmed at such audacity, immediately
abandoned him and rallied once more round Ashimi, whose defeats had made
him prudent. Kiari then accused his uncle of compromising with the enemy
and had him assassinated.
REIGN OF KIARI (1893)
Three months later Rabeh advanced in person against those of the Kanuri
who still maintained their independence on the banks of the River Wobe.
Kiari assembled his forces and marched against him. The encounter took
place at Gashagar. The Bornu army fought valiantly, but when their chief
was wounded they gave ground.[502] Kiari, who refused to fly, was
captured and taken to Rabeh, who had him executed. Thus perished the
last independent Sultan of Bornu.
[Footnote 491: By kind permission of Commandant Tilho.]
[Footnote 492: There is no trace of this site to-day, but it was just
north-west of Ngornu and in sight of that town.]
[Footnote 493: For another account of Lamino’s Kano campaign, vid.
Appendix VI.]
[Footnote 494: Bergoma was the father of Shetima, Alkali of Zinder in
1907, who confirmed this information.]
[Footnote 495: Umar afterwards returned, Dunama fled, and Umar was
recognized by the Shehu as Galadima.]
[Footnote 496: Young girls then averaged $40 a head in Bornu and $200 on
the Mediterranean coast.]
[Footnote 497: According to some authorities, Shehu Umar was the son of
a slave given to Lamino by Mai Dunama and already enceinte when she
entered the Sheikh’s harem.]
[Footnote 498: Vogel says ‘bowstrung’, vid. p. 272, Benton, _Notes on
Some Languages_, &c.]
[Footnote 499: According to Vogel he was ‘strangled’, vid. p. 277,
Benton, _Notes on Some Languages_, &c.]
[Footnote 500: If this means Fika town itself the statement is
incorrect, it was never captured either by Kanuri or Fulani.]
[Footnote 501: For another account of Abba Masta’s rebellion, vid.
Appendix VII.]
[Footnote 502: [According to Gaston Dujarric, _Vie du Sultan Rabah_, the
Kanuri were at first victorious but scattered to plunder the enemy’s
camp. Rabeh, who as usual, had kept a strong body of gun-men as a
reserve, rallied his troops, gave all his generals—including his son,
Fadel Allah, whose arm had been broken by a musket-ball—100 lashes
apiece, and sent them forward to victory.—P. A. B.]]
APPENDIX V
ACCOUNT OF RABEH
The following translation of a German account of Rabeh, written in 1899,
is not without interest, though of course it is in several instances
inaccurate. Herr Lippert’s chief informant appears to have been a man
from Ghat. His Hausa is not always unexceptionable, and there is nothing
to show that he was ever in Bornu or was actually an eyewitness of the
events he describes. His account of Rabeh’s campaigns should be compared
with that given in Decorse et Demombyne’s _Rabah et les Arabes du
Shari_, and in Dujarric’s _Vie de Rabah_. Rabeh did not die of poison in
1897 but was killed in battle by the French in 1900.
_Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen_ (Berlin) for
1899.
RABAH[503] by JULIUS LIPPERT
‘History is made by personalities.’ This maxim only holds good in a very
limited sense for western states, but as regards the historical changes
in the ‘Dark Continent’, and especially in the Sudan, it is absolutely
true. The negro is entirely deficient in public spirit and other
political virtues. In the same degree as the idea of the state is
foreign to him,[504] he lacks also the sense of patriotism and loyalty
to a dynasty. It remains a matter of indifference to him whom he serves,
so long as he can do so with tolerable security for life and liberty. It
is only by such considerations that the success is explicable of bold
adventurers, who, relying on nothing but intelligence and energy above
the average and the support of a handful of devoted adherents, were able
to carve out mighty empires for themselves and overthrow ancient
kingdoms, who owed their hundreds of years of existence solely to a
political _vis inertiae_ similar to their own on the part of the
neighbouring states. Thus we see, to quote only two examples, how at the
beginning of the nineteenth century Othman dan Fodio[505] with his
numerically infinitely weaker Fulani conquered the various Hausa states
and welded them into the kingdom of Sokoto. The Mahdi likewise in the
’eighties subdued the Egyptian Sudan for a time in spite of European
administration. Now it may indeed be urged that both these men appeared
also as religious reformers; and religious fanaticism is certainly
always a mighty factor in favour of success. But in the case of Samory,
whose capture the newspapers announced a few weeks ago, it was solely
the power of personality, which enabled him after being expelled from
one territory to conquer in a very short time a new dominion about as
large as Germany, and since 1885 to oppose unaided with more or less
success the superior military skill of the French.[506] It was personal
ability also which enabled Rabeh, the brickmaker’s son, to raise himself
to the position of king of the powerful state of Bornu, and would have
let him accomplish even greater things, had not the assassin’s poison
put a premature end to his career of conquest. Just in the last few
weeks all kinds of accounts of this man have been current in the
newspapers. These accounts, derived from a letter of the French
traveller, Bonnel de Mezières,[507] specially concern us Germans,
inasmuch as the scene of the events therein described is situated in the
hinterland of our colony of the Kameruns; but it may also be of
universal interest to find briefly described here the life and death of
this personality.
My sources of information are chiefly the two documents printed with a
translation in the appendix to this article.
1. A biography of Rabeh in Hausa, written down for me by Mohammed
Beshir-al-Ghati, Reader in the Berlin School of Oriental Languages.
2. An Arabic letter to Mohammed Beshir from Abd-el-Kader ibn Al-Haji
Isa Muzi from Ghadames, concerning the death of Rabeh.
In so far as I have made use of other sources of information, I have
noted them in the proper places.
Rabeh (i.e. the victor) belonged, like Zobehr Pasha, to the Arab family
of the Ja’alin, who have their domicile on the upper Nile round about
Khartum, but who are distributed all over the Eastern Sudan, and even as
far as Bornu,[508] as Jellaba (i.e. importers, petty traders). His
father was a poor brickmaker, who gained an honest livelihood by the
work of his hands. That Rabeh has sometimes been falsely described as a
slave of Zobehr’s is to be attributed to the fact that he attached
himself in early youth to that extraordinary man, who, prior to his
appearance as a public official, carried on the business of slave-
raiding. Rabeh early became a loyal friend and useful assistant in
Zobehr’s undertakings. It is certain that he took an active part both in
the subjugation of the Bahr-el-Ghazal Province and in the conquest of
Darfur. After Zobehr had gone on a mission of complaint to the Khedive
in Cairo and had been detained in custody there, his son Suleiman, whom
he had left behind as his representative, was driven by intrigues into
rebellion, and Rabeh became one of the most prominent sub-commanders in
the rebel army. The fortune of war was not favourable to the insurgents.
After being totally defeated on repeated occasions, they were summoned
by Gessi, the commander of the Government troops, to cease further
resistance as useless and to surrender to him under promise of amnesty.
In the rebel council of war which met to discuss these propositions,
Suleiman and the majority of his lieutenants showed themselves inclined
to capitulate on these terms, but Rabeh spoke energetically against the
proposal. His advice was, either, at the price of abandoning the
territories hitherto connected with their rule, to push westward with
their forces, still by no means inconsiderable, where it would be easy
to conquer a new dominion; or, if they were quite tired of fighting, to
surrender not to Gessi, but direct to the Government authorities in
Khartum. If neither of these two proposals should find acceptance, he
would find himself compelled to separate from his former comrades and
act on his own account. Neither alternative of Rabeh’s extremely
judicious counsel was attended to; Suleiman and the majority of his sub-
commanders gave themselves up to Gessi,[509] but Rabeh, after an
affecting leave-taking from his old comrades-in-arms, marched away with
his own troops, and those who had joined him from other detachments, to
his camp in the uncertain future, accompanied by the notes of the far-
sounding war-horn.[510]
At this point it may be fitting to insert a few words as to the
resources which, at the outset, Rabeh was able to dispose of. I do not
think that his army was ever at any one time much over 3,000 strong.
Moreover, it was certainly only the minority of these troops that
consisted of Ja’alin and Arabs of other tribes, though they formed the
cavalry of the army, while the greater part must have been supplied
according to requirements from the ‘Basingers’, i.e. negro soldiers
disciplined on European lines, selected from captured slaves. One may
quite fittingly compare them with the Mamelukes of Egypt or the Turkish
Janissaries. From what I have heard from eyewitnesses of Rabeh’s battles
in Bornu, he must also have had artillery at his disposal. It is not
only obvious but confirmed by the course of events, that these well-
armed and well-disciplined troops, in spite of their numerical weakness,
represented a formidable force when opposed to barbarous negro empires,
to whom fire-arms were certainly no longer entirely unknown, but amongst
whom they had not long been in exclusive use.[511]
II