HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY AND OF COMMERCIAL
ENTERPRISE, FROM THE TIME OF PTOLEMY TILL THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH
CENTURY.
Although the period, which the present chapter embraces, extends to
thirteen centuries, yet, as it is by no means rich or fruitful either in
discovery or commercial enterprise, it will not detain us long. The
luxuries and wealth of the east, which, in all ages of the world and to all
nations have been so fascinating, had, as we have already seen, drawn to
them the interest and the enterprise of the Romans, in the height of their
conquests; and towards the east, with few exceptions, discovery and
commerce pointed, during the whole of the period which this chapter
embraces. Yet, notwithstanding this powerful attraction, geography made
comparatively little progress: the love of luxury did not benefit it nearly
so much as the love of science. The geography of Ptolemy, and the
description of Greece by Pausanias, are, as Malte Brun justly remarks, the
last works in which the light of antiquity shines on geography. We may
further observe, that as circumstances directed the route to the east,
during the middle ages, principally through the central parts of Asia, the
countries thus explored, or visited, were among the least interesting in
this quarter of the globe, and those of which we possess, even at the
present day, very obscure and imperfect information.
The nations to whom geography and commerce were most indebted, during the
period which this chapter embraces, were the Arabians,--the Scandinavians,
--under that appellation comprehending the nations on the Baltic and in the
north of Germany,--and the Italian states. Before, however, we proceed to
notice and record their contributions to geography, discovery, and
commerce, it will be proper briefly to attend to a few circumstances
connected with those subjects, which occurred between the age of Ptolemy
and the utter decline of the Roman empire.
We have already alluded to the intercourse which was begun between Rome and
China, during the reign of Marcus Antoninus, for the purpose of obtaining
silk. Of the embassy which preceded and occasioned this commercial
intercourse, we derive all our information from the Chinese historians. A
second embassy seems to have been sent in the year A.D. 284, during the
reign of Probus: that the object of this also was commercial there can be
no doubt; but the particulars or the precise object in view, and the result
which flowed from it, are not noticed by the Chinese historians. There can
be no doubt, however, that these embassies contributed to extend the
geography and commerce of the Romans towards the eastern districts of Asia.
Of the attention which some of the Roman emperors, during the decline of
the empire, paid to commerce, we possess a few notices which deserve to be
recorded. The emperor Pertinax, whose father was a manufacturer and seller
of charcoal, and who, himself, for some time pursued the same occupation,
at that period an extensive and profitable one, preserved and exercised,
during his reign, that sense of the value of commerce which he had thus
acquired. He abolished all the taxes laid by Commodus on the ports,
harbours, and public roads, and gave up his privileges as emperor,
especially in all those points where they were prejudicial to the freedom
and extension of commerce. It may indeed be remarked, that the very few
good or tolerable princes who, at this period, filled the government of
Rome, displayed their wisdom as well as their goodness by encouraging
trade. Alexander Severus granted peculiar privileges and immunities to
foreign merchants who settled in Rome: he lowered the duties on
merchandises; and divided all who followed trade, either on a large or
small scale, into different companies, each of which seems to have
preserved the liberty of choosing their own governor, and over each of whom
persons were appointed, conversant in each particular branch of trade,
whose duty it was to settle all disputes that might arise.
Soon after this period the commerce of Rome in one particular direction,
and that a most important one, received a severe blow. The Goths, who had
emigrated from the north of Germany to the banks of the Euxine, were
allured to the "soft and wealthy provinces of Asia Minor, which produced
all that could attract, and nothing that could resist a barbarian
conqueror." It is on the occasion of this enterprise, that we first became
acquainted with the maritime usages and practices of the Goths; a branch of
whom, under the name of Scandinavians, we shall afterwards find contributed
so much to the extension of geography and commerce. In order to transport
their armies across the Euxine, they employed "slight flat-bottomed barks,
framed of timber only, without the least mixture of iron, and occasionally
covered with a shelving roof on the appearance of a tempest." Their first
object of importance was the reduction of Pityus, which was provided with a
commodious harbour, and was situated at the utmost limits of the Roman
provinces. After the reduction of this place, they sailed round the eastern
extremity of the Euxine, a distance of nearly three hundred miles, to the
important commercial city of Trebizond. This they also reduced; and in it
they found an immense booty, with which they filled a great fleet of ships,
that were lying in the port at the time of the capture. Their success
encouraged and stimulated them to further enterprises against such of the
commercial cities or rich coasts of the Roman empire, as lay within their
grasp. In their second expedition, having increased their fleet by the
capture of a number of fishing vessels, near the mouths of the Borysthenes,
the Niester, and the Danube, they plundered the cities of Bithynia. And in
a third expedition, in which their force consisted of five hundred sail of
ships, each of which might contain from twenty-five to thirty men, they
passed the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, and ravaged Greece, and threatened
Italy itself.
The extent to which some branches of trade were carried by the Romans about
this time, may be deduced from what is related of Firmus, whose ruin was
occasioned by endeavouring to exchange the security of a prosperous
merchant for the imminent dangers of a Roman emperor. The commerce of
Firmus seems principally to have been directed to the east; and for
carrying on this commerce, he settled himself at Alexandria in Egypt.
Boasting that he could maintain an army with the produce of paper and glue,
both of which articles he manufactured very extensively, he persuaded the
people of Egypt that he was able to deliver them from the Roman yoke, and
actually had influence sufficient to prevent the usual supplies of corn
from being shipped from Alexandria to Rome. His destruction was the
consequence. As an instance of his wealth and luxury, Vopiscus relates that
he had squares of glass fixed with bitumen in his house. The Roman commerce
suffered considerably during the reign of Dioclesian by the revolt of
Britain, under Carausius, who, by his skill and superiority, especially in
naval affairs, which enabled him to defeat a powerful Roman fleet fitted
out against him, obtained and secured his independence. Carausius was
murdered by Alectus: against the latter the emperor Constantine sailed with
a powerful fleet, and having effected a landing in Britain, Alectus was
defeated and slain. This fleet requires to be particularly noticed from two
considerations. In the first place, it sailed with a side wind, and when
the weather was rather rough,--circumstances so unusual, if not
unprecedented, that they were deemed worthy of an express and peculiar
panegyric: and, secondly, this fleet was not equipped and ready for sea
till after four years' preparation, whereas, in the first Punic war,
"within sixty days after the first stroke of the axe had been given in the
forest, a fleet of 160 galleys proudly rode at anchor in the sea."
Soon after this event, we are furnished with materials, from which we may
judge of the comparative opulence, commerce, and shipping of the several
countries which bordered on the Mediterranean. Constantine and Licinius
were contending for the Roman empire; and as the contest mainly depended on
superiority at sea, each exerted himself to the utmost to fit out a
formidable and numerous fleet. Licinius was emperor of the east: his fleet
consisted of 380 gallies, of three ranks of oars; eighty were furnished by
Egypt, eighty by Phoenicia, sixty by Ionia and Doria, thirty by Cyprus,
twenty by Caria, thirty by Bithynia, and fifty by Africa. At this period
there seems to have been no vessels larger than triremes. The naval
preparations of Constantine were in every respect inferior to those of his
rival: he seems to have got no ships from Italy: indeed, the fleets which
Augustus had ordered to be permanently kept up at Misenum and Ravenna, were
no longer in existence. Greece supplied the most if not all Constantine's
vessels: the maritime cities of this country sent their respective quotas
to the Piraeus; and their united forces only amounted to 200 small vessels.
This was a feeble armament compared with the numerous and powerful fleets
that Athens equipped and maintained during the Peloponnesian war. While
this republic was mistress of the sea, her fleet consisted of 300, and
afterwards of 400 gallies, of three ranks of oars, all ready, in every
respect, for immediate service. The scene of the naval battle between
Licinius and Constantine was in the vicinity of Byzantium: as this city was
in possession of the former, Constantine gave positive orders to force the
passage of the Hellespont: the battle lasted two days, and terminated in
the complete defeat of Licinius. Shortly after this decisive victory, the
Roman world was again united under one emperor, and the imperial residence
and seat of government was fixed by Constantine at Byzantium, which
thenceforth obtained the name of Constantinople.
In the middle of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus gives us some
important and curious information respecting the Roman commerce with the
East. According to him it was customary to hold an annual fair at Batnae, a
town to the east of Antioch, not far from the banks of the Euphrates.
Merchandize from the East was brought hither overland by caravans, as well
as up the Euphrates; and its value at this fair was so great, that the
Persians made an attempt to plunder it. To the same author we are indebted
for some notices respecting the countries which lay beyond the eastern
limits of the Roman empire, and also for the first clear and undoubted
notice of rhubarb, as an extensive article of commerce for medicinal
purposes.
Towards the end of the fourth century, the naval expeditions of the Saxons
attracted the notice and excited the fears of the Britons and the Gauls:
their vessels apparently were unfit for a long voyage, or for encountering
either the dangers of the sea or of battle; they were flat-bottomed and
slightly constructed of timber, wicker-work, and hides; but such vessels
possessed advantages, which to the Saxons more than compensated for their
defects: they drew so little water that they could proceed 100 miles up the
great rivers; and they could easily and conveniently be carried on waggons
from one river to another.
We have already noticed the itineraries of the Roman empire: of these there
were two kinds, the _annotota_ and the _picta_; the first
containing merely the names of places; the other, besides the names, the
extent of the different provinces, the number of their inhabitants, the
names of the mountains, rivers, seas, &c.; of the first kind, the itinerary
of Antoninus is the most celebrated: to it we have already alluded: to the
second kind belong the Peutingarian tables, which are supposed to have been
drawn up in the reign of Theodosius, about the beginning of the fifth
century, though according to other conjectures, they were constructed at
different periods.
The beginning of the tables is lost, comprising Portugal, Spain, and the
west part of Africa; only the south-east coast of England is inserted.
Towards the east, the Seres, the mouth of the Ganges, and the island of
Ceylon appear, and routes are traced through the heart of India. Dr.
Vincent remarks, that it is a very singular circumstance that these tables
should have the same names in the coast of India as the Periplus, but
reversed. Mention is also made in them of a temple of Augustus or the Roman
emperor: these circumstances, Dr. Vincent justly observes, tend to prove
the continuance of the commerce by sea with India, from the time of
Claudius to Theodosius; a period of above 300 years. In these tables very
few of the countries are set down according to their real position, their
respective limits, or their actual size.
The law of the emperor Theodosius, by which he prohibited his subjects,
under pain of death, from teaching the art of ship-building to the
barbarians, was ineffectual in the attainment of the object which he had in
view; nor did any real service to the empire result from a fleet of 1100
large ships that he fitted out, to act in conjunction with the forces of
the western empire for the protection of Rome against Genseric, king of the
Vandals. This fleet arrived in Sicily, but performed nothing; and Genseric,
notwithstanding the law of Theodosius, obtained the means and the skill of
fitting out a formidable fleet. The Vandal empire in Africa was peculiarly
adapted to maritime enterprise, as it stretched along the coast of the
Mediterranean above ninety days' journey from Tangier to Tripoli: the woods
of mount Atlas supplied an inexhaustible quantity of ship timber; the
African nations whom he had subdued, especially the Carthaginians, were
skilled in ship-building and in maritime affairs; and they eagerly obeyed
the call of their new sovereign, when he held out to them the plunder of
Rome. Thus, as Gibbon observes, after an interval of six centuries, the
fleets that issued from the port of Carthage again claimed the empire of
the Mediterranean. A feeble and ineffectual resistance was opposed to the
Vandal sovereign, who succeeded in his grand enterprise, plundered Rome,
and landed safely in Carthage with his rich spoils. The emperor Leo,
alarmed at this success, fitted out a fleet of 1113 ships, at the expense,
it is calculated, of nearly five millions sterling. This fleet, with an
immense army on board, sailed from Constantinople to Carthage, but it
effected nothing. Genseric, taking advantage of a favourable wind, manned
his largest ships with his bravest and most skilful sailors; and they towed
after them vessels filled with combustible materials. During the night they
advanced against the imperial fleet, which was taken by surprise; confusion
ensued, many of the imperial ships were destroyed, and the remainder saved
themselves by flight. Genseric thus became master of the Mediterranean; and
the coasts of Asia, Greece, and Italy, were exposed to his depredations.
Towards the end of the fifth century, the Romans under Theodoric exhibited
some slight and temporary symptoms of reviving commerce. His first object
was to fit out a fleet of 1000 small vessels, to protect the coast of Italy
from the incursions of the African Vandals and the inhabitants of the
Eastern empire. And as Rome could no longer draw her supplies of corn from
Egypt, he reclaimed and brought into cultivation the Pomptine marshes and
other neglected parts of Italy. The rich productions of Lucania, and the
adjacent provinces, were exchanged at the Marcilian fountain, in a populous
fair, annually dedicated to trade: the gradual descent of the hills was
covered with a triple plantation of divers vines and chestnut trees. The
iron mines of Dalmatia, and a gold mine in Bruttium, were carefully
explored and wrought. The abundance of the necessaries of life was so very
great, that a gallon of wine was sometimes sold in Italy for less than
three farthings, and a quarter of wheat at about five shillings and
sixpence. Towards a country thus wisely governed, and rich and fertile,
commerce was naturally attracted; and it was encouraged and protected by
Theodoric: he established a free intercourse among all the provinces by sea
and land: the city gates were never shut; and it was a common saying, "that
a purse of gold might safely be left in the field." About this period, many
rich Jews fixed their residence in the principal cities of Italy, for the
purposes of trade and commerce.
The most particular information we possess respecting the geographical
knowledge, and the Indian commerce of the ancients at the beginning of the
sixth century, is derived from a work of Cosmas, surnamed Indico Pleustes,
or the Indian navigator. He was originally a merchant, and afterwards
became a monk; and Gibbon justly observes, that his work displays the
knowledge of a merchant, with the prejudices of a monk. It is entitled
_Christian Topography_, and was composed at Alexandria, in the middle
of the fifth century, about twenty years after he had performed his voyage.
The chief object of his work was to confute the opinions that the earth was
a globe, and that there was a temperate zone on the south of the torrid
zone. According to Cosmas, the earth is a vast plane surrounded by a wall:
its extent 400 days' journey from east to west, and half as much from north
to south. On the wall which bounded the earth, the firmament was supported.
The succession of day and night is occasioned by an immense mountain on the
north of the earth, intercepting the light of the sun. In order to account
for the course of the rivers, he supposed that the plane of the earth
declined from north to south: hence the Euphrates, Tigris, &c. running to
the south, were rapid streams; whereas the Nile, running in a contrary
direction, was slow and sluggish. The prejudices of a monk, are
sufficiently evident in these opinions; but, in justice to Cosmas, it must
be remarked, that he labours hard, and not unsuccessfully, to prove that
his notions were all the same as those of the most ancient Greek
philosophers; and, indeed, his system differs from that of Homer,
principally in his assigning a square instead of a round figure to the
plane surface, which they both supposed to belong to the earth. The
cosmography of Homer, thus adopted by Cosmas and most Christian writers,
modified in some respects by the cosmography they drew from the Scriptures,
is a strong proof, as Malte Brun observes, of the powerful influence which
the poetical geography of Homer possessed over the opinions even of very
distant ages.
Having thus briefly detailed those parts of Cosmas's work, which are merely
curious as letting us into the prevalent cosmography of his time, we shall
now proceed to those parts which, as Gibbon remarks, display the knowledge
of a merchant.
We have already noticed the inscription at Aduli for which we are indebted
to this author, and the light which it throws on the commercial enterprise
of the Egyptian sovereigns. According to Cosmas, the oriental commerce of
the Red Sea, in his time, had entirely left the Roman dominions, and
settled at Aduli: this place was regularly visited by merchants from
Alexandria and Aela, an Arabian port, at the head of the eastern branch of
the Red Sea. From Aduli, vessels regularly sailed to the East: here were
collected the aromatics, spices, ivory, emeralds, &c. of Ethiopia, and
shipped by the merchants of the place in their own vessels to India,
Persia, South Arabia, and through Egypt and the north of Arabia, for Rome.
Cosmas was evidently personally acquainted with the west coast of the
Indian peninsula. He enumerates the principal ports, especially those from
which pepper was shipped. This article he describes as a source of great
traffic and wealth. The great island of Sielidiba, or Ceylon, was the mart
of the commerce of the Indian ocean. Its ports were visited by vessels from
Persia, India, Ethiopia, South Arabia, and Tzinitza. If the last country is
China, of which there can be little doubt, as he mentions that the
Tzinitzae brought to Ceylon silk, aloes, cloves, and sandal-wood, and
expressly adds that their country produced silk,--Cosmas is the first
author who fully asserts the intercourse by sea between India and China.
Besides the foreign vessels which frequented the ports of Ceylon, the
native merchants carried on an extensive trade in their own vessels, and on
their own account. In addition to pepper from Mali on the coast of Malabar,
and the articles already enumerated from China, &c., copper, a wood
resembling ebony, and a variety of stuffs, were imported from Calliena, a
port shut to the Egyptian Greeks at the time of the Periplus; and from
Sindu they imported musk, castoreum, and spikenard. Ceylon was a depôt for
all these articles, which were exported, together with spiceries, and the
precious stones for which this island was famous.
Cosmas expressly states that he was not in Ceylon himself, but that he
derived his information respecting it and its trade from Sopatrus, a Greek,
who died about the beginning of the sixth century. This, as Dr. Vincent
observes, is a date of some importance: for it proves that the trade opened
by the Romans from Egypt to India direct, continued upon the same footing
from the reign of Claudius and the discovery of Hippalus, down to A.D.
500; by which means we came within 350 years of the Arabian voyage
published by Renaudot, and have but a small interval between the limit of
ancient geography and that of the moderns.
From this author we first learn that the Persians having overcome the
aversion of their ancestors to maritime enterprise, had established a
flourishing and lucrative commerce with India. All its principal ports were
visited by Persian merchants; and in most of the cities there were churches
in which the service was performed by priests, ordained by a Persian
archbishop.
We shall conclude our notice of Ceylon, as described by Cosmas, from the
account of Sopatrus, with mentioning a few miscellaneous particulars,
illustrative of the produce and commerce of the island. The sovereignty was
held by two kings; one called the king of the Hyacinth, or the district
above the Ghants, where the precious stones were found; the other possessed
the maritime districts. In Ceylon, elephants are sold by their height; and
he adds, that in India they are trained for war, whereas, in Africa, they
are taken only for their ivory. Various particulars respecting the natural
history of Ceylon and India, &c. are given, which are very accurate and
complete: the cocoa-nut with its properties is described: the pepper plant,
the buffalo, the camelopard, the musk animal, &c.: the rhinoceros, he says,
he saw only at a distance; he procured some teeth of the hippopotamus, but
never saw the animal itself. In the palace of the king of Abyssinia, the
unicorn was represented in brass, but he never saw it. It is extraordinary
that he makes no mention of cinnamon, as a production of Ceylon.
The most important points respecting the state of Eastern commerce in the
age of Cosmas, as established by his information, are the following: that
Ceylon was the central mart between the commerce of Europe, Africa, and the
west of India, and the east of India and China; that none of the foreign
merchants who visited Ceylon were accustomed to proceed to the eastern
regions of Asia, but received their silks, spices, &c. as they were
imported into Ceylon; and that, as cloves are particularly specified as
having been imported into Ceylon from China, the Chinese at this period
must have traded with the Moluccas on the one hand, and with Ceylon on the
other.
Cosmas notices the great abundance of silk in Persia, which he attributes
to the short land carriage between it and China.
In our account of the very early trade of Carthage, a branch of it was
described from Herodotus, which the Carthaginians carried on, without the
use or intervention of words, with a remote African tribe. Of a trade
conducted in a similar manner, Cosmas gives us some information; according
to him, the king of the Axumites, on the east coast of Africa, exchanged
iron, salt, and cattle, for pieces of gold with an inland nation, whom he
describes as inhabiting Ethiopia. It may be remarked in confirmation of the
accuracy, both of Herodotus and of Cosmas, in what they relate on this
subject, and as an illustration and proof of the permanency and power of
custom among barbarous nations, that Dr. Shaw and Cadamosto (in Purchas's
Pilgrimage) describe the same mode of traffic as carried on in their times
by the Moors on the west coast of Africa, with the inhabitants of the banks
of the Niger.
In the middle of the sixth century, an immense and expensive fleet, fitted
out by the Emperor Justinian for the purpose of invading the Vandals of
Africa, gives us, in the detail of its preparation and exploits,
considerable insight into the maritime state of the empire at this period.
Justinian assembled at Constantinople 500 transports of various sizes,
which it is not easy exactly to calculate; the presumption derived from the
accounts we have is, that the smallest were 30 tons, and the largest 500
tons; and that the aggregate tonnage of the whole amounted to about 100,000
tons: an immense fleet, even compared with the fleets of modern times. On
board of this fleet there were 35,000 seamen and soldiers, and 5000 horses,
besides arms, engines, stores, and an adequate supply of water and
provisions, for a period, probably, of two or three months. Such were the
transports: they were accompanied and protected by 92 light brigantines,
for gallies were no longer used in the Mediterranean; on board of these
vessels were 2000 rowers. The celebrated Belisarius was the
commander-in-chief, both of the land and sea forces. The course of this
numerous and formidable fleet was directed by the master-galley in which he
sailed; this was conspicuous by the redness of its sails during the day,
and by torches fixed on its mast head during night. A circumstance occurred
during the first part of the voyage, which instructs us respecting the mode
of manufacturing the bread used on long voyages. When the sacks which
contained it were opened, it was found to be soft and unfit for use; and on
enquiring into the cause, the blame was clearly traced to the person by
whose orders it had been prepared. In order to save the expense of fuel, he
had ordered it to be baked by the same fire which warmed the baths of
Constantinople, instead of baking it twice in an oven, as was the usual and
proper practice. In the latter mode, a loss of one-fourth was calculated on
and allowed; and the saving occasioned by the mode adopted was probably
another motive with the person under whose superintendence the bread was
prepared.
During the voyage from Methone, where fresh bread was taken on board to the
southern coast of Sicily, from which, according to modern language, they
were to take their departure for Africa, they were becalmed, and 161 days
were spent in this navigation. An incident is mentioned relating to this
part of the voyage, which points out the method used by the ancients to
preserve their water when at sea. As the general himself was exposed to the
intolerable hardship of thirst, or the necessity of drinking bad water,
that which was meant for his use was put into glass bottles, which were
buried deep in the sand, in a part of the ship to which the rays of the sun
could not reach. Three months after the departure of the fleet from
Constantinople, the troops were landed near Carthage; Belisarius being
anxious to effect this as soon as possible, as his men did not hesitate to
express their belief, that they were not able to contend at once with the
winds, the waves, and the barbarians. The result of this expedition was the
conquest of the African provinces, Sardinia, and Corsica.
The absurd and injudicious regulations of Justinian, respecting the corn
trade of the empire have been already noticed; nor did his other measures
indicate, either a better acquaintance with the principles of commerce, or
more regard to its interests. The masters of vessels who traded to
Constantinople were often obliged to carry cargoes for him to Africa or
Italy, without any remuneration; or, if they escaped this hardship,
enormous duties were levied on the merchandize they imported. A monopoly in
the sale of silk was granted to the imperial treasurer; and, indeed, no
species of trade seems to have been open and free, except that in cloth.
His addition of one-seventh to the ordinary price of copper, so that his
money-changers gave only 180 ounces of that metal, instead of 210, for
one-sixth of an ounce of gold, seems rather to have been the result of
ignorance than of fraud and avarice; since he did not alter the gold coin,
in which alone all public and private payments were made. At this time, the
geographical knowledge of the Romans, respecting what had formerly
constituted a portion of their empire, must have declined in a striking
manner, if we may judge from the absurd and fabulous account which
Procopius gives of Britain. And the commercial relations of the Britons
themselves had entirely disappeared, even with their nearest neighbours;
since, in the history of Gregory of Tours, there is not a single allusion
to any trade between Britain and France.
At the beginning of the seventh century we glean our last notice of any
event connected with the commerce and maritime enterprise of the Romans;
and the same period introduces us to the rising power and commerce of the
Arabians.
Alexandria, though its importance and wealth as a commercial city had long
been on the wane, principally by the removal of most of the oriental trade
to Persia, was still the commercial capital of the Mediterranean, and was
of the utmost importance to Constantinople, which continued to draw from it
an annual supply of about 250,000 quarters of corn; but in the beginning of
this century it was conquered by the Persians, and the emperor was obliged
to enter into a treaty with the conquerors, by which he agreed to pay a
heavy and disgraceful tribute for the corn which was absolutely necessary
for the support of his capital. But a sudden and most extraordinary change
took place in the character of Heraclius: he roused himself from his sloth,
indolence and despair; he fitted out a large fleet; exerted his skill, and
displayed his courage and coolness in a storm which it encountered; carried
his armies into Persia itself, and succeeded in recovering Egypt and the
other provinces which the Persians had wrested from the empire.
The very early commerce of the Arabians, by means of caravans, with India,
and their settlements on the Red Sea and the coasts of Africa and India at
a later period, for the purposes of commerce, have been already noticed.
Soon after they became the disciples of Mahomet, their commercial and
enterprizing spirit revived, if indeed it had ever languished; and it
certainly displayed itself with augmented zeal, vigour, and success, under
the influence of their new religion, and the genius and ambition of their
caliphs. Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, and Spain, were successively
conquered by them; and one of their first and most favourite objects, after
they had conquered a country, was the amelioration or extension of its
commerce. When they conquered Persia, the trade between that country and
India was extensive and flourishing: the Persian merchants brought from
India its most precious commodities. The luxury of the kings of Persia
consumed a large quantity of camphire, mixed with wax, to illuminate their
palaces; and this must have been brought, indirectly, through India, from
Japan, Sumatra, or Borneo, the only places where the camphire-tree grows: a
curious and striking proof of the remote and extensive influence of the
commerce and luxury of Persia, at the time it was conquered by the
Arabians. The conquerors, aware of the importance of the Indian commerce,
and of the advantages which the Tigris and Euphrates afforded for this
purpose, very soon after their conquest, founded the city of Bassora: a
place, which, from its situation midway between the junction and the mouth
of these rivers, commands the trade and navigation of Persia. It soon rose
to be a great commercial city; and its inhabitants, directing their
principal attention and most vigorous enterprize to the East, soon pushed
their voyages beyond Ceylon, and brought, directly from the place of their
growth or manufacture, many of those articles which hitherto they had been
obliged or content to purchase in that island. Soon after the conquest of
Persia was completed, the Caliph Omar directed that a full and accurate
survey and description, of the kingdom should be made, which comprehended
the inhabitants, the cattle, and the fruits of the earth.
The conquest of Syria added comparatively little to the commerce of the
Arabians; but in the account which is given of this enterprize, we are
informed of a large fair, which was annually held at Abyla, between
Damascus and Heliopolis, where the produce and manufactures of the country
were collected and sold. In the account given of the conquest of Jerusalem
by the Arabians, we have also an account of another fair held at Jerusalem,
at which it is probable the goods brought from India by Bassora, the
Euphrates, and the caravans, were sold. As soon as the conquest of the
western part of Syria was completed, the Arabians took advantage of the
timber of Libanus, and of the maritime skill of the Phoenicians, which even
yet survived: they fitted out a fleet of 1,700 barks, which soon rode
triumphant in the Mediterranean. Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cyclades, were
subdued, and Constantinople itself was attacked, but without effect.
The conquest of Egypt, however, was of the most importance to the Arabian
commerce, and therefore more especially demands our notice.--"In their
annals of conquest," as Gibbon remarks, "the siege of Alexandria is perhaps
the most arduous and important enterprize. The first trading city in the
world was abundantly replenished with the means of subsistence and
defence." But the Saracens were bold and skilful; the Greeks timid and
unwarlike; and Alexandria fell into the possession of the disciples of
Mahomet. As soon as the conquest of Egypt was completed, its administration
was settled, and conducted on the most wise and liberal principles. In the
management of the revenue, taxes were raised, not by the simple but
oppressive mode of capitation, but on every branch from the clear profits
of agriculture and commerce. A third part of these taxes was set apart,
with the most religious exactness, to the annual repairs of the dykes and
canals. At first, the corn which used to supply Constantinople was sent to
Medina from Memphis by camels; but Omrou, the conqueror of Egypt, soon
renewed the maritime communication "which had been attempted or achieved by
the Pharaohs, the Ptolemies, or the Cæsars; and a canal, at least eighty
miles in length, was opened from the Nile to the Red Sea. This inland
navigation, which would have joined the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean,
was soon, however, discontinued, as useless and dangerous;" and about the
year 775, A.D., it was stopped up at the end next the Red Sea.
The conquest of Africa, though not nearly so advantageous to the commerce
of the Arabians, was yet of some importance to them in this point of view:
it gradually extended from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean. Tripoly was the
first maritime and commercial city which their arms reduced: Bugia and
Tangier were next reduced. Cairoan was formed as a station for a caravan; a
city, which, in its present decay, still holds the second rank in the
kingdom of Tunis. Carthage was next attacked and reduced; but an attempt
was made by forces sent from Constantinople, joined by the ships and
soldiers of Sicily, and a powerful reinforcement of Goths from Spain, to
retake it. The Arabian conquerors had drawn a strong chain across the
harbour; this the confederate fleet broke: the Arabians for a time were
compelled to retreat; but they soon returned, defeated their enemies, burnt
Carthage, and soon afterwards completed the conquest of this part of
Africa.
The beginning of the eighth century is remarkable for their invasion of
Spain, and for their second fruitless attack on Constantinople; during the
latter, their fleet, which is said to have consisted of 1800 vessels, was
totally destroyed by the Greek fire. With regard to their conquest of
Spain, it was so rapid, that in a few months the whole of that great
peninsula, which for two centuries withstood the power of the Roman
republic at its greatest height, was reduced, except the mountainous
districts of Asturia and Biscay, Here also the Arabians displayed the same
attention to science by which they were distinguished in Asia: ten years
after the conquest, a map of the province was made, exhibiting the seas,
rivers, harbours, and cities, accompanied with a description of them, and
of the inhabitants, the climate, soil, and mineral productions. "In the
space of two centuries, the gifts of nature were improved by the
agriculture, the manufactures, and the commerce of an industrious people."
The first of the Ommiades who reigned in Spain, levied on the Christians of
that country, 10,000 ounces of gold, 10,000 pounds of silver, 10,000
houses, &c. "The most powerful of his successors derived from the same
kingdom the annual tribute of about six millions sterling. His royal seat
of Cordova contained 600 mosques, 900 baths, and 200,000 houses: he gave
laws to 80 cities of the first order, and to 300 of the second and third:
and 12,000 villages and hamlets were situated on the banks of the
Guadalquivir."
The religious prejudices, as well as the interests of the Arabians, led
them to exclude the Christians from every channel through which they had
received the produce of India. That they were precluded from all commercial
intercourse with Egypt, is evident, from a fact noticed by Macpherson, in
his Annals of Commerce. Before Egypt was conquered by the Arabians,
writings of importance in Europe were executed on the Egyptian papyrus; but
after that period, at least till the beginning of the ninth century, they
are upon parchment.--This, as Macpherson observes, amounts almost to a
proof, that the trade with Egypt, the only country producing papyrus, was
interrupted.
In consequence of the supply of silks, spices, and other oriental luxuries
which Constantinople derived from the fair at Jerusalem, (still allowed by
the Arabians to be annually held,) not being sufficient for the demand of
that dissipated capital, and their price in consequence having very much
increased, some merchants were tempted to travel across Asia, beyond the
northern boundary of the Arabian power, and to import, by means of
caravans, the goods of China and India.
Towards the beginning of the ninth century, as we have already remarked,
the commercial relations of the Arabians and the Christians of Europe
commenced, and Alexandria was no longer closed to the latter. The merchants
of Lyons, Marseilles, and other maritime towns in the south of France, in
consequence of the friendship and treaties subsisting between Charlemagne
and the Caliph Haroun Al Rasched, traded with their ships twice a year to
Alexandria; from this city they brought the produce of Arabia and India to
the Rhone, and by means of it, and a land carriage to the Moselle and the
Rhine, France and Germany were supplied with the luxuries of the east. The
friendship between the emperor and the caliph seems in other cases to have
been employed by the former to the advancement of the commercial
intercourse between Asia and Europe; for we are expressly informed, that a
Jewish merchant, a favourite of Charlemagne, made frequent voyages to
Palestine, and returned with pictures,--merchandize before unknown in the
west.
Hitherto we have viewed the Arabians chiefly as fostering and encouraging
commerce; but they also deserve our notice, for their attention to
geographical science and discoveries. From the period of their first
conquests, the caliphs had given orders to their generals to draw up
geographical descriptions of the countries conquered; and we have already
noticed some of these descriptions. In 833, A.D., the Caliph Almamon
employed three brothers of the name of Ben Schaker, to measure a degree of
latitude, first in the desert of Sangdaar, betweeen Racca and Palmyra, and
afterwards near Cufa, for the purpose of ascertaining the circumference of
the globe.
We now arrive at the era of a most important document, illustrative of the
commerce of the eastern parts of India and of China, with which we are
furnished by the Arabians: we allude to the "ancient Accounts of India and
China, by two Mahomedan travellers, who went to those parts in the ninth
century, translated from the Arabic by Renaudot." The genuineness and
authenticity of these accounts were for a long time doubted; but De
Guignes, from the Chinese annals, has completely removed all doubt on the
subject.
The most remarkable circumstance connected with this journey is, that in
the ninth century the Mahomedans should have been able to reach China; but
our surprise on this point will cease, when we consider the extent of the
Mahomedan dominions towards the east of Asia, the utmost limits of which,
in this direction, approached very nearly the frontiers of China. If,
therefore, they travelled by land, no serious difficulty would lie in their
way; but Renaudot thinks it more probable, that they proceeded thither by
sea.
According to these travellers, the Arabian merchants, no longer confining
themselves to a traffic at Ceylon for the commodities of the east of Asia,
traded to every part of that quarter of the globe, even as far as the south
coast of China. The account they give of the traffic with this latter
country, is very minute: "When foreign vessels arrive at Canfu, which is
supposed to be Canton, the Chinese take possession of their cargoes, and
store them in warehouses, till the arrival of all the other ships which are
expected: it thus happens that the vessels which first arrive are detained
six months. They then take about a third part of all the merchandize, as
duty, and give the rest up to the merchants: of these the emperor is the
preferable purchaser, but only for ready money, and at the highest price of
the market." One circumstance is particularly noticed, which proves, that
at this period the Arabians were numerous and respected in China; for a
cadi, or judge, of their own religion, was appointed to preside over them,
under the emperor. The Chinese are described as sailing along the coast as
far as the Persian Gulf, where they loaded their vessels with merchandize
from Bassora. Other particulars are mentioned, respecting their trade, &c.,
which agree wonderfully with what we know of them at present: they regarded
gold and silver merely as merchandize: dressed in silk, summer and winter:
had no wine, but drank a liquor made from rice. Tea is mentioned under the
name of _sak_--an infusion of this they drank, and a large revenue was
derived from the duty on it. Their porcelaine also is described and
praised, as equally fine and transparent as glass. Every male child was
registered as soon as born; at 18 he began to pay the capitation tax; and
at 80 was entitled to a pension.
These Arabian travellers likewise supply us with some information
respecting the trade of the Red Sea. The west side of it was in their time
nearly deserted by merchant ships; those from the Persian Gulf sailed to
Judda on the Arabian coast of it: here were always found many small
coasting vessels, by means of which the goods from India, Persia, &c. were
conveyed to Cairo. If this particular is accurate, it would seem to prove
that at this period the canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, which had
been rendered navigable by Omrou, was regularly used for the purposes of
commerce.
In these accounts, the typhon, or whirlwind, so common in the Chinese seas,
is mentioned under that appellation: the flying fish and unicorn are
described; and we have notices of ambergrise, the musk, and the animal from
which it is produced: the last is mentioned as coming from Thibet.
The next Arabian author, in point of time, from whom we derive information
respecting geography and commerce, is Massoudi. He died at Cairo in 957: he
was the author of a work describing the most celebrated kingdoms in Europe,
Africa, and Asia; but the details respecting Africa, India, and the lesser
Asia, are the most accurate and laboured. The account we shall afterwards
give of the geographical knowledge of the Arabians, renders it unnecessary
to present any abstract, in this place, of the geographical part of his
work; we shall therefore confine ourselves to the notices interspersed
respecting commerce. The Arabians traded to nearly every port of India,
from Cashmere to Cape Comorin; and seem to have been protected and
particularly favoured in their commercial pursuits. In the year 877 a great
rebellion occurred in China, and the Arabian merchants had been massacred
at Canfn. According to Massoudi, however, in his time this city had
recovered from its disasters; confidence had revived; the Arabian merchants
from Bassora, and other ports in Persia, resorted to it; and vessels from
India and the adjacent islands. He also describes a route to China by land
frequented by traders: this seems to have been through Korasin, Thibet, and
a country he calls Ilestan. With regard to the Arabian commerce with
Africa, the merchants settled at Omar traded to Sofala for gold, and to an
island, which is supposed to be Madagascar, where they had established
colonies.
Of the geographical knowledge displayed by the next Arabian traveller in
point of date, [Ebor->Ebn] Haukal, we shall at present take no notice, for
the reason already assigned; but confine ourselves to his notices regarding
commerce. According to him, the most wealthy merchants resided at Siraf,
where they traded very extensively and successfully in the commodities of
India and China. Hormus was the principal trading place in Karmania; Daibul
in Sind: the merchants here traded to all parts. The countries near the
Caspian were celebrated for their manufactures of silk, wool, hair, and
gold stuffs. In Armenia, hangings and carpets, dyed with a worm or insect a
beautiful colour, called _kermez_, were made. Samarcand was celebrated for
the excellency of its paper. Trebezond was the principal trading place on
the Black Sea. Alexandria is celebrated for the grandeur of its buildings;
but its trade is not mentioned.
About the beginning of the eleventh century we derive our earliest notice
of the commerce of Spain under its Arabian conquerors. The port of
Barcelona was at this period the principal station for commercial
intercourse with the eastern nations bordering on the Mediterranean; and as
a proof of the character which its merchants held, it may be noticed, that
their usages were collected into a code: by this code all vessels arriving
at, or sailing from, Barcelona, are assured of friendly treatment; and they
are declared to be under the protection of the prince, so long as they are
near the coast of Catalonia. How much Spain was indebted to the Arabians
for their early commerce may be judged of from the number of commercial and
maritime terms in the Spanish language, evidently derived from the Arabic.
In the middle of the twelfth century, Al Edrissi composed at the court of
Roger King of Sicily, whose subject he was, his Geographical Amusements. In
this work we find little that relates to commerce: its geographical details
will assist us when we give our sketch of the geographical knowledge of the
Arabians.
In the work of [Ebor->Ebn] Al Ouardi, which was drawn up in 1232, Africa,
Arabia, and Syria are minutely described; but comparatively little is said
on Europe, India, and the North of Asia.
The next Arabian geographer in point of time is Abulfeda: he wrote a very
particular description of the earth, the countries being arranged according
to climates, with the latitude and longitude of each place. In the
introduction to this work he enters on the subject of mathematical
geography, and describes the most celebrated mountains, rivers, and seas of
the world. Abulfeda was a native of Syria; and this and the adjacent
countries are described with most fullness and accuracy: the same remark
applies to his description of Egypt and the north coast of Africa. The
information contained in his work, respecting Tartary, China, &c., is not
nearly so full and minute as might have been expected, considering the
intercourse of the Arabians with those countries. Of Europe, and all other
parts of Africa except Egypt and the north coast, he gives little or no
information.
Within these very few years, some valuable notices have been received,
through M. Burckhardt, and Mr. Kosegarten of Jena, of Ibn Batouta, an
Arabian traveller of the fourteenth century. According to M. Burckhardt, he
is, perhaps, the greatest land traveller that ever wrote his travels. He
was a native of Tangier, and travelled for thirty years, from 1324 to 1354.
He traversed more than once Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, the coast of the
Red Sea, and the eastern coast of Africa. Bochara, Balk, Samarcand, Caubul,
India, and China, were visited by him: he even ventured to explore several
of the Indian islands; crossed the mountains of Thibet, traversed India,
and then, taking shipping, went to Java. He again visited China, and
returned thence by Calicut, Yeman, Bagdad, and Damascus, to Cairo. After
having visited Spain, he directed his travels to Africa; reached the
capital of Morocco, and thence as far as Sodjalmasa. From this place he
crossed the Desert with the slave merchants to Taghary--twenty-five days
journey: he represents the houses here as built of rock salt, and covered
with camel skins. For twenty days more he crossed a desert without water or
trees, and the sand of which was so loose, that it left no traces of
footsteps. He now arrived at the frontier town of Soudan. After travelling
for some time longer, he reached the banks of the Niger, which, according
to the information he received, flowed into the Nile at the second
cataract. He visited Tombuctoo and other places in this part of Africa, and
finished his travels at Fez.
We shall now conclude our account of the Arabians, with a connected and
condensed view of their geographical knowledge.
It is natural to suppose that they would be best acquainted with those
countries which had embraced the faith of Mahomet; and that the prejudices
and contempt with which his disciples have always regarded Christians, and,
indeed, all who were of a different religion, would stand in the way of
their seeking or acquiring information respecting those portions of the
globe, the inhabitants of which were not of their faith. The exceptions to
this are to be found principally in those countries, from which they
derived the principal articles of their commerce; or which, though not
proselytized, were conquered by them.
Hence, Europe in general was scarcely known to them beyond their dominions
in Spain, and the adjacent parts of France. There are, however, exceptions
to this remark; for we find, scattered through their geographical works,
notices tolerably accurate and just respecting Ireland, Paris, Antharvat,
which seems to be England, the Duchy of Sleswig, the City of Kiov, and some
other places.
The whole of the north of Africa having been subdued, was thoroughly known
by them; and they seem to have extended their arms, or at least their
knowledge, as far into the interior as the banks of the Niger. On the east
side, their arms had penetrated to Sofala; but on the west their knowledge
does not appear to have reached beyond Cape Blanco, in the Bay of Arguin.
The fortunate islands of the ancients were known to them, and the Pike of
Teneriffe seems obscurely represented. Of the other islands and ports
farther to the south on this side of Africa, it is impossible to ascertain
their identity; or whether, as represented by the Arabians, they may not be
regarded as among those fables in geography, in which all the ancient
nations indulged. We may, however, trace some resemblance, in name or
description, to the Canary Islands, the River Senegal, and the Rio d'Ouro.
Malte Brun is of opinion, that their knowledge extended beyond Cape
Boyador, for so long a time impassable by the Portugese.
On the eastern side of Africa, the Ethiopia of the Arabians seems to have
terminated at Cape Corrientes: their power and religion were established
from the Cape to the Red Sea. In their geographical descriptions of this
part of Africa, we may trace many names of cities which they still retain.
But they adopted the error of Ptolemy in supposing that the southern parts
of Africa and Asia joined; for Edrisi describes an extensive country,
extending from the coast of Africa to that of India, beyond the Ganges.
The island of Madagascar seems to be faintly pourtrayed by them; and it is
certain that Arabian colonies and the Mahometan religion were established
in it from a very early period. Massoudi mentions an island, two days' sail
from Zanguebar, which he calls Phanbalu, the inhabitants of which were
Mahometans; and it is worthy of remark, as Malte Brun observes, that in the
time of Aristotle a large island in this Ocean was known under a similar
name, that of Phebol. It is surprizing that the island of Ceylon, with
which the Arabians had such regular and constant intercourse, should be
placed by Edrisi near the coast of Africa.
But it was in Asia that the conquest, and commerce, and religion of the
Arabians spread most extensively; and hence their geographical knowledge of
this part of the globe is more full, accurate, and minute, than what they
had acquired of the other portions. By their conquest of Persia, the
ancient Bactriana, Transoxiana, &c. fell into their power; and according to
their wise plan, they immediately made themselves acquainted with the
geography, productions, &c. of these countries. From their writers we can
glean many new and curious particulars, respecting the districts which lie
to the north and east of the Gihon: whether in all respects they are
accurate, cannot now be ascertained; for these districts, besides that they
are comparatively little known to the moderns, have suffered so much from
various causes, that their identity can hardly be determined.
On the west of Asia, near the Black Sea and the borders of Europe, the
Arabian geographers throw much light; their information is minute and
exact, and it reaches to the passes of Caucasus. Red Russia, it is well
known, derives its appellation from the colour of the hair of its
inhabitants. Now the Arabian geographers describe a Sclavonic nation,
inhabiting a country near Caucasus, called _Seclab_, remarkable for
the redness of their hair. Hence, it is probable that the modern
inhabitants of Red Russia, who are Sclavonic, emigrated to it from this
district of Caucasus.
Some notices appear of those parts, of Russia which border on Russia:
Maschput, which is represented as a city of consequence, probably is
Moscow. On the borders of the salt plains of Susith, a country is
described, called Boladal Rus, evidently Russia, the inhabitants of which
are represented as noted for their filth.
With the figure and extent of the Caspian Sea, the Arabian geographers were
tolerably well acquainted: and they describe, so as to be recognized,
several tribes inhabiting the borders of this sea, as well as the vicinity
of the Wolga. One is particularly noticed and celebrated, being called the
People of the Throne of Gold, the khan of whom lived at Seray, near the
mouth of the Wolga. To the east of the Caspian, the Arabian conquests did
not extend farther than those of Alexander and his immediate successors.
Transoxiana was the limit of their dominions towards the north, in this
part of the world.
Of many of the districts which the Arabians, conquered, in this part of
Asia, they have furnished us with such accurate and full information, that
modern discoveries have been able to add or correct very little. That they
were acquainted with Thibet and China, has already appeared, from the
account given of their commerce. Thibet they represent as divided into
three parts, Thibet upper, central, and lower. At the beginning of the
eighth century, Arabian ambassadors were sent to China: they passed through
Cashgar. After this period, journies to China by the route of Samarcand
were frequent. Besides Canfu, described by the Mahomedan travellers of
Renaudot, other cities in China were visited by the Arabian merchants, most
of which were in the interior; but the Arabian geographers seem to have
been puzzled by the Chinese names. We learn, however, that the provinces of
the north were distinguished from those of the south; the former were
called Cathay and Tehar Cathar, or Cathay, which produces tea: its capital
was Cambalu: the provinces in the south were called Tchin or Sin. The
appellation of Cathay was that under which alone China was long known to
the Europeans. Under the name of Sin, given to the southern districts, the
Arabian geographers frequently comprehended all the country to the Ganges.
The Arabians divided the present Hindostan into two parts; Sind and Hind:
the first seems to have comprised the countries lying on the Indus; Hind
lay to the east, and comprehended Delhi, Agra, Oude, Bengal, &c. The Decan,
at least the western part of it, belonged to Sind. The coast of Coromandel,
as well as the interior, was unknown to them. On the west or Malabar coast,
their information was full and accurate; but it terminated at Cape Comorin.
While part of the forces of the Caliph Walid were employed in the conquest
of Spain, another part succeeded in reducing Multan and Lahore; and the
Arabian geographers, always ready to take advantage of the success of their
arms, to promote geographical knowledge, describe their new eastern
conquests, and the countries which bordered on them, in the most glowing
language. The valley of Cashmere, in particular, affords ample matter for
their panegyrics. The towns of Guzerat, Cambay, and Narwhorra are
described: in the last resided the most powerful king of India; his kingdom
extended from Guzerat and Concan to the Ganges. The city of Benares,
celebrated as a school of Indian philosophy, and the almost impregnable
fortress of Gevatior, are mentioned by them, as well as a colony of Jews in
Cochin, and the Maldive islands: these they frequented to obtain cowries,
which then, as now, were used as money.
It is supposed that the isle of Sumatra is described by them under the name
of Lumery; for the peculiar productions are the same, and Sumatra was known
under the name of Lambry in the time of Marc Paul, and Mandeville. Java is
evidently meant by Al D'Javah: it is represented as rich in spices, but
subject to volcanic eruptions; circumstances by which it is yet
distinguished. A short period before the Portuguese reached these seas,
Arabian colonists established themselves at Ternate and some of the other
spice islands; and their language, religious opinions, and customs, may
clearly be traced in the Philippine islands.
From the geographical discoveries, the travels by sea and land, and the
commercial enterprize of the Arabians, we pass to those of the
Scandinavians; under that appellation, including not only the
Scandinavians, properly so called, who inhabited the shores of the Baltic
and the coasts of Norway, but also those people who dwelt on the northern
shores of the German Ocean; for they were of the same origin as the Baltic
nations, and resembled them in manners and pursuits.
By an inspection of the map it will appear, that all these tribes were
situated nearly as favorably for maritime enterprize as the nations which
inhabited the shores of the Mediterranean; and though their earliest
expeditions by sea were not stimulated by the same cause, commercial
pursuits, yet they arose from causes equally efficient. While the countries
bordering on the Mediterranean were blessed with a fertile soil and a mild
climate, those on the Baltic were comparatively barren and ungenial; their
inhabitants, therefore, induced by their situation to attend to maritime
affairs, were further led to employ their skill and power by sea, in
endeavouring to establish themselves in more favored countries, or, at
least, to draw from them by plunder, what they could not obtain in their
own.
We have already mentioned the maritime expeditions of the Saxons, which
struck terror into the Romans, during the decline of their empire. The
other Scandinavian nations were acted on by the same causes and motives.
Neglecting the peaceful art of agriculture, inured to the sea from their
earliest years, and the profession and practice of piracy being regarded as
actually honourable by them, it is no wonder that their whole lives were
spent in planning or executing maritime expeditions. Their internal wars
also, by depriving many of their power or their property, compelled them to
seek abroad that which they had lost at home. No sooner had a prince
reached his eighteenth year, than he was entrusted by his father with a
fleet; and by means of it he was ordered and expected to add to his glory
and his wealth, by plunder and victory. Lands were divided into certain
portions, and from each portion a certain number of ships were to be fully
equipped for sea. Their vessels, as well as themselves, were admirably
adapted to the grand object of their lives; the former were well supplied
with stones, arrows, and strong ropes, with which they overset small
vessels, and with grappling irons to board them; and every individual was
skilful in swimming. Each band possessed its own ports, magazines, &c.
Their ships were at first small, being only a kind of twelve-oared barks;
they were afterwards so much enlarged, that they were capable of containing
100 or 120 men.
It is not our intention to notice the piratical expeditions of
Scandinavians, except so far as they tended to discovery, or commerce, or
were productive of permanent effects. Among the first countries to which
they directed themselves, and where they settled permanently, were England
and Ireland; the result of their settlement in England was the
establishment of the Anglo-Saxon dominion power in that kingdom; the result
of their expeditions to Ireland was their settlement on its eastern coasts.
In the middle of the ninth century, the native Irish had been driven by
them into the central and western parts of the country, while the
Scandinavian conquerors, under the appellation of Ostmen, or Eastmen,
possessed of all the maritime cities, carried on an extensive and lucrative
commerce, not only with their native land, but also with other places in
the west of Europe. Their settlements on the Shetland, Orkney, and western
islands of Scotland, are only mentioned, because in these last the
Scandinavians seem to have established and encouraged manufactures, the
forerunner and support of commerce; for towards the end of the ninth
century, the drapery of the Suderyans, (for so the inhabitants were called,
as their country lay to the south of Shetland and Orkney,) was much
celebrated and sought after.
About this period the Scandinavian nations began to mingle commerce and
discovery with their piratical expeditions. Alfred, king of England,
obliged to attend to maritime affairs, to defend his territories from the
Danes, turned his ardent and penetrating mind to every thing connected with
this important subject. He began by improving the structure of his vessels;
"the form of the Saxon ships (observes Mr. Strutt, who derives his
description from contemporary drawings) at the end of the eighth century,
or beginning of the ninth, is happily preserved in some of the ancient MSS.
of that date, they were scarcely more than a very large boat, and seem to
be built of stout planks, laid one over the other, in the manner as is done
in the present time; their heads and sterns are very erect, and rise high
out of the water, ornamented at top with some uncouth head of an animal,
rudely cut; they have but one mast, the top of which is also decorated with
a bird, or some such device; to this mast is made fast a large sail, which,
from its nature and construction, could only be useful when the vessel went
before the wind. The ship was steered with a large oar, with a flat end,
very broad, passing by the side of the stern; and this was managed by the
pilot, who sat in the stern, and thence issued his orders to the mariners."
The bird on the mast head, mentioned in this description, appears, from the
account of Canute's fleet, given in Du Cange, to have been for the purpose
of shewing the wind.
The same energy and comprehension of mind which induced and enabled Alfred
to improve his navy so much, led him to favour geographical pursuits and
commere. In his Anglo-Saxon translation of Orosius, he has inserted the
information he had obtained from two Scandinavians, Ohter and Wulfstan. In
this we have the most ancient description, that is clear and precise, of
the countries in the north of Europe. Ohter sailed from Helgoland in
Norway, along the coast of Lapland, and doubling the North Cape, reached
the White Sea. This cape had not before been doubled; nor was it again,
till in the middle of the 16th century, by Chancellor, the English
navigator, who was supposed at that time to be the original discoverer.
Ohter also made a voyage up the Baltic, as far as Sleswig. Wulfstan,
however, penetrated further into this sea than Ohter; for he reached Truse,
a city in Prussia, which he represents as a place of considerable trade.
Alfred even extended his views to India, whether stimulated by religious
views, or by the desire of obtaining its luxuries, is uncertain; perhaps
both motives operated on his mind. We know that the patriarch of Jerusalem
corresponded with him; and that the Christians of St. Thomas, in India,
would probably be mentioned in these letters: we also know, that about a
century before Alfred lived, the venerable Bede was possessed of pepper,
cinnamon, and frankincense. Whatever were Alfred's motives, the fact is
undoubted, that he sent one of his bishops to St. Thomas, who brought back
aromatic liquors, and splendid jewels. Alfred seems to have been rich in
the most precious commodities of the East; for he presented Asser, his
biographer, with a robe of silk, and as much incense as a strong man could
carry. After all, however, the commerce of England in his reign was
extremely limited: had it been of any importance, it would have been more
specially noticed and protected by his laws. It was otherwise, however, in
the reign of Athelstan; for there is a famous law made by him, by which the
rank and privileges of a thane are conferred on every merchant, who had
made three voyages across the sea, with a vessel and cargo of his own. By
another law passed in this reign, the exportation of horses was forbidden.
From this period till the conquest, England was prevented from engaging in
commerce by the constant irruption of the Danes, and by the short duration
of their sovereignty after they had succeeded in obtaining it. There are,
however, even during this time, some notices on the subject; as appears
from the laws of Ethelred: by these, tolls were established on all boats
and vessels arriving at Billingsgate, according to their size. The men of
Rouen, who brought wine and large fish, and those from Flanders, Normandy,
and other parts of France, were obliged to shew their goods, and pay the
duties; but the emperor's men, who came with their ships, were more
favoured, though they were not exempt from duty.
From what relates to the geographical knowledge and the commerce of the
Scandinavian inhabitants of England, we shall now pass on to the
geographical discoveries and commerce of the other Scandinavian nations.
About the year 861, a Scandinavian vessel, probably on its voyage to
Shetland or Orkney, discovered the Feroe islands. This discovery, and the
flight of some birds, induced the Scandinavians to believe that there was
other land in the vicinity of these islands. About ten years afterwards,
Iceland was discovered by some Norwegian nobility and their dependants, who
were obliged to leave their native country, in consequence of the tyranny
of Harold Harfragre. According to some accounts, however, Iceland had been
visited by a Norwegian pirate a few years before this; and if the
circumstance mentioned in the Icelandic Chronicles be true, that wooden
crosses, and other little pieces of workmanship, after the manner of the
Irish and Britons, were found in it, it must have been visited before the
Scandinavians arrived. The new colonists soon acquired a thorough knowledge
of the size of the island; for they expressly state, that its circumference
is 168 leagues, 15 to a degree, which corresponds with the most accurate
modern measurement.
Iceland soon became celebrated for its learning; the history of the North,
as well as its geography, is much indebted to its authors: nor were its
inhabitants, though confined to a cold and sterile land very remote from
the rest of Europe, inattentive to commerce; for they carried on a
considerable trade in the northern seas,--their ships visiting Britain,
Ireland, France, Germany, &c.; and there is even an instance of their
having made a commercial voyage as far as Constantinople.
To them the discovery of Greenland and of America is due. The first took
place about the beginning of the tenth century: a colony was immediately
established, which continued till it was destroyed by a pestilence in the
14th century, and by the accumulation of ice, which prevented all
communication between Iceland and Greenland.
The discovery of America took place in the year 1001: an Icelander, in
search of his father who was in Greenland, was carried to the south by a
violent wind. Land was discovered at a distance, flat, low, and woody. He
did not go on shore, but returned. His account induced a Norwegian nobleman
to fit out a ship to explore this new land; after sailing for some time,
they descried a flat shore, without verdure; and soon afterwards a low land
covered with wood. Two days' prosperous sailing brought them to a third
shore, on the north of which lay an island: they entered, and sailed up a
river, and landed. Pleased with the temperature of the climate, the
apparent fertility of the soil, and the abundance of fish in the rivers,
they resolved to pass the winter in this country; and they gave it the name
of Vinland, from the quantity of small grapes which they found growing. A
colony was soon afterwards formed, who traded with the natives; these are
represented as of diminutive stature, of the same race as the inhabitants
of the west part of Greenland, and as using leathern canoes. The
merchandize they brought consisted chiefly of furs, sables, the skins of
white rats, &c.; and they principally and most eagerly requested, in
exchange, hatchets and arms. It appears from the Icelandic Chronicles, that
a regular trade was established between this country and Norway, and that
dried grapes or raisins were among the exports. In the year 1121, a bishop
went from Greenland for the purpose of converting the colonists of Vinland
to the Christian religion: after this period, there is no information
regarding this country. This inattention to the new colony probably arose
from the intercourse between the west of Greenland and Iceland having
ceased, as we have already mentioned, and from the northern nations having
been, about this period, wasted by a pestilence, and weakened and
distracted by feuds. Of the certainty of the discovery there can be no
doubt: the Icelandic Chronicles are full and minute, not only respecting
it, but also respecting the transactions which took place among the
colonists, and between them and the natives. And Adam of Bremen, who lived
at this period, expressly states, that the king of Denmark informed him,
that another island had been discovered in the ocean which washes Norway,
called Vinland, from the vines which grew there; and he adds, we learn, not
by fabulous hearsay, but by the express report of certain Danes, that
fruits are produced without cultivation. Ordericus Vitalis, in his
Ecclesiastical History, under the year 1098, reckons Vinland along with
Greenland, Iceland, and the Orkneys, as under the dominion of the king of
Norway.
Where then was Vinland?--it is generally believed it was part of America;
and the objections which may be urged against this opinion, do not appear
to us to be of much weight. It is said that no part of America could be
reached in four days, the space of time in which the first discoverer
reached this land, and in which the voyages from Greenland to it seem
generally to have been made. But the west part of Greenland is so near some
part of America, that a voyage might easily be effected in that time. In
answer to the objection, that vines do not grow in the northern parts of
America, where Vinland, if part of this continent, must be fixed, it may be
observed, that in Canada the vine bears a small fruit; and that still
further north, in Hudson's Bay, according to Mr. Ellis, vines grew
spontaneously, producing a fruit which he compares to the currants of the
Levant. The circumstances mentioned in the Icelandic Chronicles respecting
the natives, that their canoes are made of skins; that they are very expert
with their bows and arrows; that on their coasts they fish for whales, and
in the interior live by hunting; that their merchandize consists of
whalebone and furs; that they are fond of iron, and instruments made of it;
and that they were small in stature, all coincide with what we know to be
characterestic of the inhabitants of Labrador. It is probable, therefore,
that this part of America, or the island of Newfoundland, was the Vinland
discovered by the Icelanders.
The beginning and middle of the tenth century witnessed an increasing
spirit of commerce, as well as considerable attention to geographical
pursuits in other Scandinavian nations, as well as the Icelanders.
Periodical public fairs were established in several towns of Germany, and
other parts of the North: one of the most considerable articles of traffic
at these fairs consisted of slaves taken in war. Sleswig is represented as
a port of considerable trade and consequence; from it sailed ships to
Slavonia, Semland, and Greece, or rather, perhaps, Russia. From a port on
the side of Jutland, opposite to Sleswig, vessels traded to Frisca, Saxony,
and England; and from another port in Jutland they sailed to Fionia,
Scania, and Norway. Sweden is represented as, at this time, carrying on an
extensive and lucrative trade. At the mouth of the Oder, on the south side
of the Baltic, there seems to have been one, if not two towns which were
enriched by commerce.
For most of these particulars respecting the commerce of the Baltic and
adjacent seas, at this period, we are indebted to Adam of Bremen. He was
canon of Bremen in the eleventh century: and from the accounts of the
missionaries who went into Lapland, and other parts of the North, to
convert the inhabitants to Christianity, the information he received from
the king of Denmark, and his own observations, he drew up a detailed
account of the Scandinavian kingdoms. His description of Jutland is full,
and he mentions several islands in the Baltic, which are not noticed by
prior writers. He also treats of the interior parts of Sweden, the coasts
only of which had been previously made known by the voyages published by
king Alfred. Of Russia, he informs us that it was a very extensive kingdom,
the capital of which was Kiev; and that the inhabitants traded with the
Greeks in the Black Sea. So far his information seems to have been good;
but though his account of the south coasts of the Baltic is tolerably
correct, yet he betrays great ignorance in most of what he says respecting
the northern parts of the Baltic. In his work the name Baltic first Occurs.
His geographical descriptions extend to the British isles; but of them he
relates merely the fabulous stories of Solinus, &c. The figure of the
earth, and the cause of the inequality of the length of the day and night,
were known to Adam of Bremen.
About the middle of the twelfth century, Lubeck was founded; and it soon
became a place of considerable trade, being the resort of merchants from
all the countries of the North, and having a mint, custom-house, &c. We
shall afterwards be called upon to notice it more particularly, when we
come to trace the origin and history of the Hanseatic League. At present we
shall only mention, that within thirty years after it was founded, and
before the establishment of the League, Lubeck was so celebrated for its
commerce, that the Genoese permitted its merchants to trade in the
Mediterranean on board their vessels, on the same footing with their own
citizens. The success of the Lubeckers stimulated the other inhabitants of
this part of the Baltic shores; and the bishop of Lunden founded a city in
Zealand, for the express purpose of being a place of trade, as its name,
Keopman's haven, Chapman's haven, (Copenhagen,) implies. Towards the close
of this century, Hamburgh is noticed as a place of trade.