A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. XVIII.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY, NAVIGATION, AND COMMERCE,
FROM THE EARLIEST RECORDS TO THE BEGINNING OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
BY WILLIAM STEVENSON, ESQ.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL; LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
Printed by A. & B. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
[Transcriber's Note: The errata listed after the Table of Contents are
marked in the text thus: [has->have]]
PREFACE.
The curiosity of that man must be very feeble and sluggish, and his
appetite for information very weak or depraved, who, when he compares the
map of the world, as it was known to the ancients, with the map of the
world as it is at present known, does not feel himself powerfully excited
to inquire into the causes which have progressively brought almost every
speck of its surface completely within our knowledge and access. To develop
and explain these causes is one of the objects of the present work; but
this object cannot be attained, without pointing out in what manner
Geography was at first fixed on the basis of science, and has subsequently,
at various periods, been extended and improved, in proportion as those
branches of physical knowledge which could lend it any assistance, have
advanced towards perfection. We shall thus, we trust, be enabled to place
before our readers a clear, but rapid view of the surface of the globe,
gradually exhibiting a larger portion of known regions, and explored seas,
till at last we introduce them to the full knowledge of the nineteenth
century. In the course of this part of our work, decisive and instructive
illustrations will frequently occur of the truth of these most important
facts,--that one branch of science can scarcely advance, without advancing
some other branches, which in their turn, repay the assistance they have
received; and that, generally speaking, the progress of intellect and
morals is powerfully impelled by every impulse given to physical science,
and can go on steadily and with full and permanent effect, only by the
intercourse of civilised nations with those that are ignorant and
barbarous.
But our work embraces another topic; the progress of commercial enterprise
from the earliest period to the present time. That an extensive and
interesting field is thus opened to us will be evident, when we contrast
the state of the wants and habits of the people of Britain, as they are
depicted by Cæsar, with the wants and habits even of our lowest and poorest
classes. In Cæsar's time, a very few of the comforts of life,--scarcely one
of its meanest luxuries,--derived from the neighbouring shore of Gaul, were
occasionally enjoyed by British Princes: in our time, the daily meal of the
pauper who obtains his precarious and scanty pittance by begging, is
supplied by a navigation of some thousand miles, from countries in opposite
parts of the globe; of whose existence Cæsar had not even the remotest
idea. In the time of Cæsar, there was perhaps no country, the commerce of
which was so confined:--in our time, the commerce of Britain lays the whole
world under contribution, and surpasses in extent and magnitude the
commerce of any other nation.
The progress of discovery and of commercial intercourse are intimately and
almost necessarily connected; where commerce does not in the first instance
prompt man to discover new countries, it is sure, if these countries are
not totally worthless, to lead him thoroughly to explore them. The
arrangement of this work, in carrying on, at the same time, a view of the
progress of discovery, and of commercial enterprise, is, therefore, that
very arrangement which the nature of the subject suggests. The most
important and permanent effects of the progress of discovery and commerce,
on the wealth, the power, the political relations, the manners and habits,
and the general interests and character of nations, will either appear on
the very surface of our work, or, where the facts themselves do not expose
them to view, they will be distinctly noticed.
A larger proportion of the volume is devoted to the progress of discovery
and enterprise among the ancients, than among the moderns; or,--to express
ourselves more accurately,--the period that terminates with the discovery
of America, and especially that which comprehends the commerce of the
Phoeniceans, of the Egyptians under the Ptolemies, of the Greeks, and of
the Romans, is illustrated with more ample and minute details, than the
period which has elapsed since the new world was discovered. To most
readers, the nations of antiquity are known by their wars alone; we wished
to exhibit them in their commercial character and relations. Besides, the
materials for the history of discovery within the modern period are neither
so scattered, nor so difficult of access, as those which relate to the
first period. After the discovery of America, the grand outline of the
terraqueous part of the globe may be said to have been traced; subsequent
discoveries only giving it more boldness or accuracy, or filling up the
intervening parts. The same observation may in some degree be applied, to
the corresponding periods of the history of commerce. Influenced by these
considerations, we have therefore exhibited the infancy and youth of
discovery and commerce, while they were struggling with their own ignorance
and inexperience, in the strongest and fullest light.
At the conclusion of the work is given a select Catalogue of Voyages and
Travels, which it is hoped will be found generally useful, not only in
directing reading and inquiry, but also in the formation of a library.
This Historical Sketch has been drawn up with reference to, and in order to
complete Kerr's Collection of Voyages and Travels, and was undertaken by
the present Editor in consequence of the death of Mr. Kerr. But though
drawn up with this object, it is strictly and entirely an independent and
separate work.
Kerr's Collection contains a great variety of very curious and interesting
early Voyages and Travels, of rare occurrence, or only to be found in
expensive and voluminous Collections; and is, moreover, especially
distinguished by a correct and full account of all Captain Cook's Voyages.
To the end of this volume is appended a Tabular View of the Contents of
this Collection; and it is believed that this Tabular View, when examined
and compared with the Catalogue, will enable those who wish to add to this
Collection such Voyages and Travels as it does not embrace, especially
those of very recent date, all that are deserving of purchase and perusal.
W. STEVENSON.
March 30, 1824.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Historical Sketch of the Progress of Discovery and of Commercial
Enterprise, from the earliest records to the time of Herodotus
CHAPTER II.
From the age of Herodotus to the death of Alexander the Great
CHAPTER III.
From the Death of Alexander the Great to the time of Ptolemy the
Geographer; with a digression on the Inland Trade between India and the
Shores of the Mediterranean, through Arabia, from the earliest ages
CHAPTER IV.
From the time of Ptolemy to the close of the Fifteenth Century
CHAPTER V.
From the close of the Fifteenth to the beginning of the Nineteenth Century
CATALOGUE.
Preliminary Observations on the Plan and Arrangement pursued
in drawing up the Catalogue
Instructions for Travellers
Collections and Histories of Voyages and Travels
Voyages and Travels round the World
Travels, comprizing different Quarters of the Globe
Voyages and Travels in the Arctic Seas and Countries
Europe
Africa
Asia
America
Polynesia
Australasia
INDEX to the Catalogue
---- ---- Historical Sketch
---- ---- XVII. Volumes of Voyages and Travels
CONTENTS of the XVII. Volumes
* * * * *
ERRATA.
Page 13. line 2. for _has_ read _have_.
6. for _near_ read _nearly_
28. 36. for _could sail_ read _could formerly sail_.
86. 6. for _Egypt_ read _India_.
87. 22. for _Leucke_ read _Leuke_.
102. 5. for _principal_ read _principle_.
213. 9. for _work_ read _worm_.
281. 28. for _Ebor_ read _Ebn_.
282. 20. for _Ebor_ read _Ebn_.
5O7. 22. for _as_ read _than_.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY, &c. &c.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY, AND OF COMMERCIAL
ENTERPRISE, FROM THE EARLIEST RECORDS, TO THE TIME OF HERODOTUS. B.C. 450.
The earliest traces of navigation and commerce are necessarily involved in
much obscurity, and are, besides, few and faint. It is impossible to assign
to them any clear and definite chronology; and they are, with a few
exceptions, utterly uncircumstantial. Nevertheless, in a work like this,
they ought not to be passed over without some notice; but the notice we
shall bestow upon them will not be that either of the chronologist or
antiquarian, but of a more popular, appropriate, and useful description.
The intercourse of one nation with another first took place in that part of
the world to which a knowledge of the original habitation of mankind, and
of the advantages for sea and land commerce which that habitation enjoyed,
would naturally lead us to assign it. On the shores of the Mediterranean,
or at no great distance from that sea, among the Israelites, the
Phoenicians, and the Egyptians, we must look for the earliest traces of
navigation and commerce; and, in the only authentic history of the remotest
period of the world, as well as amidst the scanty and fabulous materials
supplied by profane writers, these nations are uniformly represented as the
most ancient navigators and traders.
The slightest inspection of the map of this portion of the globe will teach
us that Palestine, Phoenicia, and Egypt were admirably situated for
commerce both by sea and land. It is, indeed, true that the Phoenicians, by
the conquests of Joshua, were expelled from the greatest part of their
territory, and obliged to confine themselves to a narrow slip of ground
between Mount Lebanon and the Mediterranean; but even this confined
territory presented opportunities and advantages for commerce of no mean
importance: they had a safe coast,--at least one good harbour; and the
vicinity of Lebanon, and other mountains, enabled them to obtain, with
little difficulty and expence, a large supply of excellent materials for
shipbuilding. There are, moreover, circumstances which warrant the
supposition, that, like Holland in modern times, they were rather the
carriers of other nations, than extensively engaged in the commerce of
their own productions or manufactures. On the north and east lay Syria, an
extensive country, covered with a deep rich soil, producing an abundant
variety of valuable articles. With this country, and much beyond it, to the
east, the means and opportunities of communication and commerce were easy,
by the employment of the camel; while, on the other hand, the caravans that
carried on the commerce of Asia and Africa necessarily passed through
Phoenicia, or the adjacent parts of Palestine.
Egypt, in some respects, was still more advantageously situated for
commerce than Phoenicia: the trade of the west of Asia, and of the shores
of the Mediterranean lay open to it by means of that sea, and by the Nile
and the Red Sea a commercial intercourse with Arabia, Persia, and India
seemed almost to be forced upon their notice and adoption. It is certain,
however, that in the earliest periods of their history, the Egyptians were
decidedly averse to the sea, and to maritime affairs, both warlike and
commercial. It would be vain and unprofitable to explain the fabulous cause
assigned for this aversion: we may, however, briefly and, incidentally
remark that as Osiris particularly instructed his subjects in cultivating
the ground; and as Typhon coincides exactly in orthography and meaning with
a word still used in the East, to signify a sudden and violent storm, it is
probable that by Typhon murdering his brother Osiris, the Egyptians meant
the damage done to their cultivated lands by storms of wind causing
inundations.
As the situation of Palestine for commerce was equally favourable with that
of Phoenicia, it is unnecessary to dilate upon it. That the Jews did not
engage more extensively in trade either by sea or land must be attributed
to the peculiar nature of their government, laws, and religion.
Having thus briefly pointed out the advantages enjoyed by the Phoenicians,
Egyptians, and Jews for commercial intercourse, we shall now proceed to
notice the few particulars with which history supplies us regarding the
navigation and commerce of each, during the earliest periods.
I. There is good reason to believe that most of the maritime adventures and
enterprises which have rendered the Phoenicians so famous in antiquity,
ought to be fixed between the death of Jacob, and the establishment of
monarchy among the Israelites; that is, between the years 1700 and 1095
before Christ; but even before this, there are authentic notices of
Phoenician commerce and navigation. In the days of Abraham they were
considered as a very powerful people: and express mention is made of their
maritime trade in the last words of Jacob to his children. Moses informs us
that Tarshish (wherever it was situated) was visited by the Phoenicians.
When this people were deprived of a great portion of their territory by the
Israelites under Joshua, they still retained the city of Sidon; and from it
their maritime expeditions proceeded. The order of time in which they took
place, as well as their object and result, are very imperfectly known; it
seems certain, however, that they either regularly traded with, or formed
colonies or establishments for the purpose of trade at first in Cyprus and
Rhodes, and subsequently in Greece, Sicily, Sardinia, Gaul, and the
southern part of Spain. About 1250 years before Christ, the Phoenician
ships ventured beyond the Straits, entered the Atlantic, and founded Cadiz.
It is probable, also, that nearly about the same period they formed
establishments on the western coast of Africa. We have the express
authority of Homer, that at the Trojan war the Phoenicians furnished other
nations with many articles that could contribute to luxury and
magnificence; and Scripture informs us, that the ships of Hyram, king of
Tyre, brought gold to Solomon from Ophir. That they traded to Britain for
tin at so early a period as that which we are now considering, will appear
very doubtful, if the metal mentioned by Moses, (Numbers, chap. xxxi. verse
22.) was really tin, and if Homer is accurate in his statement that this
metal was used at the siege of Troy; for, certainly, at neither of these
periods had the Phoenicians ventured so far from their own country.
Hitherto we have spoken of Sidon as the great mart of Phoenician commerce;
at what period Tyre was built and superseded Sidon is not known. In the
time of Homer, Tyre is not even mentioned: but very soon afterwards it is
represented by Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the other prophets, as a city
of unrivalled trade and wealth. Ezekiel, who prophesied about the year 595
B.C. has given a most picturesque description of the wealth of Tyre, all of
which must have proceeded from her commerce, and consequently points out
and proves its great extent and importance. The fir-trees of Senir, the
cedars of Lebanon, the oaks of Bashan, the ivory of the Indies, the fine
linen of Egypt, and the hyacinth and purple of the isles of Elishah, are
enumerated among the articles used for their ships. Silver, tin, lead, and
vessels of brass; slaves, horses, and mules; carpets, ivory, and ebony;
pearls and silk; wheat, balm, honey, oil and gums; wine, and wool, and
iron, are enumerated as brought into the port of Tyre by sea, or to its
fairs by land, from Syria, Damascus, Greece, Arabia, and other places, the
exact site of which is not known.[1] Within the short period of fifteen or
twenty years after this description was written, Tyre was besieged by
Nebuchadnezzar; and after an obstinate and very protracted resistance, it
was taken and destroyed. The inhabitants, however, were enabled to retire
during the siege, with the greatest part of their property, to an island
near the shore, where they built New Tyre, which soon surpassed the old
city both in commerce and shipping.
A short time previous to the era generally assigned to the destruction of
old Tyre, the Phoenicians are said to have performed a voyage, which, if
authentic, may justly be regarded as the most important that the annals of
this people record: we allude to the circumnavigation of Africa. As this
voyage has given rise to much discussion, we may be excused for deviating
from the cursory and condensed character of this part of our work, in order
to investigate its probable authenticity. All that we know regarding it is
delivered to us by Herodotus; according to this historian, soon after
Nechos, king of Egypt, had finished the canal that united the Nile and the
Arabian Gulf, he sent some Phoenicians from the borders of the Red Sea,
with orders to keep always along the coast of Africa, and to return by the
pillars of Hercules into the northern ocean. Accordingly the Phoenicians
embarked on the Erythrean Sea, and navigated in the southern ocean. When
autumn arrived, they landed on the part of Libya which they had reached,
and sowed corn; here they remained till harvest, reaped the corn, and then
re-embarked. In this manner they sailed for two years; in the third they
passed the pillars of Hercules, and returned to Egypt. They related that in
sailing round Libya, the sun was on their right hand. This relation,
continues Herodotus, seems incredible to me, but perhaps it will not appear
so to others. Before proceeding to an enquiry into the authenticity of this
maritime enterprize, it may be proper to explain what is meant by the sun
appearing on the right hand of the Phoenician navigators. The apparent
motion of the heavens being from east to west, the west was regarded by the
ancients as the foremost part of the world; the north, of course, was
deemed the right, and the south the left of the world.
The principal circumstance attending this narrative, which is supposed to
destroy or greatly weaken its credibility, is the short period of time in
which this navigation was accomplished: it is maintained, that even at
present, it would certainly require eighteen months to coast Africa from
the Red Sea to the straits of Gibraltar; and "allowing nine months for each
interval on shore, between the sowing and reaping, the Phoenicians could
not have been more than eighteen months at sea."
To this objection it may be replied, in the first place, that between the
tropics (within which space nearly the whole of the navigation was
performed) nine months is much too long a time to allow for each interval
on shore, between the sowing and the reaping: and, secondly, that though
the period occupied by the whole voyage, and some of the circumstances
attending it, may be inaccurately stated, the voyage itself ought not to be
wholly discredited on these accounts.
The very circumstance which the historian rejects as incredible, is one of
the strongest arguments possible in favour of the tradition; though this
alone is not decisive, for the Phoenicians might have sailed far enough to
the south to have observed the sun to the north, even if they had not
accomplished the navigation of Africa. The strongest argument, however, in
our opinion, in support of the actual accomplishment of this
circumnavigation, has been unaccountably overlooked, in all the various
discussion to which the subject has given rise. It is evident that in most
voyages, false and exaggerated accounts may be given of the countries
visited or seen, and of the circumstances attendant upon the voyage;
whereas, with respect to this voyage, one most important and decisive
particular lay within reach of the observation of those who witnessed the
departure and arrival of the ships. If they sailed from the Red Sea, and
returned by the Mediterranean, they must have circumnavigated Africa. It is
obvious that if such a voyage was not performed, the story must have
originated with Herodotus, with those from whom he received his
information, or with those who were engaged in the expedition, supposing it
actually to have been engaged in, but not to have accomplished the
circumnavigation of Africa. The character of Herodotus secures him from the
imputation; and by none is he charged with it:--Necho lived about six
hundred and sixteen years before Christ; consequently little more than two
hundred years before Herodotus; moreover, the communication and commerce of
the Greeks with Egypt, was begun in the time of Psammeticus, the immediate
predecessor of Necho, and was encouraged in a very particular manner by
Amasis (who died in 525), who married a Greek, and was visited by Solon.
From these circumstances, it is improbable that Herodotus, who was
evidently not disposed to believe the account of the appearance of the sun,
should not have had it in his power to obtain good evidence, whether a ship
that had sailed from the Red Sea, had returned by the Mediterranean: if
such evidence were acquired, it is obvious, as has been already remarked,
that the third source of fabrication is utterly destroyed. Dr. Vincent is
strongly opposed to the authenticity of this voyage, chiefly on the grounds
that such ships as the ancients had, were by no means sufficiently strong,
nor their seamen sufficiently skilful and experienced, to have successfully
encountered a navigation, which the Portuguese did not accomplish without
great danger and difficulty, and that the alleged circumnavigation produced
no consequences.
It may be incidentally remarked that the incredulity of Herodotus with
regard to the appearance of the sun to the north of the zenith, is not
easily reconcileable with what we shall afterwards shew was the extent of
his knowledge of the interior of Egypt. He certainly had visited, or had
received communications from those who had visited Ethiopia as far south as
eleven degrees north latitude. Under this parallel the sun appears for a
considerable part of the year to the north. How, then, it may be asked,
could Herodotus be incredulous of this phenomenon having been observed by
the Phoenician circumnavigators. This difficulty can be solved by supposing
either that if he himself had visited this part of Africa, it was at a
season of the year when the sun was in that quarter of the heavens in which
he was accustomed to see it; or, if he received his information from the
inhabitants of this district, that they, not regarding the periodical
appearance of the sun to the north of the zenith as extraordinary, did not
think it necessary to mention it. It certainly cannot be supposed that if
Herodotus had either seen himself, or heard from others, that the sun in
Ethiopia sometimes appeared to the north of the zenith, he would have
stated in such decided terms, when narrating the circumnavigation of the
Phoenicians, that such a phenomenon appeared to him altogether incredible.
Before we return to the immediate subject of this part of our work, we may
be allowed to deviate from strict chronological order, for the purpose of
mentioning two striking and important facts, which naturally led to the
belief of the practicability of circumnavigating Africa, long before that
enterprise was actually accomplished by the Portuguese.
We are informed by Strabo, on the authority of Posidonius, that Eudoxus of
Cyzicus, who lived about one hundred and fifty years before Christ, was
induced to conceive the practicability of circumnavigating Africa, from the
following circumstance. As Eudoxus was returning from India to the Red Sea,
he was driven by adverse winds on the coast of Ethiopia: there he saw the
figure of a horse sculptured on a piece of wood, which he knew to be a part
of the prow of a ship. The natives informed him that it had belonged to a
vessel, which had arrived among them from the west. Eudoxus brought it with
him to Egypt, and subjected it to the inspection of several pilots: they
pronounced it to be the prow of a small kind of vessel used by the
inhabitants of Gadez, to fish on the coast of Mauritania, as far as the
river Lixius: some of the pilots recognised it as belonging to a particular
vessel, which, with several others, had attempted to advance beyond the
Lixius, but had never afterwards been heard of. We are further informed on
the same authority, that Eudoxus, hence conceiving it practicable to sail
round Africa, made the attempt, and actually sailed from Gadez to a part of
Ethiopia, the inhabitants of which spoke the same language as those among
whom he had formerly been. From some cause not assigned, he proceeded no
farther: subsequently, however, he made a second attempt, but how far he
advanced, and what was the result, we are not informed.
The second fact to which we allude is related in the Commentary of Abu
Sird, on the Travels of a Mahommedan in India and China, in the ninth
century of the Christian era. The travels and commentary are already given
in the first volume of this work; but the importance of the fact will, we
trust, plead our excuse for repeating the passage which contains it.
"In our times, discovery has been made of a thing quite new: nobody
imagined that the sea which extends from the Indies to China, had any
communication with the sea of Syria, nor could any one take it into his
head. Now behold what has come to pass in our days, according to what we
have heard. In the Sea of Rum, or the Mediterranean, they found the wreck
of an Arabian ship which had been shattered by tempest; for all her men
perishing, and she being dashed to pieces by the waves, the remains of her
were driven by wind and weather into the Sea of Chozars, and from thence to
the canal of the Mediterranean sea, and at last were thrown on the Sea of
Syria. This evinces that the sea surrounds all the country of China, and of
Sila,--the uttermost parts of Turkestan, and the country of the Chozars,
and then it enters at the strait, till it washes the shore of Syria. The
proof of this is deduced from the built of the ship we are speaking of; for
none but the ships of Sarif are so put together, that the planks are not
nailed, or bolted, but joined together in an extraordinary manner, as if
they were sewn; whereas the planking of all the ships of the Mediterranean
Sea, and of the coast of Syria, is nailed and not joined together in the
same way."
When we entered on this digression, we had brought the historical sketch of
the discoveries and commerce of the Phoenicians down to the period of the
destruction of Old Tyre, or about six hundred years before Christ. We shall
now resume it, and add such particulars on these subjects as relate to the
period that intervened between that event and the capture of New Tyre by
Alexander the Great. These are few in number; for though New Tyre exceeded,
according to all accounts, the old city in splendour, riches, and
commercial prosperity, yet antient authors have not left us any precise
accounts of their discoveries, such as can justly be fixed within the
period to which we have alluded. They seem to have advanced farther than
they had previously done along the west coast of Africa, and further along
the north coast of Spain: the discovery of the Cassiterides also, and their
trade to these islands for tin, (which we have shewn could hardly have
taken place so early as is generally supposed,) must also have occurred,
either immediately before, or soon after, the building of New Tyre. It is
generally believed, that the Cassiterides were the Scilly Islands, off the
coast of Cornwall. Strabo and Ptolemy indeed place them off the coast of
Spain; but Diodorus Siculus and Pliny give them a situation, which,
considering the vague and erroneous ideas the antients possessed of the
geography of this part of the world, corresponds pretty nearly with the
southern part of Britain. According to Strabo, the Phoenicians first
brought tin from the Cassiterides, which they sold to the Greeks, but kept
(as was usual with them) the trade entirely to themselves, and were utterly
silent respecting the place from which they brought it. The Greeks gave
these islands the name of Cassiterides, or the Tin Country; a plain proof
of what we before advanced, that tin was known, and generally used,
previous to the discovery of these islands by the Phoenicians.
There is scarcely any circumstance connected with the maritime history of
the Phoenicians, more remarkable than their jealousy of foreigners
interfering with their trade, to which we have just alluded. It seems to
have been a regular plan, if not a fixed law with them, if at any time
their ships observed that a strange ship kept them company, or endeavoured
to trace their track, to outsail her if practicable; or, where this could
not be done, to depart during the night from their proper course. The
Carthaginians, a colony of the Phoenicians, adopted this, among other
maritime regulations of the parent state, and even carried it to a greater
extent. In proof of this, a striking fact may be mentioned: the master of a
Carthaginian ship observing a Roman vessel following his course, purposely
ran his vessel aground, and thus wrecked his own ship, as well as the one
that followed him. This act was deemed by the Carthaginian government so
patriotic, that he was amply rewarded for it, as well as recompensed for
the loss of his vessel.
The circumstances attending the destruction of New Tyre by Alexander the
Great are well known. The Tyrians united with the Persians against
Alexander, for the purpose of preventing the invasion of Persia; this
having incensed the conqueror, still further enraged by their refusal to
admit him within their walls, he resolved upon the destruction of this
commercial city. For seven months, the natural strength of the place, and
the resources and bravery of the inhabitants, enabled them to hold out; but
at length it was taken, burnt to the ground, and all the inhabitants,
except such as had escaped by sea, were either put to death or sold as
slaves.
Little is known respecting the structure and equipment of the ships which
the Phoenicians employed in their commercial navigation. According to the
apocryphal authority of Sanconiatho, Ousous, one of the most ancient of the
Phoenician heroes, took a tree which was half burnt, cut off its branches,
and was the first who ventured to expose himself on the waters. This
tradition, however, probably owes its rise to the prevalent belief among
the ancients, that to the Phoenicians was to be ascribed the invention of
every thing that related to the rude navigation and commerce of the
earliest ages of the world: under this idea, the art of casting accounts,
keeping registers, and every thing, in short, that belongs to a factory, is
attributed to their invention.[2] With respect to their vessels,--
"Originally they had only rafts, or simple boats; they used oars to conduct
these weak and light vessels. As navigation extended itself, and became
more frequent, they perfected the construction of ships, and made them of a
much larger capacity. They were not long in discovering the use that might
be drawn from the wind, to hasten and facilitate the course of a ship, and
they found out the art of aiding it by means of masts and sails." Such is
the account given by Goguet; but it is evident that this is entirely
conjectural history: and we may remark, by the bye, that a work otherwise
highly distinguished by clear and philosophical views, and enriched by
considerable learning and research, in many places descends to fanciful
conjecture.
All that we certainly know respecting the ships of the Phoenicians, is,
that they had two kinds; one for the purposes of commerce, and the other
for naval expeditions; and in this respect they were imitated by all the
other nations of antiquity. Their merchant-ships were called Gauloi.
According to Festus's definition of this term, the gauloi were nearly
round; but it is evident that this term must be taken with considerable
restriction; a vessel round, or nearly so, could not possibly be navigated.
It is most probable that this description refers entirely to the shape of
the bottom or hold of the vessel; and that merchant ships were built in
this manner, in order that they might carry more goods; whereas the ships
for warfare were sharp in the bottom. Of other particulars respecting the
construction and equipment of the ships of the Phoenicians, we are
ignorant: they probably resembled in most things those of Greece and Rome;
and these, of which antient historians speak more fully, will be described
afterwards.
The Phoenicians naturally paid attention to astronomy, so far at least as
might be serviceable to them in their navigation; and while other nations
were applying it merely to the purposes of agriculture and chronology, by
means of it they were guided through the "trackless ocean," in their
maritime enterprises. The Great Bear seems to have been known and used as a
guide by navigators, even before the Phoenicians were celebrated as a
sea-faring people; but this constellation affords a very imperfect and
uncertain rule for the direction of a ship's course: the extreme stars that
compose it are more than forty degrees distant from the pole, and even its
centre star is not sufficiently near it. The Phoenicians, experiencing the
imperfection of this guide, seem first to have discovered, or at least to
have applied to maritime purposes, the constellation of the Lesser Bear.
But it is probable, that at the period when they first applied this
constellation, which is supposed to be about 1250 years before Christ, they
did not fix on the star at the extremity of the tail of Ursa Minor, which
is what we call the Pole Star; for by a Memoir of the Academy of Sciences
(1733. p. 440.) it is shewn, that it would at that period be too distant to
serve the purpose of guiding their track.[3]
II. The gleanings in antient history respecting the maritime and commercial
enterprises, and the discoveries and settlements of the Egyptians, during
the very early ages, to which we are at present confining ourselves, are
few and unimportant compared with those of the Phoenicians, and
consequently will not detain us long.
We have already noticed the advantageous situation of Egypt for navigation
and commerce: in some respects it was preferable to that of Phoenicia; for
besides the immediate vicinity of the Mediterranean, a sea, the shores of
which were so near to each other that they almost prevented the possibility
of the ancients, rude and ignorant as they were of all that related to
navigation and the management of ships, deviating long or far from their
route; besides the advantages of a climate equally free from the clouded
skies, long nights and tempestuous weather of more northern regions, and
from the irresistible hurricanes of those within the tropics--besides these
favourable circumstances, which, the Egyptians enjoyed in common with the
Phoenicians, they had, running far into their territory, a river easily
navigable, and at no great distance from this river, and bounding their
country, a sea almost equally favourable for navigation and commerce as the
Mediterranean. Their advantages for land journies were also numerous and
great; though the vicinity of the deserts seemed at first sight to have
raised an effectual bar to those countries which they divided from Egypt,
yet Providence had wisely and benevolently removed the difficulty arising
from this source, and had even rendered intercommunication, where deserts
intervened, more expeditious, and not more difficult, than in those regions
where they did not occur, by the creation of the camel, a most benevolent
compensation to the Egyptians for their vicinity to the extensive deserts
of Africa.
Notwithstanding the advantageous situation of the Egyptians for navigation,
they were extremely averse, as we nave already remarked, during the
earliest periods of their history, to engage in sea affairs, either for the
purposes of war or commerce; nor did they indeed, at any time, enter with
spirit, or on a large scale, into maritime enterprises.
The superstitious and fabulous reasons assigned for this antipathy of the
Egyptians to the sea [has->have] been noticed before; perhaps some other
causes contributed to it, as well as the one alluded to. Egypt is nearly
destitute of timber proper for ship-building: its sea-coasts are unhealthy,
and do not appear to have been inhabited [near->nearly] so early as the
higher country: its harbours are few, of intricate navigation, and
frequently changing their depth and direction; and lastly, the advantages
which the Nile presents for intercourse and traffic precluded the necessity
of applying to sea navigation and commerce.
Some authors are of opinion that the ancient Egyptians did not engage in
navigation and commerce till the era of the Ptolemies; but this is
undoubtedly a mistake, since traces of their commercial intercommunication
with other nations may be found at a very early period of history. It is
probable, however, that for a long time they themselves did not engage in
commerce, but were merely visited by traders from foreign countries; for at
this era it was a maxim with them, never to leave their own country. The
low opinion they entertained of commerce may be gathered from Herodotus,
who mentions, that the men disdained to meddle with it, but left it
entirely to the women.
The earliest account we possess of traffic with Egypt, is to be found in
the Old Testament, where we are informed, that the Midianites and
Ismaelites traded thither as early as the time of Jacob.
Sesostris, who is generally supposed to have lived about 1650 years before
Christ, is by most writers described as the king who first overcame the
dislike of the Egyptians to the sea. That this monarch engaged in many
enterprises both by sea and land, not only for conquest, but also for
purposes of trade and colonization, there can be no doubt; though it is
impossible either to trace his various routes, or to estimate the extent of
his conquests or discoveries. The concurrent testimony of Diodorus and
Herodotus assign to him a large fleet in the Red Sea; and according to
other historians, he had also a fleet in the Mediterranean. In order the
more effectually to banish the prejudices of the Egyptians against the sea,
he is said to have instituted a marine class among his subjects. By these
measures he seems to have acquired the sovereignty and the commerce of the
greater part of the shores of the Red Sea; along which his ships continued
their route, till, according to Herodotus, they were prevented from
advancing by shoals and places difficult to navigate; a description which
aptly applies to the navigation of this sea.
His expeditions and conquests in other parts of the globe do not fall
within our object: one however must be noticed; we allude to the settlement
of the Egyptians at Colchos. Herodotus is doubtful whether this was a
colony planted by Sesostris, or whether part of his army remained behind on
the banks of the Phasis, when he invaded this part of Asia. We allude to
this colony, because with it were found, at the time of the Argonautic
expedition, proofs of the attention which Sesostris had paid to geography,
and of the benefits which that science derived from him. "Tradition,"
Gibbon observes, "has affirmed, with some colour of reason, that Egypt
planted on the Phasis a learned and polite colony, which manufactured
linen, built navies, and invented geographical maps." All the information
we possess respecting these maps is derived from Apollonius Rhodius, and
his scholiast: the substance of it is as follows: according to this
poet,--Phineas, king of Colchos, predicted to the Argonauts the events
which would accompany their return. Argus, one of the Argonauts, explained
that prediction to his companions, and told them, that the route which they
must keep was described on tables, or rather on columns, which an Egyptian
conqueror had before left in the city of Oca, the capital of Colchis; on
these columns, the whole extent of the roads, and the limits of the land
and sea were marked out. An ingenious, and by no means an improbable
inference, has been drawn from this circumstance: that if Sesostris left
such columns in a part so remote from Egypt, it is to be supposed that they
were more numerous in Egypt itself. In short, though on a point like this
it is impossible to gain clear and undoubted testimony, we are, upon the
whole, strongly disposed to coincide in opinion with Gibbon, that tradition
has some colour of reason for affirming that the Egyptian colony at Phasis
possessed geographical maps.
After the death of Sesostris, the Egyptians seem to have relapsed into
their former dislike to the sea: they indeed sent colonies into Greece, and
other parts; but these colonists kept up no relation with the mother
country. Their commerce was carried on, as it had been before the time of
Sesostris, by foreigners. The Old Testament informs us, that in the time of
Solomon many horses were brought from Egypt: and, from the same authority,
as well as from Herodotus and Homer, we learn that the Phoenicians carried
on a regular and lucrative traffic with this country; and, indeed, for a
long time, about this period, they were the only nation to whom the ports
of Egypt were open. Of the navigation and commerce of the Red Sea they were
equally negligent; so that while none of their ships were seen on it, it
was covered with the fleets of the Syrians, Phoenicians, and other nations.
Bocchoris, who lived about seven hundred years before Christ, is
represented by historians as having imitated the maxims of Sesostris, with
respect to maritime affairs and commerce. Some of his laws on these
subjects are still extant; and they display his knowledge of, and attention
to, the improvement of his kingdom. By some of his immediate successors the
ancient maxims of the Egyptians, which led them to avoid intercourse with
strangers, were gradually done away; but it is to Psammeticus, historians
ascribe the most decisive measures for rooting out this antipathy. In his
reign the ports of Egypt were first opened to foreign ships generally. He
seems particularly to have encouraged commercial intercourse with the
Greeks; though afterwards, either from some particular cause of jealousy or
dislike to this nation, or from the still operating antipathy of the
Egyptians to foreigners, the Greeks were not permitted to enter any port
except Naucratis, which they had been suffered to build for the residence
of their merchants and convenience of their trade. This city lay on the
Canopic branch of the Nile; and if a vessel entered any other mouth of this
river, the master was obliged to return to the Canopic branch; or, if the
wind did not permit this, to unlade his vessel, and send his merchandize to
Naucratis by the country boats.
From the time of Psammeticus, when the Greeks were allowed to settle in
Egypt, frequent intercourse and correspondence was kept up between them and
their countrymen in Greece; and from this circumstance the Egyptian history
may henceforth be more firmly depended upon. It has already been remarked,
that as the alleged circumnavigation of Africa by the Phoenicians took
place during the reign of Necho, the successor of Psammeticus, the grounds
for its authenticity are much stronger than if it had occurred previously
to the intercourse of the Greeks with Egypt.
The employment of Phoenician mariners by Necho, to circumnavigate Africa,
bespeaks a monarch bent on maritime and commercial enterprise; and there
are other transactions of his reign which confirm this character. It is
said that Sesostris attempted to unite by a canal the Mediterranean and the
Red Sea, but that he did not succeed in his attempt: Necho also made the
attempt with as little success. He next turned his thoughts to the
navigation and commerce of the Mediterranean and Red Sea, in each of which
he had large fleets.
The superstitious antipathy of the Egyptians having been thus broken
through, and the recurrence of this antipathy secured against, by the
advantages they derived from navigation and commerce, the Egyptian monarchs
seem, as long as Egypt continued free, to have directed their attention and
resources, with considerable zeal and success, to maritime affairs. Their
strength by sea, as well as their experience, may be estimated by an event
during the reign of Apries, the grandson of Necho: this monarch was engaged
in war with the Sidonians, Tyrians and Cypriots; he took the city of Sidon
by storm, and defeated both the Phoenicians and Cypriots in a sea fight. In
fact, during his reign the Egyptians had the command of the Mediterranean
Sea. It is probable, that if they had continued long after this time an
independent state, they would have been still more celebrated and
successful in their maritime and commercial affairs; but in the year 525
before Christ, about seventy years after the reign of Apries, Egypt was
conquered by the Persians.
Notwithstanding, therefore, this temporary dereliction of their antipathy
to the sea, and intercourse with foreigners, the Egyptians can scarcely be
regarded as a nation distinguished for their maritime and commercial
enterprises; and they certainly by no means, either by sea or land, took
advantages of those favourable circumstances by which their country seemed
to be marked out for the attainment of an extensive and lucrative commerce.
It is well remarked by Dr. Vincent, that "while Egypt was under the power
of its native sovereigns Tyre, Sidon, Arabia, Cyprus, Greece, Sicily, and
Carthage, were all enriched by the trade carried on in its ports, and the
articles of commerce which could be obtained there, and there only; the
Egyptians themselves were hardly known in the Mediterranean as the
exporters of their own commodities; they were the Chinese of the ancient
world, and the ships of all nations, except their own, laded in their
harbours." As soon, however, as it passed from the power of its native
sovereigns, and became subject successively to the Persians, Macedonians,
and Romans, it furnished large fleets, and, as we shall afterwards notice,
under the Greeks, Alexandria became one of the principal commercial cities
in the world. The Greek inhabitants of Egypt were the carriers of the
Mediterranean, as well as the agents, factors, and importers of oriential
produce. The cities which had risen under the former system sank into
insignificance; and so wise was the new policy, and so deeply had it taken
root, that the Romans, upon the subjection of Egypt, found it more
expedient to leave Alexandria in possession of its privileges, than to
alter the course of trade, or to occupy it themselves.
We possess scarcely any notices respecting the construction and equipment
of the Egyptian ships. According to Herodotus, they were made of thorns
twisted together, and their sails of rush mats: they were built in a
particular manner, quite different from those of other nations, and rigged
also in a singular manner; so that they seem to have been the mockery of
the other maritime states in the Mediterranean. But this description can
hardly apply to the Egyptian ships, after they had become powerful at sea,
though the expressions of Herodotus seem to have reference to the Egyptian
ships of his age. There can be no doubt that the vessels that navigated the
Nile, were very rude and singular in their construction; and most probably
the description given by the historian ought to be regarded as exclusively
confined to them. They were built of the Egyptian thorn, which seems to
have been very extensively cultivated, especially in the vicinity of
Acanthus: planks of small dimensions were cut from this tree, which were
fastened together, or rather laid over one another, like tiles, with a
great number of wooden pins: they used no ribs in the construction of their
vessels: on the inside, papyrus was employed for the purpose of stopping up
the crevices, or securing the joints. There was but one rudder; whereas the
ships of the Greeks and Romans had generally two; this passed quite through
the keel. The mast was made of Egyptian thorn, and the sail of papyrus.
Indeed, these two plants appear to have been the entire materials used in
the construction and rigging of their ships. They were towed up the Nile,
as they were not fit to stem its stream, except when a strong favourable
wind blew. Their mode of navigating these vessels down the river was
singular; they fastened a hurdle of tamarisk with a rope to the prow of the
vessel; which hurdle they strengthened with bands of reeds, and let it down
into the water; they also hung a stone, pierced through the middle, and of
a considerable weight, by another rope, to the poop. By this means, the
stream bearing on the hurdle, carried down the boat with great expedition;
the stone at the same time balancing and keeping it steady. Of these
vessels they had great numbers on the river; some very large.
III. The Jews were still more averse than the Egyptians to intercourse with
foreigners, and maritime and commercial enterprises; indeed, their country
was comparatively ill-situated for maritime commerce. Josephus is not,
however, quite correct, in stating that Judea was not situated on the sea,
and that the people of that country did not carry on any trade, but that
their whole thoughts were turned to agriculture. The words of Jacob, on his
death-bed, are expressly against this opinion: in blessing his twelve sons,
he says of Zebulon, "he shall dwell at the haven of the sea, and he shall
be for an haven of ships;" and we know that the tribe of Zebulon was
extended to the sea shore, and to the gates of Sidon.
It is not likely, that being in the immediate vicinity of this commercial
city, the Jews would not be stimulated to follow its example, and endeavour
to draw wealth from the same sources. Indeed, the Old Testament expressly
speaks of Joppa as the port of Judea and Jerusalem, into which foreign
articles, and especially many of the materials used by Solomon in the
building of the temple, were imported.
On the conquest of the Amalekites and Edomites by King David, the Jews
gained possession of some ports in the Red Sea; and during his reign, and
that of Solomon, the Jews certainly employed the ships of their ally, Hiram
king of Tyre, extensively in foreign commerce. Indeed, the commerce of the
Phoenicians from the Red Sea, appears to have been carried on principally,
if not entirely, from the harbours in that sea belonging to the Jews,
though there is no ground for believing that the Jews themselves had any
fleet on it, or were at all engaged in its commerce. These short notices
are all that history supplies us with, on the subject of the navigation and
commerce of the Jews. From the Old Testament we may, however, collect
materials, by which we may estimate the progress they had made in
geography. About 500 years before Christ, they do not appear to have
extended their knowledge of the globe beyond Mount Caucasus to the north,
the entrance of the Red Sea to the south, and the Mediterranean Archipelago
to the west, besides Egypt, Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, Arabia, and perhaps
a small part of Abyssinia.
Having thus given a sketch of the progress of discovery, and of commercial
enterprize by sea and land, among those nations who were the most early in
directing their attention to these points, we shall next proceed to an
account of the navigation and commercial enterprizes of the Greeks and
Romans; and as in this part of our work we shall follow a more strictly
chronological arrangement, the navigation and commercial enterprizes of the
Carthaginians will be incidentally noticed in the order of time to which
they belong. Before, however, we proceed to this subject, it may be proper
to enter more particularly and fully than we have hitherto done, into a
description of the construction and equipment of the ancient ships, since,
so far as relates to the ships of the Greeks and Romans, we possess much
more ample materials for such a description, than history supplies us with
respecting the ships of the other nations of antiquity.
The traditionary story of the Phoenicians, that one of their heroes was the
first man who had the courage to expose himself upon the waters, in a half
burnt tree, stript of its branches, has already been noticed. It is
probable, however, that the first vessels had not even so much resemblance
to our present boats: indeed, conjecture, as well as history, warrant us in
believing that rafts were the most ancient mode of conveyance on the water;
and even in the time of Pliny they were extensively employed, especially in
the navigation of rivers. Boats formed of slender rods or hurdles, and
covered with skins, seem also to have preceded the canoe, or vessel mode of
a single piece of timber. It is probable that a considerable time would
elapse before the means of constructing boats of planks were discovered,
since the bending of the planks for that purpose is not a very obvious art.
The Greeks ascribe this invention to a native of Lydia; but at what period
he lived, is not known. Among some nations, leather was almost the only
material used in the construction of ships; and even in the time of Caesar,
the Veneti, a people of Brittany, distinguished as a maritime and
commercial tribe, made their sails of hides, and their tackle of thongs. In
early ages, also, the Greeks used the common rushes of their country, and
the Carthaginians, the spartum, or broom of Spain.
But it is to the ships of Greece and Rome, when they were constructed with
more skill, and better adapted to navigation, that we are to pay attention;
and of those, only to such as were used for commercial purposes. The latter
were rounder and more capacious than ships used for war; they were
principally impelled by sails; whereas the ships of war, though not wholly
without sails, were chiefly rowed. Another difference between them was,
that ships of war commonly had an helmet engraven on the top of their
masts, and ships for trade had a basket suspended on the top of their mast
as a sign. There seems to have been great variety in the construction of
the latter, according to the particular trade in which they were to be
engaged; and each ship of burden had its boat attached to it. The name of
the ship, or rather of its tutelary deity, was inscribed on the stern:
various forms of gods, animals, plants, &c. were also painted on other
parts. The inhabitants of Phoeacia, or Corsica, are represented as the
first who used pitch to fill up the seams, and preserve the timber;
sometimes wax was used for this purpose, or rather it was mixed with the
paint, to prevent its being defaced by the sun, winds, or water. The
principal instruments used in navigation were the rudder, anchor, sounding
line, cables, oars, sails, and masts.
It is evident from ancient authors, that the ships of the Phoenicians,
Greeks, Romans, and other people of antiquity, had frequently more than one
rudder; but it is not easy to perceive in what way more than one could be
applied to the same end for which the rudder of modern ships is used. Small
vessels had only one. Homer in his Odyssey mentions only one, which was
fastened, and perhaps strengthened, so as to withstand the winds and waves
on each side, with hurdles, made of sallow or osier; at the same period the
ships of the Phoenicians had two rudders. When there were two, one was
fixed at each end; this, however, seems to have been the case only where,
as was not uncommon, the ships had two prows, so that either end could go
foremost. With respect to vessels of four rudders, as two are described as
being fixed to the sides, it is probable that these resembled in their
construction and object the pieces of wood attached to the sides of small
Dutch vessels and barges on the Thames, and generally all vessels that are
flat-bottomed, for the purpose of preventing them from making much _lee
way_, when they are _working_ against the wind.
The first anchors were not made of iron, but of stone, or even of wood;
these were loaded with lead. According to Diodorus, the Phoenicians, in
their first voyages to Spain, having obtained more silver than their ships
could safely hold, employed some of it, instead of lead, for their anchors.
Very anciently the anchor had only one fluke. Anacharsis is said to have
invented an anchor with two. Sometimes baskets full of stones, and sacks
filled with sand, were employed as anchors. Every ship had two anchors, one
of which was never used, except in cases of great danger: it was larger
than the other, and was called the sacred anchor. At the period of the
Argonautic expedition, it does not appear that anchors of any kind but
stone were known; though the scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius, quite at
variance with the testimony of this author, mentions anchors of iron with
two flukes. It has been supposed that anchors were not used by the Grecian
fleet at the siege of Troy, because "the Greek word which is used to mean
an anchor, properly so called, is not used in any of the poems of Homer."
It is certain that iron anchors were not then known; but it is equally
certain that large stones were used as anchors.
Homer is entirely silent respecting any implement that would serve the
purpose of a sounding line; but it is expressly mention by Herodotus as
common in his time: it was commonly made of lead or brass, and attached,
not to a cord, but an iron, chain.
In very ancient times the cables were made of leather thongs, afterwards of
rushes, the osier, the Egyptian byblus, and other materials. The Veneti
used iron cables; hence we see that what is generally deemed an invention
entirely modern, was known to a savage nation in Gaul, in the time of
Caesar. This nation was so celebrated for the building and equipment of
their vessels, which were, from all accounts, better able to withstand the
fury of the ocean than the ships even of the Greeks and Romans, that Caesar
gave orders for the building of vessels, on the Loire, similar to those of
the Veneti, large, flat-bottomed, and high at the head and stern. Yet these
vessels, built on such an excellent model, and supplied with chain-cables,
had no sails but what were made of leather; and these sails were never
furled, but only bound to the mast. Besides cables, the ancients had other
ropes to fasten ships in the harbours: the usual mode was to erect stones
for this purpose, which were bored through.
In the time of Homer, the ships of the ancients had only one bank of oars;
afterwards two, three, four, five, and even nine and ten banks of oars are
said not to have been uncommon: but it is not easy to understand in what
manner so many oars could have been used: we shall not enter on this
question, which is still unresolved. The Romans had seldom any vessels with
more than five banks of oars. Such vessels as were intended for lightness,
had only one bank of oars; this was particularly the case with the vessels
of the Liburnians, a piratical tribe on the Adriatic.
The sails, in very ancient times, were made of leather; afterwards of
rushes. In the days of Agricola, the Roman sails were made of flax: towards
the end of the first century, hemp was in common use among them for sails,
ropes, and new for hunting. At first there was only one sail in a ship, but
afterwards there appear to have been several: they were usually white, as
this colour was deemed fortunate; sometimes, however, they were coloured.
At the time of the Trojan war, the Greek ships had only one mast, which was
lowered upon the deck when the ship was in harbour: near the top of the
mast a ribband was fastened to point out the direction of the wind. In
later times there seem to have been several masts, though this is denied by
some authors.
It remains now to speak of the materials of which the ships were built,
their size, and their crews.
The species of wood principally employed in the construction of the Grecian
ships were alder, poplar, and fir: cedar, pine, and cypress, were also
used. The Veneti, already mentioned as celebrated for their ships, built
them of oak; but theirs are the only vessels of antiquity that seem to have
been constructed of this kind of wood. The timber was so little seasoned,
that a considerable number of ships are recorded as having been completely
built and equipped in thirty days, after the timber was cut down in the
forest. In the time of the Trojan war, no iron was used in the building of
ships; the planks were fastened to the ribs with cords.
In the most ancient accounts of the Grecian ships, the only mode by which
we can form a conjecture of their size, is from the number of men they were
capable of holding. At the siege of Troy, Homer describes the ships of the
Beotians as the largest; and they carried, he says, one hundred and twenty
men. As Thucydides informs us that at this period soldiers served as
rowers, the number mentioned by Homer must comprehend all the ship could
conveniently accommodate. In general the Roman trading vessels were very
small. Cicero represents those that could hold two thousand amphorae, or
about sixty tons, as very large; there were, however, occasionally enormous
ships built: one of the most remarkable for size was that of Ptolemy; it
was four hundred and twenty feet long, and if it were broad and deep in
proportion, its burden must have been upwards of seven thousand tons, more
than three times the burden of one of our first rates; but it is probable
that it was both flat bottomed and narrow. Of the general smallness of the
Greek and Roman ships, we need no other proof, than that they were
accustomed to draw them on land when in port, and during the winter; and
that they were often conveyed for a considerable space over land. They were
sometimes made in such a manner that they could easily and quickly be taken
to pieces, and put together again. Thucydides asserts that the ships which
carried the Greeks to Troy were not covered; but in this he is contradicted
by Homer.
The principal officer in ships intended for trade was the pilot: he was
expected to know the right management of the sails, rudder, &c. the wind,
and celestial bodies, the harbours, rocks, quick-sands, and course to be
steered. The Greeks were far behind the Phoenicians in many parts of
nautical knowledge: we have seen that the latter at an early period changed
the Greater for the Lesser Bear, for the direction of their course; whereas
the Greeks steered by the Greater Bear. In very early periods it was the
practice to steer all day by the course of the sun, and at night to anchor
near the shore. Several stars were observed by the pilot for the purpose of
foretelling the weather, the principal of which were Arcturus, the Dog
Star, Orion, Castor and Pollux, &c. In the time of Homer, the Greeks knew
only the four cardinal winds; they were a long time ignorant of the art of
subdividing the intermediate parts of the horizon, and of determining a
number of rhombs sufficient to serve the purposes of a navigation of small
extent. Even so late as the date of the Periphes of the Erythræan Sea,
which Dr. Vincent has fixed about the tenth year of Nero's reign, only
eight points of the compass are mentioned; these are the same as are marked
upon the temple of the winds at Athens. The utmost length to which the
ancients arrived in subdividing the compass, was by adding two intermediate
winds between each of the cardinal winds. We have noticed these particulars
relative to the winds and the constellations, in order to illustrate the
duty which the pilot had to perform, and the difficulty and responsibility
of his office, at a period when navigators possessed such a small portion
of experience and knowledge.
Besides the chief pilot, there was a subordinate one, whose duty it was to
keep a look out at the prow, to manage and direct the sails and rowers, and
to assist the principal pilot by his advice: the directions of the
subordinate pilot were conveyed to the rowers by another officer, who seems
to have answered to the boatswain of our men of war. The rowers were
enabled to pull all at once, or to keep time, by a person who sung and
played to them while they were employed. During the night, or in difficult
navigations, the charge of the sounding lead, or of the long poles, which
were used either for the same purpose, or to push the ship off, when she
got a-ground, was committed to a particular officer. There were, besides,
men whose duty it was to serve out the victuals, to keep the ship's
accounts, &c.
The usual day's sail of a ship of the ancients was five hundred stadia, or
fifty miles; and the course run over, when they sailed night and day,
double that space.
We have confined ourselves, in this account of the ships of the ancients,
principally to those particulars that are connected with the construction,
equipment, &c. of those employed for commercial purposes, and shall now
proceed to a historical sketch of the progress of discovery among the
Greeks, from the earliest records to the era of Herodotus, the father of
geographical knowledge.
The first maritime expedition of the Greeks, of which we have a particular
narration, and certainly one of the most celebrated in ancient times, is
the Argonautic expedition. As we purpose to go into some length on the
subject of this expedition, it may be proper to defend ourselves from the
charge of occupying too much space, and giving too much attention to an
enterprize generally deemed fabulous, and so obscured by fable and
uncertainty, as to be little capable of illustration, and little conducive
to the improvement of geographical knowledge. This defence we shall borrow
from a name deservedly high among those who have successfully illustrated
ancient geography, for the happy and successful mutual adaptation of great
learning and sound judgment, and not less worthy of respect and imitation
for his candour and liberality: we allude to Dr. Vincent, the illustrator
of the Voyage of Nearchus, and the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea.
"The reality of the Argonautic expedition, (he observes in the Preliminary
Disquisition to the latter work), has been questioned; but if the
primordial history of every nation but one is tinctured with the fabulous,
and if from among the rest a choice is necessary to be made, it must be
allowed that the traditions of Greece are less inconsistent than those of
the more distant regions of the earth. Oriental learning is now employed in
unravelling the mythology of India, and recommending it as containing the
seeds of primæval history; but hitherto we have seen nothing that should
induce us to relinquish the authority we have been used to respect, or to
make us prefer the fables of the Hindoos or Guebres, to the fables of the
Greeks. Whatever difficulties may occur in the return of the Argonauts,
their voyage to Colchis is consistent: it contains more real geography than
has yet been discovered in any record of the Bramins or the Zendevesta, and
is truth itself, both geographical and historical, when compared with the
portentous expedition of Rám to Ceylon."
In discussing the subject of the Argonautic expedition, we shall
successively consider its probable era--its supposed object--the voyage to
Colchis, and the various tracks by which the Argonauts are said to have
returned.
I. Archbishop Usher fixes the era of this expedition at about 1280 years
before Christ: Sir Isaac Newton, on the other hand, fixes it much later,
about 937 years before Christ. His opinion is grounded principally on a
supposition, that the Greek sphere was invented by two of the Argonauts,
who delineated the expedition under the name of Argo, one of the
constellations. And as the equinoctial colure passed through the middle of
Aries, when that sphere was constructed, he infers, by calculations of
their retrograde motion from their place then till the year A.D. 1690, that
the expedition took place in 937 before Christ. To this, however, there
seem to be insurmountable objections, which it is surprising did not occur
to this great man. The chief star in Argo is only 37 degrees from the south
pole; and the greatest part of the constellation is much nearer. The course
of the Argonauts from Greece to Colchis, necessarily lay between 39 and 45
degrees of north latitude. It will be evident to any person acquainted with
astronomy, that within these latitudes no star of the first magnitude, or
such as would attract observation, especially in those times, could be
visible. But, what is still more decisive against the whole of Sir Isaac
Newton's hypothesis, he takes for granted that the sphere was invented by
the Argonauts: if this indeed could be proved, it would be easy to fix the
era of the Argonautic expedition; but till such proof is given, all that
can be fairly inferred from an inspection of this sphere is, that it was
constructed 937 years before Christ. We have dwelt upon this point,
because, thinking that the Argonautic expedition was not nearly so late as
Newton supposes, we hence regard it as, proportionally to its antiquity,
more creditable to the Greeks, and a stronger proof of their advancement in
maritime skill and enterprize.
II. Its alleged object was the Golden Fleece: what that actually was can
only be conjectured;--that no commercial advantages would tempt the people
of that age is obvious, when we reflect on their habits and manners;--that
the precious metals would be a powerful attraction, and would be regarded
as cheaply acquired by the most hazardous enterprizes, is equally obvious.
If Sir Walter Raleigh, sound as he was for his era in the science of
political economy, was so far ignorant of the real wealth of nations, as to
be disappointed when he did not find El Dorado in America, though that
country contained much more certain and abundant sources of wealth,--can we
be surprized if the Greeks, at the time of the Argonautic expedition, could
be stimulated to such an enterprize, only by the hope of obtaining the
precious metals? It may, indeed, be contended that plunder was their
object; but it does not seem likely that they would have ventured to such a
distance from Greece, or on a navigation which they knew to be difficult
and dangerous, as well as long, for the sake of plunder, when there were
means and opportunities for it so much nearer home. We must equally reject
the opinion of Suidas, that the Golden Fleece was a parchment book, made of
sheep-skin, which contained the whole secret of transmuting all metals into
gold; and the opinion of Varro, that the Argonauts went to obtain skins and
other rich furs, which Colchis furnished in abundance. And the remarks
which we have made, also apply against the opinion of Eustathius, that the
voyage of the Argonauts was at once a commercial and maritime expedition,
to open the commerce of the Euxine Sea, and to establish forts on its
shore.
Having rendered it probable, from general considerations, that the object
was the obtaining of the precious metals, we shall next proceed to
strengthen this opinion, by showing that they were the produce of the
country near the Black Sea. The gold mines to the south of Trebizond, which
are still worked with sufficient profit, were a subject of national dispute
between Justinian and Chozroes; and, as Gibbon remarks, "it is not
unreasonable to believe that a vein of precious metal may be equally
diffused through the circle of the hills." On what account these mines were
shadowed out under the appellation of a Golden Fleece, it is not easy to
explain. Pliny, and some other writers, suppose that the rivers impregnated
with particles of gold were carefully strained through sheeps-skins, or
fleeces; but these are not the materials that would be used for such a
purpose: it is more probable that, if fleeces were used, they were set
across some of the narrow parts of the streams, in order to stop and
collect the particles of gold.
III. It is said that there was an ancient law in Greece, which forbad any
ship to be navigated with more than fifty men, and that Jason was the first
who offended against this law. There can be little doubt, from all the
accounts of the ancients, that Jason's ship was larger than the Greeks at
that period were accustomed to. Diodorus and Pliny represent it as the
first ship of war which went out of the ports of Greece; that it was
comparatively large, well built and equipped, and well navigated in all
respects, must be inferred from its having accomplished such a voyage at
that era.
In their course to the Euxine Sea, they visited Lemnos, Samothrace, Troas,
Cyzicum, Bithynia, and Thrace; these wanderings must have been the result
of their ignorance of the navigation of those seas. From Thrace they
directed their course, without further wanderings, to the Euxine Sea. At
the distance of four or five leagues from the entrance to the sea, are the
Cyanean rocks; the Argonauts passed between them not without difficulty and
danger; before this expedition, the passage was deemed impracticable, and
many fables were told regarding them: their true situation and form were
first explored by the Argonauts. They now safely entered the Euxine Sea,
where they seem to have been driven about for some time, till they
discovered Mount Caucasus; this served as a land mark for their entrance
into the Phasis, when they anchored near OEa, the capital of Colchis.
IV. The course of the Argonauts to Colchis is well ascertained; and the
accessions to the geographical knowledge of that age, which we derive from
the accounts given of that course, are considerable. But with respect to
the route they followed on their return, there is much contradiction and
fable. All authors agree that they did not return by the same route which
they pursued in their outward voyage. According to Hesiod, they passed from
the Euxine into the Eastern Ocean; but being prevented from returning by
the same route, in consequence of the fleet of Colchis blockading the
Bosphorus, they were obliged to sail round Ethiopia, and to cross Lybia by
land, drawing their vessels after them. In this manner they arrived at the
Gulph of Syrtis, in the Mediterranean. Other ancient writers conduct the
Argonauts back by the Nile, which they supposed to communicate with the
Eastern Ocean; while, by others, they are represented as having sailed up
the Danube to the Po or the Rhine.
Amidst such obscure and evidently fictitious accounts, it may appear
useless to offer any conjecture; but there is one route by which the
Argonauts are supposed to have returned, in favour of which some
probability may be urged. All writers agree in opinion that they did not
return by the route they followed on going to the Euxine; if this be true,
the least absurd and improbable mode of getting back into the Mediterranean
is to be preferred: of those routes already mentioned, all are eminently
absurd and impossible. Perhaps the one we are about to describe, may, in
the opinion of some, be deemed equally so; but to us it appears to have
some plausibility. The tradition to which we allude is, that the Argonauts
sailed up some sea or river from the Euxine, till they reached the Baltic
Sea, and that they returned by the Northern Ocean through the straits of
Hercules, into the Mediterranean. The existence of an ocean from the east
end of the Gulf of Finland to the Caspian or the Euxine Sea, was firmly
believed by Pliny, and the same opinion prevailed in the eleventh century;
for Adam of Bremen says, people [could sail->could formerly sail] from the
Baltic down to Greece. Now the whole of that tract of country is flat and
level, and from the sands near Koningsberg, through the calcareous loam of
Poland and the Ukraine, evidently alluvial and of comparatively recent
formation.
If the Trojan war happened, according to the Arundelian Marbles, 1209 years
before Christ, this event must have been subsequent to the Argonautic
expedition only about fifty years: yet, in this short space of time, the
Greeks had made great advances in the art of ship building, and in
navigation. The equipment of the Argonautic expedition was regarded, at the
period it took place, as something almost miraculous; yet the ships sent
against Troy seem to have excited little astonishment, though, considering
the state of Greece at that period, they were very numerous.
It is foreign to our purpose to regard this expedition in any other light
than as it is illustrative of the maritime skill and attainments of Greece
at this era, and so far connected with our present subject. The number of
ships employed, according to Homer, amounted to 1186: Thucydides states
them at 1200; and Euripides, Virgil, and some other authors, reduce their
number to 1000. The ships of the Boeotians were the largest; they carried
120 men each; those of the Philoctetæ were the smallest, each carrying
only fifty men. Agamemnon had 160 ships; the Athenians fifty; Menelaus,
king of Sparta, sixty; but some of his ships seem to have been furnished by
his allies; whereas all the Athenian vessels belonged to Athens alone. We
have already mentioned that Thucydides is contradicted by Homer, in his
assertion that the Greek ships, at the siege of Troy, had no decks;
perhaps, however, they were only half-decked, as it would appear, from the
descriptions of them, that the fore-part was open to the keel: they had a
mainsail, and were rowed by oars. Greece is so admirably situated for
maritime and commercial enterprize, that it must have been very early
sensible of its advantages in these respects. The inhabitants of the isle
of Egina are represented as the first people in Greece who were
distinguished for their intelligence and success in maritime traffic: soon
after the return of the Heraclidæ they possessed considerable commerce, and
for a long time they are said to have held the empire of the adjoining sea.
Their naval power and commerce were not utterly annihilated till the time
of Pericles.
The Corinthians, who are not mentioned by Homer as having engaged in the
Trojan war, seem, however, not long afterwards, to have embarked with great
spirit and success in maritime commerce; their situation was particularly
favourable for it, and equally well situated to be the transit of the land
trade of Greece. Corinth had two ports, one upon each sea. The Corinthians
are said to have first built vessels with three banks of oars, instead of
galleys.
Although the Athenians brought a considerable force against Troy, yet they
did not engage in maritime commerce till long after the period of which we
are at present treating.
Of the knowledge which the Greeks possessed at this time, on the subject of
geography, we must draw our most accurate and fullest account from the
writings of Homer and Hesiod. The former represents the shield of Achilles
as depicting the countries of the globe; on it the earth was figured as a
disk surrounded by the ocean; the centre of Greece was represented as the
centre of the world; the disk included the Mediterranean Sea, much
contracted on the west, and the Egean and part of the Euxine Seas. The
Mediterranean was so much contracted on this side, that Ithaca, and the
neighbouring continent, or at the farthest, the straits which separate
Sicily from Italy, were its limits. Sicily itself was just known only as
the land of wonders and fables, though the fable of the Cyclops, who lived
in it, evidently must nave been derived from some obscure report of its
volcano. The fables Homer relates respecting countries to the west of
Sicily, cannot even be regarded as having any connection with, or
resemblance to the truth. Beyond the Euxine also, in the other direction,
all is fable. Colchis seems to have been known, though not so accurately as
the recent Argonautic expedition might have led us to suppose it would have
been. The west coast of Asia Minor, the scene of his great poem, is of
course completely within his knowledge; the Phoenicians and Egyptians are
particularly described, the former for their purple stuffs, gold and silver
works, maritime science and commercial skill, and cunning; the latter for
their river Egyptos, and their knowledge of medicine. To the west of Egypt
he places Lybia, where he says the lambs are born with horns, and the sheep
bring forth three times a year.
In the Odyssey he conducts Neptune into Ethiopia; and the account he gives
seems to warrant the belief, that by the Ethiopians he meant not merely the
Ethiopians of Africa, but the inhabitants of India: we know that the
ancients, even so late as the time of Strabo and Ptolemy, considered all
those nations as Ethiopians who lived upon the southern ocean from east to
west; or, as Ptolemy expresses it, that under the zodiac, from east to
west, inhabit the inhabitants black of colour. Homer represents these two
nations as respectively the last of men, one of them on the east and the
other on the west. From his description of the gardens of Alcinous, it may
even be inferred that he had received some information respecting the
climate of the tropical regions; for this description appears to us rather
borrowed from report, than entirely the produce of imagination.
Close to the gates a spacious garden lies,
From storms defended and inclement skies.
Four acres was th' allotted space of ground,
Fenc'd with a green enclosure all around,
Tall thriving trees confess'd the fruitful mould;
The red'ning apple ripens here to gold.
Here the blue fig with luscious juice o'erflows,
With deeper red the full pomegranate glows,
The branch here bends beneath the weighty pear,
And verdant olives flourish round the year.
The balmy spirit of the western gale
Eternal breathes on fruits untaught to fail:
Each dropping pear a following pear supplies,
On apples apples, figs on figs arise:
The same mild season gives the blooms to blow,
The buds to harden, and the fruits to grow;
Here order'd vines in equal ranks appear,
With all th' united labours of the year;
Some to unload the fertile branches run,
Some dry the black'ning clusters in the sun,
Others to tread the liquid harvest join,
The groaning presses foam with floods of wine.
Here are the vines in early flow'r descry'd,
Here grapes discolour'd on the sunny side,
And there in autumn's richest purple dy'd.
Beds of all various herbs, for ever green,
In beauteous order terminate the scene.
_Odyssey,_ b. vii. v. 142.
This description perfectly applies to the luxuriant and uninterrupted
vegetation of tropical climates.
From the time of Homer to that of Herodotus, the Greeks spread themselves
over several parts of the countries lying on the Mediterranean sea. About
600 years before Christ, a colony of Phocean Greeks from Ionia, founded
Massilia, the present Marseilles; and between the years 500 and 430, the
Greeks had established themselves in Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and even in
some of the southern provinces of Spain. They were invited or compelled to
these emigrations by the prospect of commercial advantages, or by intestine
wars; and they were enabled to accomplish their object by the geographical
and nautical charts, which they are said to have obtained from the
Phoenicians, and by means of the sphere constructed by Anaximander the
Milesian. The eastern parts of the Mediterranean, however, seem still to
have been unexplored. Homer tells us that none but pirates ventured at the
risk of their lives to steer directly from Crete to Lybia; and when the
Ionian deputies arrived at Egina, where the naval forces of Greece were
assembled, with an earnest request that the fleet might sail to Ionia, to
deliver their country from the dominion of Xerxes, who was at that time
attempting to subdue Greece, the request was refused, because the Greeks
were ignorant of the course from Delos to Ionia, and because they believed
it to be as far from Egina to Samos, as from Egina to the Pillars of
Hercules.
[1] Dr. Vincent, in the 2nd vol. of his Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, has
a very elaborate commentary on this chapter of Ezekiel, in which he
satisfactorily makes out the nature of most of the articles mentioned
in it, as well as the locality of the places from which they are said
to have come.
[2] One of the most celebrated gods of the Phoenicians was Melcartus. He is
represented as a great navigator, and as the first that brought tin
from the Cassiterides. His image was usually affixed to the stern of
their vessels.
[3] In the time of Solomon, about two hundred years after the period when
it is supposed the Phoenicians began to direct their course by the
Lesser Bear,--it was 17 1/2 degrees from the North Pole: in the time
of Ptolemy, about one hundred and fifty years after Christ, its
distance had decreased to 12 degrees.