The storms of Norman conquest seemed scarce to touch the depths

of Anglo-Saxon life. No marked change in the methods of local

administration accompanied the change of kings. The rude strength of

the old manorial system was proof against radical change. Far less

complex than the centralized administration of modern France, it was

even better calculated to accommodate itself to the changes wrought

by the hand of war. Built low and strong, it stood four-square to

every shock and blast. It was only the high towers that toppled in the

sweep of the storm. When it passed, the village-group, the manorial

life, and the rude strong sons of the soil were still there. Andrews,

an authority upon early Anglo-Saxon life, gives us a picture of the

"yeoman" which leaves much to be desired in the way of picturesqueness

and charm. Upon the testimony of priests and leeches he is depicted

as a swinish, servile sort of creature--gross, stupid, sensual,

superstitious, cruel, and even "beastly"; with no conception whatever

of "freedom," and only the most bestial conceptions of life. The

routine of husbandry after the Conquest knew no change. A Norman

baron unseats the Saxon thegn, but the villein and ceorl take up the

labors of the old manorial life; the new lord receives the customary

dues, and protection against lawlessness is extended to bond and free.

This servile Saxon class were the descendants of a soldier race which

many years before the advent of the conquering Norman had rudely

dispossessed the ancient inhabitants of the soil, and were themselves

first to "harry," no doubt (for _harry_ is an old Saxon word imported

from the North), the _whole_ of that turbulent realm which William

harried only in part. But the Norman harried well. It may be said

that Northumbria never rallied from the devastation until the magical

agencies of modern industrialism came to repair the ravage that he

had wrought. But elsewhere the "Conquest" worked no such change. The

Norman simply gave completeness, variety, elevation, splendor, and

finish to the Saxon's rude but solid work. The transformation wrought

through the genius of the soldier-statesman was not the plodding

reconstruction of a shattered kingdom upon ancient lines, but the

orderly evolution of a new and splendid civilization within conditions

"visualized" by the Conqueror's creative brain. The primordial and

paramount condition of this work was the permanent establishment of

English _unity_ at the gathering of the people upon Salisbury Plain.

When the people rallied in loyal allegiance to the throne, the old

conceptions of "feudalism" ceased to exist--vanishing centuries before

Cervantes smiled Spain's "chivalry" away. In our own Websterian phrase,

England was henceforth "one and indivisible." The fusion of warring

elements was now as complete as if welded together by the hammer of

Thor. The consequences of that initial step are told in the history of

the English race--consequences which this imperial statesman alone had

the genius to forecast. To no mere man does the line of the Nineteenth

Century poet so well apply--

"He dipt into the future far as human eye could see."

This Norman adventurer who had now practically established all his

pretensions--legitimate and illegitimate--was destined to establish,

also, a line of Anglo-Norman princes who showed in varied ways that

transmitted blood would tell. Shakespeare, in his splendid series

of historical plays, has painted in vivid colors and fine dramatic

sequence the manifestation of this Anglo-Norman influence through a

succession of closely connected reigns--weaving into brilliant and

picturesque history the fireside traditions which fascinated his

youthful mind. The story that he tells is unique, not only in the

literature of the race, but in the literature of man. "The only history

that I know," said an English statesman discussing the annals of his

race, "is the history that Shakespeare wrote." No formal historic

writer has presented so faithfully or effectively the characteristic

traits and temper of that time. It is a philosophic study, resting

chiefly upon a traditional basis, and cast in a powerful dramatic form.

And who so fit as Shakespeare to depict the features of a royal race?

This strong portrayal of their salient or their subtler qualities,

in statecraft or in war, is something quite beyond the reach of a

mere historian's art. Through all this dramatic movement we note

the wild tricks of an hereditary blood; the troublous or turbulent

play of passions flowing from an alien source. It is in this record

alone we find that magical touch, that moving speech, that strange,

pathetic eloquence which flows from royal lips inspired to utterance

by the sorrows of an Anglo-Norman brain. Doubtless it is Shakespeare's

noblest work. It is certainly a product of the same imperial spirit

that breathes in the aspirations, the utterances, and the acts of the

"melancholy Dane."

Recent researches among the Scandinavian population of the Northern

States seem to show marked psychological distinctions in the several

branches of the Scandinavian stock, denoting original differences

in the mental make-up and manifestations of the Norwegian, the

Swede, and the Dane; brainy races all, but the psychological

manifestations of their daily life differing in each. The Swede and

his Norwegian brother have a strong, instinctive inclination for the

ruder activities of their social environment--building, boating,

agriculture, railway construction, commercial operations, etc.; the

Dane, on the contrary, manifesting an equally marked predilection for

life in its contemplative or æsthetic aspects--for philosophy, the

_belleslettres_, the fine arts, and the higher lines of scholastic

research. His physiognomy is differentiated, so to speak, by "the

pale cast of thought." Is it not possible that this deep intra-racial

distinction was recognized by the creator of the "melancholy Dane"?

But "Hamlet" was not altogether a product of Shakesperean imagination.

The original lines of the character seem to have been found in the

personality of a contemporary thinker, himself, like Hamlet, an

obstinate questioner of invisible things. In those eager Elizabethan

times when Drake and Raleigh were "discovering" other worlds and

Shakespeare imagining new, there lived near the ancient city of

Bordeaux a modest country gentleman--a grand seigneur of peculiar

distinction--who on his father's side was of direct English descent.

He bore a patrician title; he was lord of a rich domain, and enjoyed

social and civic distinctions of the highest sort. His scholarship was

ample and unique; his social pretensions were not in excess of his

rank; and he bore his weight of learning "lightly like a flower." Rank,

riches, scholarship, distinction--all these he had, and _more_; he had

the prodigious gift of _common sense_, with a sort of cynical humor

flashing through an habitual mood of philosophic thought that gave to

his writing--and notably to his book of observations and reflections--a

peculiar archaic charm. One could not pay a higher tribute to

his literary power than to add, that his writings had a powerful

fascination for Shakespeare himself. These philosophic essays supplied

the great dramatist with many subtle and striking thoughts, and the

very personality of the modest country gentleman made a profound

impression upon Shakespeare's mind; so marked an impression indeed

that according to the affirmation or suggestion of an ingenious modern

scholar, the great English writer--himself of Anglo-Norman blood--found

in this Anglo-French philosopher the original of that incomparable

dramatic figure--the "melancholy DANE." If this theory be correct,

it simply adds to the evidence of a certain bizarre weirdness in the

working of that old Scandinavian blood. Be this as it may, if the

mind of Shakespeare could be touched and inspired by the philosophic

reflexions of a provincial thinker in France (a Frenchman with a strong

suspicion of Anglo-Norman blood), there are doubtless others (some with

the same ethnic affinities) that may profitably be reached in the same

way; and lest the Anglo-Normans of our Bluegrass "Arcady" should take

themselves too seriously, as even the wisest may do, in the momentous

matter of "family," "rank," "blood," and "race," it would be well at

parting to introduce for their consideration the antiquated opinions

of the same ingenious Frenchman, who, wise as he was, did not always

perhaps take matters _seriously enough_. In this instance no doubt his

views will carry weight.

[Illustration: GENERAL BASIL W. DUKE.]

Thus much by way of preface and apology (if there be need of either)

in closing an excursive dissertation upon the ethnological theories of

Monsieur Paul Du Chaillu, accompanied with some interesting reflections

from the pen of another Frenchman who, though not "modern" in the same

sense, seems to have been in some of his conceptions quite judicious

and even elevated in his views. This quaint, genial, and sagacious

philosopher--the author of a famous book of "Essays"--was the Seigneur

de la Montaigne, Count of Perigord and sometime Mayor of Bordeaux,

whose greatest title to fame is this--that he was the favorite author

of William Shakespeare, the foremost writer of all time. Possibly

Montaigne by contribution of thought was an unconscious collaborator

in the construction of "Hamlet, the Prince of Denmark," a drama which

illustrates in brilliant, powerful, and fantastic fashion the varied

intellectual and emotive capacities of the Scandinavian blood. In that

royal Anglo-Norman, "Prince Hal" of England, the English dramatist

depicts the _man of action_; in Hamlet, the brooding Prince of Denmark,

he presents the _man of thought_. They were the favorite children of

Shakespeare's prolific brain.

"'Tis a scurvy custom and of very ill-consequence," says the ingenious

Chevalier Montaigne, "that we have in our kingdom of France to call

every one by the name of his manor or seigneury, and the thing in

the world that does the most prejudice and confounds families and

descents.... We need look no further for example than our own royal

family, where every partage creates a new sir-name, whilst in the

meantime the original of the family is totally lost. There is so great

liberty taken in these mutations that I have not in my time seen any

one advanced by fortune to any extraordinary condition who has not

presently had genealogical titles added to him new and unknown to his

father.

"How many gentlemen have we in France who by their own talk are of

royal extraction? More I think than who will confess they are not.

"Was it not a pleasant passage of a friend of mine? There were a great

many gentlemen assembled together; about the dispute of one lord of

the manor with another, which other had in truth some pretty eminence

of titles and alliances, above the ordinary scheme of gentry. Upon the

debate of this priority of place, every one standing up for himself,

to make himself equal to him; one, one extraction, another another;

one the near resemblance of name; another of arms; another an old

worm-eaten patent, and the least of them great-grandchild to some

foreign king. When they came to sit down to dinner, my friend, instead

of taking his place amongst them, retiring with most profound congees,

entreated the company to excuse him for having lived with them hitherto

at the saucy rate of a companion; but being now better informed of

their quality, he would begin to pay them the respect due to their

birth and grandeur; and that it would ill become him to sit down among

so many princes; and ended the farce with a thousand reproaches.

"_Let us in God's name_," continues the illustrious writer, "_satisfy

ourselves with what our fathers were contented and with what we are; we

are great enough if we understand rightly how to maintain it; let us

not disown the fortune and condition of our ancestors, and lay aside

those ridiculous pretences that can never be wanting to any one that

has the impudence to alledge them_."

XIII

The alphabetical series of Norman or Anglo-Norman names here given was

selected by an English scholar from an English official directory and

published, anonymously, in the latter half of the last century, to

illustrate a theory of the genesis of the English race. The present

selection represents only in part the series or lists originally

published, embracing several thousand names. To this selection the

writer has added Norman or Scandinavian names from other sources,

together with "notes" that serve to confirm in detail the general

theory of inherited racial traits. The list which he first published

has been greatly enlarged and many additions made from the original

English series.[7]

[7] The Norman People.

Mr. Freeman says that the Normans "lost themselves" among the people

whom they conquered. Very clearly, however, the "names" were not lost.

The original Norman may be said to have had, in a high degree, that

_personnalité absorbante_ which, according to Littré, is characteristic

of every great man. It is not remarkable, therefore, that after every

Norman invasion the resulting ethnical transmutation was complete. The

new element became at once the vitalizing power of the "absorptive"

or subjugated race. This gift of racial transformation was so great

that the Scandinavians, seizing a Gallic province, became French or

Norman; subjugating England, they became English; overflowing Ireland,

they fused at once with the native race; actually becoming "_Irisher_

than the Irish" themselves--_Hibernis ipsis Hiberniores_. The Duke of

Argyle once said in the English House of Lords that three of the Irish

leaders of that day (one of them John Redmond, the present Irish King)

were genealogically superior men--men of illustrious descent--leaders

of royal or noble Norman blood; confirming the declaration made by

the author of the "Peerage" that it is not lands but ancestors that

make a nobility. The career of the Norman as a conquering or migratory

race has been a perpetual masquerade; in England taking the form of

an Irishman and controlling the Parliament; in the same guise leading

the armies of England and France; in America, demoniacally possessed,

becoming the personal director of a lynching, the boss of a strike, or

the leader of a lawless expeditionary force. But everywhere he _leads_!

The name of the race disappears, but the original, indestructible,

irresistible, invisible and protean force is still _there_. If we

reject the existence and operation of this subtle and pervasive

influence in the ancestral strains of Kentucky, the evolution of the

typical Kentuckian can not easily be explained. The race is "lost," not

because the visiting Norman is absorbed by his host, but because the

visitor appropriates all that his host may have, even his personality

and all that it implies. The Englishman, or the Irishman, or the

Scotchman, disappear, and a transmogrified Norman takes his place.

It is not English, nor Irish, nor French absorptiveness, but Norman

appropriativeness, that has done the work. Precisely thus, to compare

great things with small: the English Whigs once went in swimming,

and the Norman Tories "stole their clothes." But the Norman's act of

appropriation usually goes deeper than the skin. He is not content with

a petty theft of "clothes." With an almost satanic subtlety and finesse

he appropriates the very soul. It becomes, indeed, his very own. That

incomparable illusionist, Benjamin Disraeli, was a past-master in

these Norman arts, and in perfect sympathy with those Anglo-Norman

Tories who followed his fortunes in victory or defeat. But Norman or

Saxon were equally indifferent to him. It was glory enough for Semitic

ambition to build success upon the needs of both; and yet, in doing

it, this man of alien blood and ancient race repeated the miracle of

Lanfranc--the scholar and statesman who, in the old Norman days, had

not only cooled the hot blood of the Normanized Scandinavian and

conciliated the respect of the proud, implacable Saxon, but, linking

their interests in inseparable association, had brightened with a

prospect of imperial splendor the destinies of the common race. So,

too, the Semitic statesman charmed the rudest elements with his Orphean

song. His brilliant successor, Salisbury, added to parts and learning

the technical information of a savant. Disraeli had something better.

He had that deep, philosophic insight which seems to be bred into the

elect of an ancient stock. It is a mystical gift.

"He saw things, now, as though they _were_,

And things _To Be_ in things that are."

This (if we may believe Haeckel) was the "inspiration" of the Jewish

Law-giver.

[Illustration: THE MARSHALL HOME AT "BUCK POND."

(Near Versailles, Kentucky.)

Built in 1783 by Colonel Thomas Marshall, father of Chief Justice

Marshall.]

How little escaped the thoughtful eyes of our Semitic statesman, as he

surveyed from his coign of vantage the shifting currents of our modern

world! In depicting Monsignore Berwick, a descendant of an old Scottish

family that for generations had mingled Italian blood with its own, the

writer looks quite beyond the native environment, and sees only the

old Northern blood in the _flaxen hair_ and _light blue eyes_ of the

young Italian priest. Describing a nineteenth century function at the

beautiful English home of Hugo Bohun, he sees at once in Mr. Gaston

Phoebus--the most gifted and attractive of the swells whom fashion has

herded in this social jungle of Bohun--not a modern Englishman,

but a _Gascon noble of the Sixteenth Century_, clothed with all the

attractions of a contemporary courtier of France--the France of Louis

le Grand. In "Gaston Phoebus"--says the philosophic statesman--"Nature,

as is sometimes her wont, had chosen to reproduce exactly the original

type." When the subtle Semitic thinker introduced an American "Colonel"

at the swell function of Hugo Bohun, why should he take him from the

_South_, and give him a _Norman_ name? Had nature reproduced in Colonel

Campian the antique Norman type?

It is a notorious fact, says Herbert Spencer, that the Celtic type

disappears altogether in the United States.

Doubtless some vague conception of a potential undercurrent of

ancestral blood must have been passing through the mind of that fine

old gentleman, Mr. Isaac Shelby of Fayette, when dispensing his

stores of bachelor wisdom to his young friends just "after the war."

He would say, "Depend on it, young gentlemen, there is no cross like

a _Virginian_ cross." The differentiating quality was there. It was

observed, but not accurately depicted perhaps, by Disraeli, by Barrett

Wendell, and by _Isaac le Bon_. What was it? If a racial quality, what

_race_? Two of these acute observers were of Scandinavian stock. The

other did not need to say, even to the proudest statesman at Potsdam

or St. James, "_Your_ race is of but yesterday compared with my own."

One of Disraeli's favorite themes was race. Indeed, a statesman could

not be ignorant of the subject in his day. The claims of race were

sweeping over diplomatic arrangements and dynastic rights. Bismarck

was unifying the German people by removing ancient landmarks, by

"appropriating" autonomous territories, and by appropriating or

absorbing a large population of the Scandinavian race; and the third

(and last) Napoleon undertook to unify the Latin races by placing an

Austrian prince upon the Mexican throne. But the Napoleonic prince

pushed his reconstructive theories of race to a destructive conclusion

when, in freeing Italy, he furnished a formidable partner to the

Triple Alliance, that ultimately destroyed France. The sentiment of

race, properly directed, has its uses. But the director must not be a

despot or a despot's agent. The feeling must be popular in origin and

expression--voluntary, spontaneous, normal, autonomous. There was never

a better illustration of its power than in the prolonged struggle of

Kentucky for existence as an American State. There was never a better

illustration of popular capacity in statecraft and of enterprise in

war than in the early years of the last century (1800-12). They--the

people--discharged the functions of an independent State. Kentucky was

in fact a little _nation_. Raising and equipping armies, receiving

diplomatic emissaries or agents, defending her frontiers, guarding the

Atlantic border, protecting the territories of the Northwest, and in

conjunction with the "sea-power" of Commodore Perry actually conducting

war upon foreign soil. The very guns on Perry's ships were "sighted"

by riflemen from Kentucky; and when the day came to try conclusions

with the bold Englishman on his own soil, one of the most efficient

aides upon Shelby's staff was Perry himself. Is there nothing in this

record to appeal to a sentiment of national pride in the Kentuckian's

heart? And does it not inspire a disposition to revive and invigorate

those pristine instincts of our common race? Probably the recent

manifestation of "home-coming" sentiment was denotive of some such

stirring of racial impulse and emotion long dormant in the soul.

XIV

When following the long dim path of Gothic migration we found but

little that seemed to be in vivid relation with the ethnology of our

own race; and it was not until we were afloat upon the Scandinavian

seas, with Rolf Ganger looking out upon the kingdoms of the earth, that

we began to feel ourselves (to speak in paradox) firmly planted upon

historic ground. Here the conditions of the old parable are reversed.

The genius of civilization is offering the kingdoms of the earth to the

Devil himself. With the old pirate of the Norwegian coast begins the

great movement that frees, elevates, and modernizes man.[8] Henceforth

all is plain sailing for the historical inquirer. The reader may

take down his map and trace the foot-prints of the Norse freebooters

wherever they dropped a Scandinavian name upon our ancestral soil.

These ancient "place names" are found everywhere north of the Avon,

and may easily be traced along the eastern coast of England, from

the Tyne to the Thames; or, proceeding westward and northward, far

beyond the line of the Cheviot Hills;--far beyond the waters of the

Tweed. The Scandinavian has resolved to stay wherever he has been

planted by the fortunes of war. When his Norman kinsman seized the

counties of Southern England, the practical result of the invasion

was to _reinforce_ the Anglo-Saxon whom he came to rob. The Norman

invader was warmly received by those English Normans--the Danes--in his

"wintry marches" to the north. From the dragon teeth thus sown sprang

the Kentuckian of to-day, two thirds "dragon" and one third "bull."

The "half horse, half alligator" was an Anglo-Norman assimilation of a

later date.

[8] When Otto, the _Saxon_, a remote kinsman of our race, became a

Roman Emperor, he became the CONSERVATOR of Rome and all her works.

When William the Norman became King of England and the leader of Gothic

races, it was his chosen mission to undo, in part, the work which

Rome had done. As a soldier and statesman, the Norman leader had been

trained in the "school" of the Saxon King. Read Mr. Freeman's "Western

Europe in the Eighth Century." It is an impressive introduction to that

"realm of shadows" which forms the background of the Norman Conquest.

It was the genetic period of modern civilization. The geographic

outlines of great modern States were just beginning to appear.

The Quest for a Lost Race · 第 6 / 15 段