CHAPTER VIII

Priestley at Birmingham--His theological work there--His love of

literature--His catholicity--His personal characteristics.

In 1784 Priestley brought out a revised edition of the work on which his

fame as a man of science mainly rests, under the title of "_Experiments

and Observations on Different Kinds of Air_; and other branches of

Natural Philosophy connected with the Subject. In three volumes, being

the former six abridged and methodised. With many Additions. London,

1790. 3 vols. 8vo."

In a letter to his friend Keir we find an allusion to this matter. He

says:--

"I am working like a horse at the new arrangements of my _6 vols. of

Experiments_. It is a tedious business.

"What do you think of an attempt to dedicate this work to the Prince

of Wales? The King I shall never think of in any such light, nor the

Prince, unless it be possible that he will be a real patron of science

and could look upon it in some other light than that of an honour to

myself."

An interesting account of Priestley at this period of his life is to be

found in the Memoirs of the French geologist, Faujar St Fond, who

visited Birmingham some time after Priestley's settlement there. He

says:--

"Dr Priestley received me with the greatest kindness. He presented me

to his wife and his daughter, who were distinguished by vivacity,

intelligence and gentleness of manner. The young lady spoke to me of

one of her brothers, who was then finishing his education at Geneva

and to whom she seemed very much attached.

"The building in which Dr Priestley made his chemical and

philosophical experiments was detached from his house to avoid the

danger of fire. It consisted of several apartments on a ground floor.

Upon entering it we were struck with a simple and ingenious apparatus

for making experiments on inflammable gas extracted from iron and

water reduced to vapour. The tube, which was thick and long, was made

of red copper and cast in one piece to avoid joinings. The part

exposed to the fire was thicker than the rest. Into this tube he

introduced cuttings or filings of iron, and instead of dropping in the

water he preferred making it enter in vapour. The furnace destined for

this operation was supplied with coke made of coal, which is the best

of all combustibles for the intensity and equality of its heat. By

these means he obtained a considerable quantity of inflammable gas of

great lightness and without any smell. He observed to me, that by

increasing the apparatus and using iron or copper tubes of a large

calibre, aerostatic balloons might be filled with far less trouble and

expense than by vitriolic acid. Dr Priestley allowed me to take a

drawing of this new apparatus for the purpose of communicating it to

the French chemists who are engaged in the same pursuit....

"Dr Priestley did not regard the experiments made relative to the

decomposition of water as satisfactory. He could not admit the fact to

be demonstrated so long as the gas was only obtained through the

medium of iron, a metal which is itself susceptible of inflammability;

but he waited with impatience for the result of the experiments of the

French chemists, particularly those of Lavoisier, who had invented and

caused to be constructed an extensive apparatus for the same object.

"'The decomposition of water,' said this indefatigable philosopher,

addressing himself to me, 'is of so much importance in Natural

Philosophy, and would occupy so distinguished a place among the

phenomena of the universe, that far from admitting the fact upon

slight evidence, and as it were from enthusiasm, it were rather to be

wished that all objections that may be made, and which will still long

continue to be made against this theory were completely refuted; in

the conflict of opinions, truth may at last be obtained. But I have

still so many doubts upon this subject, and I have so many experiments

to make, both _pro_ and _con_, that I can as yet regard the greatest

as only started.'

"Dr Priestley has embellished his solitude with a philosophical

cabinet, which contains all the instruments necessary for his

experiments, and a library rendered valuable by a choice of excellent

works. The learned possessor employs himself in a variety of studies:

History, Moral Philosophy and Religion have all in their turn engaged

his pen. An active, intelligent mind and a natural avidity for

knowledge gave him a passion for experimental philosophy; but the

sensibility and gentleness of his disposition have sometimes directed

his attention to pious and philanthropic studies, which do honour to

the goodness of his heart, since they always have for their object the

happiness of mankind."

Priestley's time in Birmingham was not, however, wholly devoted to

science and the social joys of the Lunar Society. Much of it was given

to his beloved theology and to editing the _Theological Repository_,

which he revived some time after he had settled there. A few months

after his arrival he was invited to take charge of the congregation of

the New Meeting. With the consent of the congregation his services were

mainly confined to Sunday duty and to catechising and lecturing.

Of his preaching Miss Hutton has left us an account. She says:--

"I look upon his character as a preacher to be as amicable as his

character as a philosopher is great. In the pulpit he is mild,

persuasive and unaffected, and his sermons are full of sound reasoning

and good sense. He is not what is called an orator; he uses no

actions, no declamation; but his voice and manner are those of one

friend speaking to another."

His congregation is described as the most liberal in England, and with

many of its members, particularly Mr Russell, he was on the most

intimate and affectionate terms. During this period he completed his

friendly controversy with the Bishop of Waterford on the duration of

Christ's ministry, and he published a volume of sermons. To the same

period belongs his _History of the Corruptions of Christianity_, which

he composed and published shortly after his settlement at Birmingham.

This work, which he spoke of as the most valuable of all his writings,

he dedicated to his "dear friend," Theophilus Lindsey, in the hope that

their names may ever be connected as closely after death as they were

connected by friendship during life. To Lindsey's example of a pure love

of truth, and of the most fearless integrity in asserting it, as

evidenced by the sacrifices he had made to it, Priestley says that he

owed much of his own wishes "to imbibe the same spirit."

The work, as originally planned, was to be the concluding part of his

_Institutes of Natural and Revealed Religion_, but as the matter of it

grew it became extended into a separate treatise, larger, indeed, than

the whole of the Institutes. Its object was to show that modern

Christianity was a departure from the original scheme, and that the

innovations have debased its spirit and almost annihilated all the happy

effects which it was eminently calculated to produce. Although it had

begun to recover itself from its corrupted state, and the Reformation

was advancing apace, abuses still continued in many places, even

although their virulence was very generally abated and the number was

greatly increased of those who were most zealous in the profession of

Christianity, whose lives were the greatest ornament to it, and who hold

it in such purity that if it was fairly exhibited and universally

understood it could hardly fail to recommend itself to the acceptance of

the whole world.

"But so long as all the Christianity that is known to Heathens,

Mahometans and Jews is of a corrupted and debased kind, and

particularly while the profession of it is so much connected with

_worldly interest_, it is no wonder that mankind in general refuse to

admit it, and that they can even hardly be prevailed upon to give any

attention to the evidence that is alleged in its favour. Whereas, when

the system itself shall appear to be less liable to objection, it is

to be hoped that they may be brought to give proper attention to it,

and to the evidence on which it rests."

In this work Priestley attempted to trace every "corruption"--that is

every innovation or departure from what he conceives to be the original

scheme--to its proper source and "to show what circumstances in the

state of things, and especially of other prevailing opinions and

prejudices, made the alteration, in doctrine or practice, sufficiently

natural, and the introduction and establishment of it easy." Priestley

hoped as a true rationalist that this historical method would be found

to be one of the most satisfactory modes of argumentation, in order to

prove that what he objected to was no part of the original scheme.

"For after the clearest refutation of any particular doctrine that has

been long established in Christian churches it will still be asked,

how, if it be no part of the scheme, it ever came to be thought so,

and to be so generally acquiesced in; and in many cases the mind will

not be perfectly satisfied till such questions be answered."

We are mainly concerned with this remarkable work as illustrating the

character and attributes of its author, and it is not within our

province to give any analysis of its contents. It must be remembered in

connection with it that Priestley was no longer an Arian; he was not

even a Socinian, as that term was understood by the immediate followers

of Faustus Socinus, who thought it their duty as Christians, and,

indeed, essential to Christianity, to pray to Jesus Christ,

notwithstanding they believed him to be, in Priestley's phrase, a mere

man. Priestley was at this time what he remained until his death--a

strict Humanitarian, although he believed in the supernatural power and

divine mission of Christ.

Of the reception which awaited his book he could not be altogether

unprepared. It was received by the orthodox with a storm of disapproval,

and a dozen pens were immediately set to work to demolish its doctrine

and to defend the principles he so boldly assailed. Among those who

entered the lists the most formidable was Dr Horsley, then Archdeacon of

St Albans, whose _Animadversions_ were described as "at once nervous,

animated and evangelical, but in some passages too sarcastic."

It says something for Priestley's position and influence in the

theological world that his book should have met with the sternest

disapprobation in Lutheran, and especially Calvinistic, circles abroad.

It was ordered to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman at

Dordrecht, in 1785--a sign that the spirit of the Synod of Dort had

survived even two centuries.

Priestley thereupon undertook to collect from the original writers the

state of opinion on the subject in the age succeeding that of the

apostles, and he published the results of his investigation in his

"_History of Early Opinion concerning Jesus Christ_." In four volumes.

8vo.

This bringing him still more antagonists he retaliated by writing a

pamphlet annually in defence of the Unitarian doctrine, until it

appeared to himself and his friends that his antagonists produced

nothing to which it was of any consequence to reply. The pains that he

took to ascertain the state of early opinions concerning Jesus Christ,

and the great misapprehensions that he says he perceived in all the

ecclesiastical historians, led him to undertake a _General History of

the Christian Church to the Fall of the Western Empire_.

"If you ask me," says the Rev. Alexander Gordon, "what I should reckon

Priestley's greatest service to theological science, I should say that

it is to be found in his adoption of the historical method of

investigating the problems of doctrine and in his special handling of

that method. The faith of Priestley was the precursor of the modern

theme of theological development, though I do not think he used the

term. His term was 'corruption,' a term which, it may be said, begs a

very important question. At any rate it throws into strong relief the

fact, on which all are agreed, that there is, and must be, some

primitive nucleus whence developments proceed. Now it is the object of

all who, for any reason, are interested in the origin of Christianity

to reach this primitive nucleus at its first, undeveloped and

uncorrupted stage. Where are we to seek it? By universal consent we

must go to the New Testament. There, if anywhere, we shall come upon

its traces. Here the agreement begins and ends. The New Testament is

in all hands. But one man finds the Trinity in it; another the

simplest Monotheism; a third, the papacy; a fourth, the supremacy of

the illuminating spirit. The same words yield opposite results,

because the principles of interpretation differ. The New Testament is

to be interpreted by the voice of the Church; or by the testimony of

the Creeds; or by the opinions of the Fathers of the first centuries

before the age of dogmatic creeds began at Nicæa. These had been the

expedients proposed by the Catholic, the Anglican, the Arian

respectively. Socinus had rejected them all. It cannot matter to me

(so, in effect, he contended) what any Church, or any Creed, or any

Father may have said; I go to the New Testament myself, to read it

with my own eyes, to understand it with my own mind.

"This was not the position of Priestley. He thought this as irrational

a proceeding as any of those which it superseded. Even if, by good

luck, the true sense were reached, there was no means of proving it to

be such. The New Testament, in Priestley's view, is not to be

construed as a book of enigmas which might belong to any age. It is

not dropped straight out of heaven into the hands of the man of to-day

for him to make what he will of it. It belongs to a specific period;

it was written for a given class of persons; it was written to be

understood. 'Therefore,' said Priestley, 'it will be an unanswerable

argument _a priori_ against any particular doctrine being contained in

the Scriptures, that it was never understood to be so by those persons

for whose immediate use the Scriptures were written, and who must have

been much better qualified to understand them, in that respect at

least, than we can pretend to be at the present day.' (_Works_, vi.

7.)

"Accordingly it is the whole object of Priestley's histories of

doctrine to get at the mind of the common Christian people in the

first age; to make their primary understanding of Scripture the norm

for its true interpretation; and then to trace the process by which

this first impression, this real meaning, suffered transmutation by

the speculative genius of philosophising divines. Of the Nicene

Council he quaintly says, 'there was no House of Commons in that

assembly.' It 'represented the Christian Church in no other sense than

the House of Lords might be said to represent the English nation.' He

conceived that he could penetrate to this unsophisticated sense of the

primitive believers through the very writings of the Fathers whereby

it had been overlaid and obscured. Their admissions, their rebukes,

their appeals, their laboured arguments, their surviving

conservatisms: all were materials to his purpose.

"The plan was novel, the conception original, the whole endeavour

strictly scientific in its method and basis. And I do not think that

Priestley's work in this department has received the full recognition

which it rightly claims from us, whether we regard its spirit or its

execution. The progress of biblical knowledge implies, no doubt, a

readjustment of his argument and a revision of his conclusions. But

the readjustment and revision are effected by the use of principles

which he was the first to set forth and apply. We now go behind the

New Testament just as he went behind the Fathers. The New Testament

itself is, to us, largely a record by help of which we may reach the

first impression made by the life, and work, and word of Christ. In so

doing we do but carry out his suggestions and carry on his method. He

is the genuine precursor of the properly historic treatment of

biblical and theological questions."

Priestley's action with respect to the Sunday school movement was

another rock of offence to the Established clergy. This movement began

in Birmingham in 1784, and was supported by all denominations. The High

Church party, however, insisted that all children, irrespective of the

religious persuasion of their parents, should attend the worship of the

Established Church and no other. After some time, and mainly at the

instigation of Priestley, the Dissenters opened their separate Sunday

schools, the Old Meeting in 1787, and the New Meeting in 1788, and

Priestley preached the first sermon on behalf of the New Meeting Schools

in November 1789, and with his son Joseph took an active share in the

teaching.

Priestley was a sincere lover of literature, and no man was more

sensible of its value to the moral and intellectual life of communities.

In his own case he had derived so much benefit from a ready access to

books which were beyond his means to purchase that he was ever willing

to lend himself to any well-considered attempt to open the storehouses

of literature, in its widest sense, as freely as possible, and to do all

in his power to foster the love of reading and the spirit of inquiry

among all classes of persons. In each succeeding situation--Needham,

Nantwich, Warrington, Leeds--he left evidences of his efforts to make

books as accessible as possible to the community of which he was for the

time a member. Leeds still enjoys a striking example of these efforts in

its proprietary library, and much of its reputation and character is

owing to the wise and enlightened spirit which he infused into its

administration.

As to the library at Birmingham, he eventually succeeded in giving to

it, as Hutton says, "that stability and method without which no

institution can prosper." We are further told that "the Society are

under many and great obligations to the learned Doctor; it was him who

altered its original plan and put it on a more extensive scale; he

amended and enlarged the laws and has paid a great attention to its

welfare and growing interests."

Priestley's action, and more especially the catholicity he displayed in

the selection and admission of such books as in his judgment tended to

the spread of rationalism, whether in religion or in politics, drew down

upon him the wrath of the Court party, and more particularly of the

beneficed clergy of the town and district, and the library was

vigorously denounced as "a fountain of erroneous opinions, spreading

infidelity, heresy and schism through the whole neighbourhood."

This catholicity is reflected in almost every circumstance of his daily

life.

"If liberality of sentiment," he wrote on one occasion, "be the result

of general and various acquaintance, few men now living have had a

better opportunity of acquiring it than myself. This has arisen from

the great variety of my pursuits, which has naturally brought me

acquainted with persons of all principles and characters. One day, I

remember, I dined in company with an eminent popish priest; the

evening I spent with philosophers, determined unbelievers; the next

morning I breakfasted, at his own request, with a most zealously

orthodox clergyman, Mr Toplady, and the rest of that day I spent with

Dr Jebb, Mr Lindsey and some others, men in all respects after my own

heart. I have since enriched my acquaintance with that of some very

intelligent Jews; and my opponents, who consider me already as half a

Mahometan, will not suppose that I can have any objection to the

society of persons of that religion."

Dr Samuel Parr, the Prebend of St Paul's, a staunch friend and true

admirer of Priestley, who wrote the inscription on the tablet to his

memory in the New Meeting House at Birmingham, related the following

characteristic anecdote to Mrs Robert A. Wainwright, who died in 1891,

in her 84th year:--

"Now remember this. I knew your grandfather, Dr Priestley. He once

invited me to dinner at Fair Hill, and I never was at a more agreeable

party in my life. Your grandfather was at the head of the table. I sat

at the bottom. At your grandfather's right hand was Mr Berington, the

Roman Catholic, and Mr Galton, the Quaker, on his left. Next to me was

Robert Robinson, the Baptist, and Mr Proud, minister of the New

Jerusalem Church."

All the five guests were remarkable men and distinguished in their

several Churches. Dr Parr, one of the most erudite scholars of his time

and an acute critic, an inveterate Whig, and a political ally of Fox,

Burke and North, was Vicar of Wadenhoe in Northamptonshire, although he

resided, as assistant curate, at Hatton, near Warwick, where he had an

excellent library. Berington wrote a _Literary History of the Middle

Ages_, and the _History of Abelard and Heloise_. Robert Robinson, of

Cambridge, was the author of the _History of Baptism_, _Ecclesiastical

Researches_, _Village Sermons_ and other books. The Swedenborgian

minister was the chief defender of the New Jerusalem Church in England,

and was engaged in controversy with Priestley.

A contemporary account of Priestley at this period of his life describes

him as about the middle stature, or five feet eight inches high; slender

and well proportioned; of fair complexion, eyes grey and sparkling with

intelligence, and his whole countenance expressive of the benignity of

his heart. He often smiled, but seldom laughed. He was extremely active

and agile in his motions; he walked fast and very erect, and his

deportment was dignified. His usual dress was a black coat without a

cape, a fine linen or cambric stock, a cocked hat, a powdered wig, shoes

and buckles. He commonly walked with a long cane in his right hand, and

was an excellent pedestrian. "The whole of his dress was remarkably

clean, and this purity of person and simple dignity of manners evinced

that philosophic propriety which prevailed throughout his conduct as a

private individual."

He rose about six o'clock and commonly retired to his study, where he

continued until eight, when he met his family at breakfast. He

breakfasted on tea, and after breakfast again went to his study,

accompanied by his amanuensis. He often devoted the whole of his morning

to composition, or divided his morning between the study and the

laboratory. When engaged in experimental work he commonly wore a white

apron and canvas covers drawn over his sleeves. He dined at one o'clock

and was very abstemious. He seldom drank wine or beer. In the afternoon

he usually took a walk, frequently to Birmingham, and spent some time at

the office where his works were being printed. He supped at eight, the

meal usually consisting of vegetables, and retired to rest shortly after

ten. He was extremely methodical in his habits and a rigid economist of

time.

At Daventry he began the practice, which he continued up to within three

or four days of his death, of keeping, in Peter Annet's system of

shorthand, a diary in which he noted where he had been, the nature of

his employment, what he had been reading, and any hints or suggestions

of future work which had occurred to him, when he rose and the hour at

which he went to bed. He was very methodical in his reading and in the

alternation of his studies and relaxation. He never read a book without

determining in his own mind when he would finish it. Had he a work to

transcribe, he would fix a time for its completion. At the beginning of

each year he arranged the plan he intended to pursue, and at the close

he reviewed the general situation of his affairs and took stock of the

progress he had made, noting whether the execution of his plan exceeded

or fell short of his expectations. It was this regular apportionment of

his time, and the habits of method and order in the arrangement of his

business which he adopted in early life, and from which he never

materially deviated, together with his uniformly good health, his

industry and aptitude for rapid work, which enabled him to achieve what

he did. It was, he says, a great advantage to him that he never was

under the necessity of retiring from company in order to compose

anything. Being fond of domestic life he got a habit of writing on any

subject by the parlour fire with his wife and children about him, and

occasionally talking to them without experiencing any inconvenience from

such interruptions. When he was a young author (although he did not

publish anything until he was about thirty) strictures on his writings

gave him some disturbance, though he believed even then less than they

do most others; but after some time things of that kind hardly affected

him at all, and on this account he thinks he may be said to have been

well formed for public controversy. But what always made him easy in any

controversy in which he was engaged was his fixed resolution frankly to

acknowledge any mistake that he might perceive he had fallen into. "That

I had never been in the least backward to do this in matters of

philosophy can never be denied."

Though he has been considered as fond of controversy, and that his chief

delight consisted in it, yet it was far from being true. He was more

frequently the defendant than the assailant. His controversies, as far

as it depended upon himself, were carried on with temper and decency. He

was never malicious, nor even sarcastic or indignant, unless provoked.

Priestley was a very busy man and a very industrious man, but he had not

the power of sustained and concentrated application to a single subject

which is the characteristic of men of great intellectual eminence. In

this respect he was far inferior to his contemporaries Watt and

Cavendish. His quick and active mind enabled him rapidly to assimilate

the ideas of others, but it may be doubted, even in theology, whether he

pushed his convictions and doctrinal beliefs beyond the limits reached

by previous thinkers. His philosophy, as Huxley has pointed out,

contains little that will be new to the readers of Hobbes, Spinoza,

Collins, Hume and Hartley. "It does not appear," says his son, "that he

spent more than six or eight hours per day in business that required

much mental exertion." In his diary he laid down the following daily

arrangements of time for a minister's studies:--Studying the Scriptures,

one hour. Practical writers, half-an-hour. Philosophy and History, two

hours. Classics, half-an-hour. Composition, one hour--in all five hours.

"All which," he adds, "may be conveniently dispatched before dinner,

which leaves the afternoon for visiting and company, and the evening for

exceeding in any article if there be occasion."

His son tells us that for many years of his life he never spent less

than two or three hours a day in games of amusement, as cards and

backgammon, but particularly chess, at which he and his wife played

regularly three games after dinner and as many after supper. As his

children grew up, chess was laid aside for whist or some round game at

cards, which he enjoyed as much as any of the company. He was fond, too,

of bodily exercise, and was particularly attached to his garden, in

which he worked constantly. His laboratory also afforded him exercise,

as he never employed an assistant, and never allowed anyone even to

light his fire.

The attention, he says, which he paid to the phenomena of his own mind,

made him sensible of some great defects in its constitution. He was, he

says, from an early period, subject to a "most humbling failure of

recollection," so that he sometimes lost all ideas of both persons and

things that he had been conversant with. He says, "I have so completely

forgotten what I have myself published, that in reading my own writings

what I find in them often appears perfectly new to me, and I have more

than once made experiments the results of which had been published by

me."

Apprised of this defect he never failed to note down as soon as possible

everything that he wished not to forget. The same failing led him to

devise and have recourse to a variety of mechanical expedients to secure

and arrange his thoughts, which were of the greatest use to him in the

composition of large and complex works, and what he says excited the

wonder of some of his readers would only have made them smile had they

seen him at work. "But by simple and mechanical methods one man shall do

that in a month which shall cost another, of equal ability, whole years

to execute. This methodical arrangement of a large work is greatly

facilitated by mechanical methods, and nothing contributes more to the

perspicuity of a large work than a good arrangement of its parts."

What he learned to know with respect to himself tended much, he says, to

lessen both his admiration and his contempt of others.

"Could we have entered into the mind of Sir Isaac Newton, and have

traced all the steps by which he produced his great works, we might

see nothing very extraordinary in the process. And great powers with

respect to some things are generally attended with great defects in

others; and these may not appear in a man's writings. For this reason,

it seldom happens but that our admiration of philosophers and writers

is lessened by a personal knowledge of them."

Great defects may, however, be more than counter-balanced by great

excellences, and accordingly he hopes that his defect of recollection,

possibly due to a want of sufficient coherence in the association of

ideas formerly impressed, might arise from a mental constitution more

favourable to new associations, so that what he lost with respect to

memory may have been compensated by what is called invention, or new and

original combinations of ideas.

In the domestic relations of life he was uniformly kind and

affectionate. As was truly said of him on Darton's portrait, "Not malice

itself could ever fix a stain on his private conduct or impeach his

integrity."

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