CHAPTER IV.

BOOK-FIRES OF THE REBELLION.

With the beneficent Revolution that practically began with the

Long Parliament in November 1640, and put an end to the Star

Chamber and High Commission, it might have been hoped that a

better time was about to dawn for books. But the control of

thought really only passed from the Monarchical to the

Presbyterian party; and if authors no longer incurred the

atrocious cruelties of the Star Chamber, their works were more

freely burnt at the order of Parliament than they appear to have

been when the sentence to such a fate rested with the King or the

Archbishop of Canterbury.

Parliament, in fact, assumed the dictatorship of literature, and

exercised supreme jurisdiction over author, printer, publisher,

and licenser. Either House separately, or both concurrently,

assumed the exercise of this power; and, if a book were sentenced

to be burnt, the hangman seems always to have been called in

aid. In an age which was pre-eminently the age of pamphlets, and

torn in pieces by religious and political dissension, the number

of pamphlets that were condemned to be burnt by the common

hangman was naturally legion, though, of course, a still greater

number escaped with some lesser form of censure. It is only with

the former that I propose to deal, and only with such of them as

seem of more than usual interest as illustrating the manners and

thoughts of that turbulent time.

It is a significant fact that the first writer whose works

incurred the wrath of Parliament was the Rev. John Pocklington,

D.D., one of the foremost innovators in the Church in the days of

Laud's prosperity. The House of Lords consigned two of his books

to be burnt by the hangman, both in London and the two chief

Universities (February 12th, 1641). These were his _Sunday no

Sabbath_, and the _Altare Christianum_.

The first of these was originally a sermon, preached on August

17th, 1635, wherein the Puritan view of Sunday was vehemently

assailed, and the Puritans themselves vigorously abused. "These

Church Schismatics are the most gross, nay, the most transparent

hypocrites and the most void of conscience of all others. They

will take the benefit of the Church, but abjure the doctrine and

discipline of the Church." How often has not this argument done

duty since against Pocklington's ecclesiastical descendants! But

it is to be historically regretted that Pocklington's views of

Sunday, the same of course as those of James the First's famous

book, or Declaration of Sports, were not destined to prevail, and

seem still as far as ever from attainment.

The _Altare Christianum_ had been published in 1637, in answer to

certain books by Burton and Prynne, its object being to prove

that altars and churches had existed before the Christian Church

was 200 years old. But had these churches any more substantial

existence than that one built, as he says, by Joseph of

Arimathea, at Glastonbury, in the year 55 A.D.? Did the

Arimathean really visit Glastonbury? Anyhow, the book is full of

learning and instruction, and, indeed, both Pocklington's books

have an interest of their own, apart from their fate, which, of

so many, is their sole recommendation.

The sentence against Pocklington was strongly vindictive. Both

his practices and his doctrines were condemned. In his practice

he was declared to have been "very superstitious and full of

idolatry," and to have used many gestures and ceremonies "not

established by the laws of this realm." These were the sort of

ceremonies that, without ever having been so established by law,

our ritualists have practically established by custom; and the

offence of the ritualist doctrine as held in those days, and as

illustrated by Pocklington, lay in the following tenets ascribed

to him: (1) that it was men's duty to bow to altars as to the

throne of the Great God; (2) that the Eucharist was the host and

held corporeal presence therein; (3) that there was in the Church

a distinction between holy places and a Holy of holies; (4) that

the canons and constitutions of the Church were to be obeyed

without examination.

For these offences of ritual and doctrine--offences to which,

fortunately, we can afford to be more indifferent than our

ancestors were, no reasonable man now thinking twice about

them--Pocklington was deprived of all his livings and dignities

and preferments, and incapacitated from holding any for the

future, whilst his books were consigned to the hangman. It may

seem to us a spiteful sentence; but it was after all a mild

revenge, considering the atrocious sufferings of the Puritan

writers. It is worse to lose one's ears and one's liberty for

life than even to be deprived of Church livings; and it is

noticeable that bodily mutilations came to an end with the

clipping of the talons of the Crown and the Church at the

beginning of the Long Parliament.

Taking now in order the works of a political nature that were

condemned by the House of Commons to be burnt by the hangman, we

come first to the _Speeches of Sir Edward Dering_, member for

Kent in the Long Parliament, and a greater antiquary than he ever

was a politician. He it was who, on May 27th, 1641, moved the

first reading of the Root and Branch Bill for the abolition of

Episcopacy. "The pride, the avarice, the ambition, and oppression

by our ruling clergy is epidemical," he said; thereby proving

that such an opinion was not merely a Puritan prejudice. But

Dering appears only really to have aimed at the abolition of

Laud's archiepiscopacy, and to have wished to see some purer form

of prelacy re-established in place of the old. Naturally his

views gave offence, which he only increased by republishing his

speeches on matters of religion, Parliament being so incensed

that it burned his book, and committed its author for a week to

the Tower (February 2nd, 1642).

Dering's was the common fate of moderate men in stormy times,

who, seeing good on each side, are ill thought of by both.

Failing to be loyal to either, he was by both mistrusted. For not

only did he ultimately vote on the side of the royalist episcopal

party, but he actually fought on the King's side; then, being

disgusted with the royalists for their leaning to Popery, he

accepted the pardon offered for a compensation by Parliament in

1644, and died the same year, leaving posterity to regret that he

was ever so ill-advised as to exchange antiquities for politics

and party strife.

The famous speech of the statesman whom Charles, with his usual

defiance of public opinion, soon afterwards raised to the peerage

as Lord Digby (on the passing of the Bill of Attainder against

Lord Strafford), was, after its publication by its author,

condemned to be burnt at Westminster, Cheapside, and Smithfield

(July 13th, 1642). Digby voted against putting Strafford to

death, because he did not think it proved by the evidence that

Strafford had advised Charles to employ the army in Ireland for

the subjection of England. But he condemned his general conduct

as strongly as any man. He calls him "the great apostate to the

Commonwealth, who must not expect to be pardoned it in this world

till he be dispatched to the other." He refers very happily to

his great abilities, "whereof God hath given him the use, but the

devil the application." But does the critic's own memory stand

much higher? Was he not the King's evil genius, who, together

with the Queen, pushed him to that fatal step--the arrest of the

five members?

How soon Parliament acquired the evil habit of dealing by fire

and the hangman with uncongenial publications is proved by the

fact that in one year alone the following five leaflets or

pamphlets suffered in this way:--

1. _The Kentish Petition_, drawn up at the Maidstone Assizes by

the gentry, ministry, and commonalty of Kent, praying for the

preservation of episcopal government, and the settlement of

religious differences by a synod of the clergy (April 17th,

1642). The petition was couched in very strong language; and

Professor Gardiner is probably right in saying that it was the

condemnation of this famous petition which rendered civil war

inevitable.

2. _A True Relation of the Proceedings of the Scots and English

Forces in the North of Ireland._ This was thought to be

dishonouring to the Scots, and was accordingly ordered to be

burnt (June 8th, 1642).

3. _King James: his Judgment of a King and a Tyrant_ (September

12th, 1642).

4. _A Speedy Post from Heaven to the King of England_ (October

5th, 1642).

5. _Letter from Lord Falkland_ to the Earl of Cumberland,

concerning the action at Worcester (October 8th, 1642).

Thus did Parliament, and the House of Commons especially, improve

upon the precedent first set by the Star Chamber; and the

practice must soon have somewhat lost its force by the very

frequency of its repetition. David Buchanan's _Truth's Manifest_,

containing an account of the conduct of the Scotch nation in the

Civil War, was condemned to be burnt by the hangman (April 13th,

1646), but may still be read. _An Unhappy Game at Scotch and

English_, pamphlets like the _Mercurius Elenchicus_ and

_Mercurius Pragmaticus_, the _Justiciarius Justificatus_, by

George Wither, perished about the same time in the same way; and

in 1648 such profane Royalist political squibs as _The

Parliament's Ten Commandments_; _The Parliament's Pater Noster,

and Articles of the Faith_; and _Ecce the New Testament of our

Lords and Saviours, the House of Commons at Westminster, or the

Supreme Council at Windsor_, were, for special indignity,

condemned to be burnt in the three most public places of London.

The observance of Sunday has always been a fruitful source of

contention, and in 1649 the chief magistrates in England and

Wales were ordered by the House of Commons to cause to be burnt

all copies of James Okeford's _Doctrine of the Fourth

Commandment, deformed by Popery, reformed and restored to its

primitive purity_ (March 18th, 1650). They did their duty so well

that not a copy appears to survive, even in the British Museum.

The author, moreover, was sentenced to be taken and imprisoned;

so thoroughly did the spirit of persecution take possession of a

Parliamentary majority when the power of it fell into their

hands.

This was also shown in other matters. For instance, not only were

_Joseph Primatt's Petition_ to Parliament, with reference to his

claims to certain coal mines, and Lilburne's _Just Reproof to

Haberdasher's Hall_ on Primatt's behalf, condemned to be burnt by

the hangman (January 15th, July 30th, 1652), but both authors

were sentenced, one to fines amounting to L5,000, the other to

fines amounting to L7,000, which, though falling far short of

the Star Chamber fines, were very considerable sums in those

days. Lilburne, on this occasion, was also sentenced to be

banished, and to be deemed guilty of felony if he returned; but

this part of the sentence was never enforced, for Lilburne

remained, to continue to the very end, by speech and writing,

that perpetual warfare with the party in power which constituted

his political life.

John Fry, M.P., who sat in the High Court of Justice for the

trial of Charles I., wrote in 1648 his _Accuser Shamed_ against

Colonel Downes, a fellow-member, who had most unfairly charged

him before the House with blasphemy for certain expressions used

in private conversation, and thereby caused his temporary

suspension. Dr. Cheynel, President of St. John's at Oxford,

printed an answer to this, and Fry rejoined in his _Clergy in

their True Colours_ (1650), a pamphlet singularly expressive of

the general dislike at that time entertained for the English

clergy. He complains of the strange postures assumed by the

clergy in their prayers before the sermon, and says: "Whether the

fools and knaves in stage plays took their pattern from these

men, or these from them, I cannot determine; but sure one is the

brat of the other, they are so well alike." He confesses himself

"of the opinion of most, that the clergy are the great

incendiaries." In the matter of Psalm-singing he finds "few men

under heaven more irrational in their religious exercises than

our clergy." As to their common evasion of difficulties by the

plea that it is above reason, he fairly observes: "If a man will

consent to give up his reason, I would as soon converse with a

beast as with that man." Nevertheless, how many do so still!

Fry wrote as a rational churchman, not as an anti-Christian,

"from a hearty desire for their (the clergy's) reformation, and a

great zeal to my countrymen that they may no longer be deceived

by such as call themselves the ministers of the Gospel, but are

not." This appears on the title-page; but a good motive has

seldom yet saved a man or a book, and the House, having debated

about both tracts from morning till night, not only voted them

highly scandalous and profane, but consigned them to the hangman

to burn, and expelled Fry from his seat in Parliament (February

21st, 1651).

So far of the political utterances that for the offence they gave

were condemned to the flames; but these only represent one side

of the activity of the legislature of that time. Nothing, indeed,

better illustrates the mind of the seventeenth century than the

several instances in which Parliament, in the exercise of its

assumed power over literature generally, interfered with works of

a theological nature, nor does anything more clearly or curiously

reveal the mental turmoil of that period than does the perusal of

some of the works that then met with Parliamentary censure or

condemnation. In undertaking this interference it is possible

that Parliament exceeded its province, and one is glad that it

has long since ceased to claim the keepership of the People's

Conscience. But in those days ideas of toleration were in their

infancy; the right of free thought, or of its expression, had not

been established; and the maintenance of orthodoxy was deemed as

much the duty of Parliament as the maintenance of the rights of

the people. So a Parliamentary majority soon came to exercise as

much tyranny over thought as ever had been exercised by king or

bishop; and, in fact, the theological writer ran even greater

personal risks from the indignation of Parliament than he would

have run in the period preceding 1640, for he began to run in

danger of his life.

The first theological work dealt with by Parliament appears to

have been that curious posthumous work, entitled _Comfort for

Believers about their Sinnes and Troubles_, which appeared in

June 1645, by John Archer, Master of Arts, and preacher at All

Hallows', Lombard Street. It had but a short life, for the very

next month the Assembly of Divines, then sitting at Westminster,

complained to Parliament of its contents, and Parliament

condemned it to be publicly burnt in four places, the Assembly to

draw up a formal detestation to be read at the burning. In this

document it was admitted that the author had been "of good

estimation for learning and piety"; but the author's logic was

better than his theology, for he attributed all evil to the Cause

of all things, and contended that for wise purposes God not only

permitted sin, but had a hand in its essence, namely, "in the

privity, and ataxy, the anomye, or irregularity of the act" (if

that makes it any clearer). A single passage will convey the

drift of the seventy-six pages devoted to this difficult

problem:--

"Who hinted to God, or gave advice by counsel to Him, to let the

creature sin? Did any necessity, arising upon the creature's

being, enforce it that sin must be? Could not God have hindered

sin, if He would? Might He not have kept man from sinning, as He

did some of the angels? Therefore, it was His device and plot

before the creature was that there should be sin. . . . It is by

sin that most of God's glory in the discovery of His attributes

doth arise. . . . Therefore certainly it limits Him much to bring

in sin by a contingent accident, merely from the creature, and to

deny God a hand and will in its being and bringing forth."

The author thought these positions quite compatible with

orthodoxy; not so, however, the Presbyterian divines, nor

Parliament; and certainly Archer's questions were more easily and

more swiftly answered by fire than in any other way. Had he

lived, one wonders how the divines would have punished him. For

the next two cases prove how dangerous it was becoming to be

convicted or even suspected of heterodoxy. Parliament was

beginning to understand its duty as Defender of the Faith as the

Holy Inquisition has always understood it--namely, by the death

of the luckless assailant.

Thus, on July 24th, 1647, the House of Commons condemned to be

burnt in three different places, on three different days, Paul

Best's pamphlet, of the following curious title: _Mysteries

Discovered, or a Mercurial Picture pointing out the way from

Babylon to the Holy City, For the Good of all such as during that

Night of General Error and Apostacy, II. Thess. ii. 3, Rev. iii.

10, have been so long misled with Rome's Hobgoblin, by me, Paul

Best, prisoner in the Gatehouse, Westminster_. It concluded with

a prayer for release from an imprisonment, which had then lasted

more than three years, for certain theological opinions

"committed to a minister (a supposed friend) for his judgment and

advice only." This minister was the Rev. Roger Leys, who

infamously betrayed the trust reposed in him, and made public the

frankness of private conversation.

Best had been imprisoned in the Gatehouse for certain expressions

he was supposed to have used about the Trinity; and before he

wrote this pamphlet the House of Commons had actually voted that

he should be hanged. Justly, therefore, he wrote: "Unless the

Lord put to His helping hand of the magistrate for the manacling

of Satan in that persecuting power, there is little hope either

of the liberty of the subject or the law of God amongst us." And

if he was not orthodox, he was sensible, for he says: "I cannot

understand what detriment could redound either to Church or

Commonwealth by toleration of religions."

His heresy consisted in thinking that pagan ideas had been

imported into, and so had corrupted, the original monotheism of

Christianity. "We may perceive how by iniquity of time the real

truth of God hath been trodden under foot by a verbal kind of

divinity, introduced by the semi-pagan Christianity of the third

century in the Western Church." He certainly did not hold the

doctrine of the Trinity in what was then deemed the orthodox way,

but his precise belief is rather obscurely stated, and is a

matter of indifference.

One is glad to learn that he escaped hanging after all, and was

released about the end of 1647, probably at the instance of

Cromwell. He then retired to the family seat in Yorkshire, where

he combined farming with his favourite theological studies for

the ten remaining years of his life. His career at Cambridge had

been distinguished, as might also have been his career in the

world but for that unfortunate bent for theology, and the use of

his reason in its study, that has led so many worthy men to

disgrace and destruction.

But, in spite of the Assembly of Divines, the air was thick with

theological speculation; and only a few weeks after the

condemnation of Best's _Mysteries_, the House condemned to a

similar fate Bidle's _Twelve Arguments drawn out of Scripture,

wherein the Commonly Received Opinion touching the Deity of the

Holy Spirit is Clearly and Fully Refuted_.

Bidle, a tailor's son, must take high rank among the martyrs of

learning. After a brilliant school career at Gloucester, he went

to Magdalen College, Oxford, where, says his biographer, "he did

so philosophise, as it might be observed, he was determined more

by Reason than Authority"; and this dangerous beginning he

shortly followed up, when master of the Free School at

Gloucester, by the still more dangerous conclusion that the

common doctrine of the Trinity "was not well grounded in

Revelation, much less in Reason." For this he was brought before

the magistrates at Gloucester on the charge of heresy (1644); and

from that time till his death from gaol-fever in 1662, at the age

of forty-two, Bidle seldom knew what liberty was. It was soon

after his first imprisonment that he published his _Twelve

Arguments_. Though the House had this burnt by the hangman, it

was so popular that it was reprinted the same year. The year

following (1648) the House passed an ordinance making a denial of

the Trinity a capital offence; in spite of which Bidle published

his _Confession of Faith touching the Holy Trinity, according to

Scripture_, and his _Testimonies of Different Fathers_ regarding

the same, the last of which manifests considerable learning. The

Assembly of Divines then appealed to Parliament to put him to

death; yet, strange to say, Parliament did not do so, but soon

after released their prisoner. In 1654 he published his _Twofold

Catechism_, for which he was again committed to the Gatehouse,

and debarred from the use of pens, ink, and paper; and all his

books were sentenced to be burnt (December 13th, 1654). After a

time, his fate being still uncertain, Cromwell procured his

release, or rather sent him off to the Scilly Isles. But his

enemies got him into prison again at last, and there a blameless

and pious life fell a victim to the power of bigotry. One may

regret a life thus spent and sacrificed; but only so has the

cause of free thought been gradually won.

Bidle has also been thought to have been the translator of the

famous _Racovian Catechism_, first published in Polish at Racow

in 1605, and in Latin in 1609. In it two anti-Trinitarian divines

reduced to a systematic form the whole of the Socinian doctrine.

A special interest attaches to it from the fact that Milton, then

nearly blind, was called before the House in connection with the

Catechism, as though he had had a share in its translation or

publication. It was condemned to be burnt as blasphemous (April

1st, 1652). In the Journals of the House copious extracts are

given from the work, from which the following may serve to

indicate what chiefly gave offence:--

"What do you conceive exceedingly profitable to be known of the

Essence of God?

"It is to know that in the Essence of God there is only one

person . . . and that by no means can there be more persons in

that Essence, and that many persons in one essence is a pernicious

opinion, which doth easily pluck up and destroy the belief of one

God. . . .

"But the Christians do commonly affirm the Son and Spirit to be

also persons in the unity of the same Godhead.

"I know they do, but it is a very great error; and the arguments

brought for it are taken from Scriptures misunderstood.

"But seeing the Son is called God in the Scriptures, how can

that be answered?

"The word God in Scripture is chiefly used two ways: first, as it

signifies Him that rules in heaven and earth . . .; secondly, as

it signifies one who hath received some high power or authority

from that one God, or is some way made partaker of the Deity of

that one God. It is in this latter sense that the Son in certain

places in Scripture is called God. And the Son is upon no higher

account called God than that He is sanctified by the Father and

sent into the world.

"But hath not the Lord Jesus Christ besides His human a Divine

nature also?

"No, by no means, for that is not only repugnant to sound reason,

but to the Holy Scripture also."

This is doubtless enough to convey an idea of the Catechism,

which was again translated in 1818 by T. Rees. Whether Bidle was

the translator or not, he must have been actuated by good

intentions in what he wrote; for he says of the _Twofold

Catechism_, that it "was composed for their sakes that would fain

be mere Christians, and not of this or that sect, inasmuch as all

the sects of Christians, by what names soever distinguished, have

either more or less departed from the simplicity and truth of

the Scripture." But these Christians, who preferred their

religion to their sect, Bidle should have known were too few to

count.

Far inferior writers to Bidle were Ebiezer Coppe and Laurence

Clarkson: nor, if religious madness could be so stamped out, can

we complain of the House of Commons for condemning their works to

the flames. The strongest possible condemnation was passed for

its "horrid blasphemies" on Coppe's _Fiery Flying Roll; or, Word

from the Lord to all the Great Ones of the Earth whom this may

concern, being the Last Warning Peace at the Dreadful Day of

Judgment_. All discoverable copies of this book were to be burnt

by the hangman at three different places (February 1st, 1650);

and Coppe was imprisoned, but was released on his recantation of

his opinions. His book was the cause of that curious ordinance of

August 9th, 1650, for the "punishment of atheistical,

blasphemous, and execrable opinions," which is the best summary

and proof of the intense religious fanaticism then prevalent, and

so curiously similar in all its details to that of the primitive

Christian Church. At both periods the distinctive features were

the claim to actual divinity, and to superiority to all moral

laws.

On September 27th, 1650, Clarkson's _Single Eye: all Light, no

Darkness_, was condemned to be burnt by the hangman; and Clarkson

himself not only sent to the House of Correction for a month, but

sentenced to be banished after that for life under a penalty of

death if he returned.

These books have their value for students of human nature, and so

have the next I refer to, the works of Ludovic Muggleton, most of

which were written during this period, though not condemned to be

burnt till the year 1676, and which in other respects seem to

touch the lowest attainable depth of religious demoralisation.

The extraordinary thing is that Muggleton actually founded a sort

of religion of his own; at all events, he gave life and title to

a sect, which counts votaries to this day. Only so recently as

1846 a list of the works of Muggleton and his colleague Reeve was

published, and the books advertised for sale. These two men

claimed to be the two last witnesses or prophets, with power to

sentence men to eternal damnation or blessedness. Muggleton had a

decided preference for exercising the former power, especially in

regard to the Quakers, one of his books being called _A Looking

Glass for George Fox, the Quaker, and other Quakers, wherein they

may See Themselves to be Right Devils_. There is no reason to

believe Muggleton to have been a conscious impostor; only in an

age vexed to madness by religious controversy, religious madness

carried him further than others. An asylum would have met his

case better than the sentence of the Old Bailey, which condemned

him to stand for three days in the pillory at the three most

eminent places in the City, his books to be there in three lots

burnt over his head, and himself then to be imprisoned till he

had paid a sum of L500 (1676). But this did not finish the man,

for in 1681 he wrote his _Letter to Colonel Phaire_, the language

of which is perhaps unsurpassed for repulsiveness in the whole

range of religious literature. Muggleton's writings in short read

as a kind of religious nightmare. In their case the fire was

rather profaned by its fuel than the books honoured by the fire.

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