THE ENGLISH PLANS FOR OCCUPYING NOOTKA SOUND.
As early as 1785 instructions were given looking toward the
establishment of an English trading post on Nootka Sound. In this
year an English commercial company instructed the commander of one
of its vessels to establish a post on the northwest coast of America
for “securing the trade of the continent and islands adjacent.” King
Georges [Nootka] Sound was suggested as being “in every respect
consistent with the intent of forming such establishment.”[6]
The fur trade between the western coast of America and China was at the
time in its infancy, but the profits accruing from it soon made it of
great importance. Captain Cook, in his voyage of 1778, had brought the
possibility of the industry to the attention of English shipowners.
“By the accidental carrying away of a small collection of furs, whose
great value was learned in Siberia and China, he originated the great
fur trade which became the chief incentive of all later English
and American expeditions to these regions.”[7] He remained a month
in Nootka Sound. A number of English expeditions visited the place
between this date and 1789, as did also several Spanish, French, and
American. Only such of them will be discussed as have a direct bearing
on the Nootka Sound controversy, and these only at such places in the
narrative as their bearing becomes important. A sufficiently full
account of the others may be found in the first volume of Bancroft’s
“History of the Northwest Coast.”
The first English expedition to claim serious attention is that of
1788. It was commanded by John Meares,[8] a retired lieutenant of the
royal navy. Two years before this he had been placed in charge of an
expedition to the same coast by some merchants under the protection of
the East India Company.[9] He had two vessels, the _Nootka_, commanded
by himself, and the _Sea Otter_, commanded by a subordinate. The latter
was lost at sea. The former spent the winter of 1786-87 in Prince
William Sound, on the Alaskan coast, where, according to Meares’s
account, the most terrible hardships were suffered, and so many of the
crew were lost that not enough remained to man the ship.[10] After
disposing of his cargo of furs in China[11] he made preparations for
the expedition of the following year, during which he set up the first
English establishment on the coast. It was this post which, rightly
or wrongly, furnished the chief basis for the stubborn persistence of
the English ministry in its demands on Spain in the controversy two
years later. The purpose of discussing this expedition is to study what
Meares did at Nootka and find just what rights, if any, were thereby
acquired for England.
It was intended that this expedition should be preliminary to the
planting of an English commercial colony. In mentioning the fact that
one vessel was destined to remain out much longer than the other,
Meares says that she was to leave the coast of America at the close
of the year and go to the Sandwich Islands for the winter. The next
year she was “to return to America, in order to meet her consort from
China with a supply of necessary stores and refreshments sufficient for
establishing factories and extending the plan of commerce in which we
were engaged.”[12] Probably to prove the feasibility of constructing
such factories, Meares took with him on this preliminary trip the
material and workmen for building a small trading vessel, which would
necessitate the erection of some sort of establishment to protect
the workmen and tools during the process of construction. In the
instructions for the voyage no mention is made of the vessel to be
constructed or of any establishment, either temporary or permanent,
but plans were laid for a second expedition. Speaking of the proposed
meeting of the two vessels constituting the expedition, which meeting
was to be at Nootka at the close of the summer trading season of 1788
previous to the sailing of one vessel to China with the furs collected,
the proprietors instructed Meares to appoint “a time and place of
rendezvous, that you may receive the instructions and refreshments we
may send you next season.”[13]
The larger vessel, the _Felice_, was commanded by Meares and was to
proceed directly to Nootka, arriving as early as possible and remaining
the entire season at Nootka and in the neighborhood. During the summer
of 1788 it is this vessel and the operations of its commander that
furnish the center of interest. The second vessel, the _Iphigenia_,
commanded by Captain Douglas, subject to Meares’s orders, was to spend
most of the trading season on the coast of Alaska in Cooks River
and Prince William Sound. When trade should slacken she was to move
southward, endeavoring to reach Nootka Sound by September 1, where the
two vessels were to meet.[14] During the first season the voyage of
the _Iphigenia_ is unimportant, but on its return to Nootka from the
Sandwich Islands in 1789 it furnishes for a time the chief interest.
It is well to notice at the outset the double instructions and the
double national character of the expedition, though the importance of
the fact will become more evident later. As far as the instructions to
Meares are concerned, or his repetition of them to Douglas, the ships
were purely English in character, Daniel Beale, of Canton, China, being
the ostensible agent. But later, when one of them came into conflict
with the Spaniards, it was just as purely Portuguese to all external
appearances. It was flying Portuguese colors and was commanded by a
Portuguese captain, with instructions in his own language, given by a
merchant of the same nationality living at Macao, China.[15] In these
papers the real commanders appeared as supercargoes.
In Meares’s narrative of the voyage no mention is made of the
deception, but later, in his memorial to the British Government,
he said that it was “to evade the excessive high port charges
demanded by the Chinese from all other European nations excepting
the Portuguese.”[16] Dixon, in one of his pamphlets, says that the
principal motive in using the Portuguese colors was to evade the South
Sea Company’s license.[17] Bancroft mentions both of these motives and
suggests that the trick is not permissible unless directed against a
hostile nation in time of war.[18] It seems to have been expected that
it would enable them to avoid some anticipated danger or difficulty.
However, as will be seen, this very double nationality was the first
thing to arouse suspicion and get the _Iphigenia_ into trouble.
The vessels sailed from China in the latter part of 1788. Besides the
regular crew, each carried a number of European artisans and Chinese
smiths and carpenters. The latter, Meares says, were shipped on this
occasion as an experiment because of their reputed hardiness, industry,
and ingenuity, and also because of their simple manner of life and the
low wages demanded. He observes that “during the whole of the voyage
there was every reason to be satisfied with their services,” and adds:
“If hereafter trading posts should be established on the American
coast, a colony of these men would be a very important acquisition.” Of
the 90 men on the two ships 50 were Chinese. In view of the importance
of the Chinese element in the population of the Western States, it is
a significant circumstance that they figured so largely in this very
first venture. And, considering the subsequent rush of these people
to the New World, it is worthy of notice that on this occasion “a
much greater number of Chinese solicited to enter into this service
than could be received,” and those who were refused “gave the most
unequivocal marks of mortification and disappointment.”[19] “On the
voyage the artisans were employed in preparing articles of trade for
the American market. … The carpenters were also at work in preparing
the molds and the models for a sloop of 50 tons that was designed to
be built immediately on our arrival in King Georges Sound, as such a
vessel would be of the utmost utility not only in collecting furs,
but in exploring the coast.” In speaking of the work necessary for
the enterprise, Meares says: “Our timber was standing in the forests
of America, the ironwork was as yet in rough bars on board, and the
cordage which was to be formed into ropes was yet a cable.”[20] On May
13, after a passage of three months and twenty-three days from China,
they “anchored in Friendly Cove, in King Georges Sound, abreast of the
village of Nootka.”[21]
The natives received them in a friendly manner, and operations were
soon begun to carry out their shipbuilding enterprise. Meares says:
Maquilla [the Indian chief, sometimes called “Maquinna”] had not
only most readily consented to grant us a spot of ground in his
territory whereon a house might be built for the accommodation of
the people we intended to leave there, but had promised us also his
assistance in forwarding our works and his protection of the party
who were destined to remain at Nootka during our absence. In return
for this kindness, and to insure a continuance of it, the chief was
presented with a pair of pistols, which he had regarded with an eye
of solicitation ever since our arrival.[22]
This is Meares’s account of the transaction to which he referred in
his memorial two years later as a purchase of land. It was by this
transaction that the English Government claimed to have acquired a
title not only to this spot, but to the whole of Nootka Sound.[23]
There is nothing in his narrative which indicates that at the time
Meares had any thought of acquiring a permanent title, either for
himself or for his Government. Neither is there any unmistakable
indication to the contrary. Under these circumstances any title to
sovereignty thus acquired would have to depend on subsequent operations.
With the assistance of the natives, work on the house advanced
rapidly, and on May 28, fifteen days after their arrival, it was
completed. It had two stories. On the ground floor were a workshop
and storeroom and in the upper story were a dining room and chambers
for the party. “A strong breastwork was thrown up around the house,
enclosing a considerable area of ground, which, with one piece of
cannon, placed in such a manner as to command the cove and the village
of Nootka, formed a fortification sufficient to secure the party
from any intrusion. Without this breastwork was laid the keel of a
vessel of 40 or 50 tons, which was now to be built agreeable to our
former determination.”[24] While this was being done the ship had been
repaired and refitted for a trading cruise to the southward. All was
in readiness for departure on June 11. On the day previous the party
to be left at Nootka was landed with articles to continue the brisk
trade which had sprung up, and also supplies for the completion of
the new vessel and enough provisions to fit it for a voyage to China
should misfortune prevent the return of the _Felice_ or the arrival of
her consort, the _Iphigenia_. A formal visit was paid to the chief,
Maquilla, to acquaint him with the intended departure and to secure
his attention and friendship to the party to be left on shore. Meares
adds: “As a bribe to secure his attachment he was promised that when
we finally left the coast he should enter into full possession of the
house and all the goods and chattles thereunto belonging.”[25] This
statement is quoted by Greenhow as conclusive proof of the merely
temporary character of the establishment.[26] If the promise was made
in good faith, it would seem that the position was well taken, did not
the subsequent conduct of Meares indicate the contrary! On the occasion
of this visit other presents were made to the chief and members of his
family. The narrator continues: “Maquilla, who was glowing with delight
at the attentions we had paid him, readily granted every request that
we thought proper to make, and confirmed with the strongest assurances
of good faith the treaty of friendship which had already been entered
into between us.”[27] Nothing further is said of this treaty or of its
terms. If some more tangible evidence of it appeared, it might be a
valuable link. The mere statement that such was made is of interest as
indicating the policy of Meares, which, however, would have been the
same whether he expected to retain an establishment at Nootka or simply
to make subsequent visits for trading. It is possible, too, that the
treaty was only a temporary arrangement to last during the one visit.
The _Felice_, with Meares and most of the crew, spent the next two
and a half months in a combined trading and exploring cruise to the
southward, returning to Nootka once during the time and remaining two
weeks. This trip has no direct bearing on the Nootka incident, but
throws some side lights on Meares’s policy and the national character
of the expedition. He tells of a treaty made at Port Cox and gives
something of its terms. It established trade relations with three
chiefs. Apparently it excluded all competitors, though this is not so
stated;[28] but on seeing a vessel pass Nootka, some two months later,
he at once set out for Port Cox lest the chief should be tempted “to
intrude upon the treaty he had made with us.”[29] On reaching the place
he found large quantities of furs, indicating that the treaty had been
kept. It may be, however, that no opportunity had been presented for
breaking it. The chief inquired earnestly concerning Meares’s return
next season.[30]
In another place Meares says: “We took possession of the Straits of
Juan de Fuca in the name of the King of Britain, with the forms that
had been adopted by preceding navigators on similar occasions.”[31]
In mentioning this ceremony in his memorial he makes the additional
statement that he purchased a tract of land within the said straits.
A party sent to examine the straits was attacked by the natives
after a few days and abandoned the enterprise.[32] This subsidiary
expedition plays an important part in the controversial writings on the
conflicting claims to the Oregon country. On August 24 the _Felice_
returned to Nootka. Three days later her consort, the _Iphigenia_,
arrived.
In less than a month more the new vessel was completed. On September 20
it was launched with what Meares considered very impressive ceremonies.
It was christened “the _North-West America_, as being the first
bottom ever built and launched in this part of the globe.” He says
that the British flag was displayed on the house and on board the new
vessel.[33] This statement regarding the use of the British flag should
be noticed, since Greenhow states, and Bancroft gives it a qualified
indorsement, that “there is no sufficient proof that any other [than
the Portuguese flag] was displayed by them during the expedition.”[34]
Statements are made by other men that the Portuguese flag was used at
Nootka during the summer.[35] In the engraving in Meares’s narrative
illustrating the launching, three British flags are represented.[36]
There is at least one other very plain indication of the use of the
British flag by the expedition. It is found in the instructions of
Meares to Funter, who was to command the _North-West America_. They are
dated Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, September 10, 1788, and say: “You
are on no account to hoist any colors until such time as your employers
give you orders for this purpose, except on taking possession of any
newly discovered land; you will then do it, with the usual formality,
for the Crown of Great Britain.”[37] If these instructions were really
given, and the statement is true which is quoted above regarding taking
possession of the Straits of Juan de Fuca, it must be admitted that
Meares considered at the time that his expedition was English and that
whatever rights might be acquired by it for any nation were acquired
for England.
Four days after the new vessel had been completed Meares departed
for China in the _Felice_, carrying with him the furs collected by
both vessels. The _North-West America_ was placed under the orders of
Douglas, the commander of the _Iphigenia_. Before departing, Meares had
given him extended orders regarding wintering at the Sandwich Islands,
and his conduct on the coast during the next season.[38] On October 27
the two remaining vessels left Nootka for the winter.[39]
In the instructions just mentioned nothing is said regarding any
settlement to be made at Nootka the succeeding year. There is a
statement, however, in the narrative that indicates unmistakably the
intention of planting a colony of some considerable extent. The writer
says that early in September, when the natives were leaving for the
winter settlement up the sound, “we made these chiefs sensible in
how many moons we should return to them, and that we should then be
accompanied by others of our countrymen, and build more houses and
endeavor to introduce our manners and mode of living to the practice
of our Nootka friends.” He speaks of their pleasure at hearing this
and of their promise of large quantities of furs; then narrates an
elaborate ceremony of coronation performed by the chief, Maquilla, and
his companions, which, he says, was intended as a recognition of his
superiority and sovereign power over them.[40] If Meares understood
that by this childish act of crowning he acquired for Great Britain
sovereign rights over the district, he makes no effort to emphasize
the fact. The statement, if true, is of more value as showing a
definite intention to establish a colony the following year. It is
not impossible, however, that both of these are cunningly contrived
and rather overdrawn fabrications of a later date to strengthen his
case before the Government or in the eyes of the public. Greenhow and
Bancroft both seem to draw a line between Meares’s narrative and his
memorial, considering the former more trustworthy since the latter
was written for the express purpose of convincing the cabinet of the
justice of his cause. If the narrative were the original log of the
vessel instead of a subsequent account simply using that log as its
basis, the reason for the distinction would be clear. But besides the
indications in the preface and the date, November 16, 1790, attached to
the preface, there are internal evidences that the narrative was not
written, at least not completed, until Meares knew of the operations of
the Spaniards at Nootka in 1789. Hence there is no reason why it should
not be influenced by the same partisanship and selfish interest.[41]
But whether he really did or did not make the statement to the chiefs
in September, 1788, concerning planting a colony the next year, he
proceeded exactly as he would be expected to have proceeded had he made
it. The question as to what became of the house built in 1788, whether
it was given to the chief as promised, or whether it was torn down
by Douglas before leaving for the Sandwich Islands, according to the
testimony of the American captains, Gray and Ingraham,[42] does not
greatly affect the case, if the Englishmen really intended to continue
the occupation in 1789, as they unquestionably did. If there were
nothing else to consider, and if the title to sovereignty rested wholly
on actual occupation, whether that occupation be by persons of a public
or private character, then England had a better claim than Spain to
the sovereignty of Nootka Sound at the beginning of the year 1789. But
there are other things to consider. It remains to be seen whether or
not they outweigh this English advantage.
* * * * *
The next man to demand careful attention in studying the English
preparations for occupying Nootka is Capt. James Colnett, also a
lieutenant in the royal navy. He had been a midshipman with Captain
Cook and had served for several years on a man-of-war.[43] In the
autumn of 1786 he left England, in command of the ship _Prince of
Wales_, owned by Etches & Co., of London. This company held a license
from the South Sea Company good for five years after September 1, 1786,
for trading in the South Sea and other parts of America.[44] Colnett
went to the South Sea by way of Cape Horn. He reached the northwest
coast in 1787, collected a cargo, and continued his voyage to China,
where he disposed of it.[45] While in China he became identified with
Meares’s project for planting a colony at Nootka. The latter, after his
arrival in China in the autumn of 1788, had set about preparations for
the expedition of the succeeding year. While he was engaged in this,
Colnett reached Canton. Since the latter carried a license from the
South Sea Company, Meares saw an advantage to be gained by enlisting
his services, as this would give governmental sanction and protection
to the proposed establishment. Meares and his associates formed a
joint stock concern with Etches & Co., through the agency of John
Etches, who accompanied Colnett’s expedition as supercargo. As the
_Prince of Wales_ was to return to England, a new ship was purchased
and named the _Argonaut_, and Colnett was transferred to it. The small
ship, the _Princess Royal_, which had accompanied him on the former
voyage, continued with him on this. Besides having command of the
vessels, all of the concerns of the company on the American coast were
committed to his charge, including the proposed colony.[46]
A clear notion of the character of the expedition thus placed under the
command of Colnett may best be obtained by a careful examination of the
instructions given to him before his departure from China. The copy of
these that was submitted with Meares’s Memorial is dated Macao, April
17, 1789, and signed “J. Meares, for Messrs. Etches, Cox & Co.”[47]
A Spanish translation of the same, copied from the papers that fell
into the hands of the Spaniards, is signed “Daniel Beale, for himself
and for Messrs. Etches, Cox & Co.”[48] While this discrepancy has no
importance in discovering the intent of the expedition, it casts a side
light on the veracity of Meares. The Spanish copy is preferably to be
trusted, since no motive is apparent for their changing the signature.
In these instructions strictly honorable dealings and careful attention
to their needs is enjoined in all his intercourse with other vessels,
whether English or foreign. Cruelty to the natives is to be prevented
under penalty of condign punishment for offenders. He was to form a
treaty, if possible, with the various chiefs, especially those near
Nootka. The purpose was to monopolize the trade of the district and
so conquer competitors honorably and creditably. They were so anxious
to form such treaties that he was authorized to protect allies from
insult from all persons.[49] The factory planned was to be a “solid
establishment, and not one that is to be abandoned at pleasure.”
Colnett was authorized to fix it at the most convenient place, so that
the colony would be protected from the least sinister accident.[50] It
was to receive the name “Fort Pitt.” R. Duffin was to be invested with
the superintendence of it.
The object of the post was to attract the Indians for commercial
purposes and to furnish a place to build small vessels and to lay them
up for the winter season. During each winter some vessels were to be
sent to the Sandwich Islands for provisions, and natives of those
islands, both men and women, were to be encouraged to embark for the
American colony. When this settlement should have been effected trading
houses were to be established at other places along the coast where
they would be the most advantageous. Preparatory to this rewards were
to be offered the first season to men who would reside with different
Indian chiefs for the purpose of collecting furs and assuring the
natives of the return of the vessels, thus encouraging them to keep
back their furs from competitors. The _Iphigenia_, which went out
the preceding year under Meares’s command, and also the _North-West
America_, which he had built on the coast, were to be under the command
of Colnett. The rest of the instructions are of no interest to the
Nootka Sound Affair.[51]
With these instructions and with provisions for three years the two
vessels sailed from China, the _Princess Royal_ in February and
the _Argonaut_ in April, 1789.[52] They carried, “in addition to
their crews, several artificers of different professions and near 70
Chinese, who intended to become settlers on the American coast.”[53]
The plans are seen to have been large with hope for the future, and
there seems to have been every reasonable prospect for success. Should
they be successful it would mean not only a fortune for the merchant
adventurers and a worthy monument to the wisdom of the projectors, but
it would mean also the definite planting of the British flag on an
unoccupied coast and the extension to that coast of the sovereignty
of Great Britain. But while these plans were taking shape other plans
were being laid elsewhere, which, before the arrival of Colnett’s
expedition, had totally changed the appearance of things at Nootka. A
discussion of these will occupy the next two chapters.