temperate and tropical zones, in determining which it is reasonable to
believe that climate has played a part. Similarly, there has been a
natural tendency to attribute certain differences between northerners
and southerners in the temperate zones to a difference in climate....
These national differences are proverbial between northern and southern
Germans, French, Spanish, Russians, Italians, Arabs, and other peoples.
The influence of climate has likewise been traced in the sad, even
pessimistic tone of much of the northern literature, and in the gravity
and melancholy of modern northern music, as well as of the older
northern folk-songs ... even racial distinctions are more or less
directly traceable, in many instances, to climate.... Sir Archibald
Geikie, in his _Scottish Reminiscences_, has emphasized the climatic
influence in producing the grim character of the Scot....”[266]
Tacitus, in the 29th chapter of the _Germania_, assures us that the soil
and climate of the land of the Mattiaci caused them to be more bellicose
than their neighbors.[267]
Daudet, “who has written an entire novel (‘Numa Roumestan’) to depict
the great influence of the climate of southern Europe upon conduct,
says: ‘The Southerner does not love strong drinks; he is intoxicated by
nature. Sun and wind distil in him a terrible natural alcohol to whose
influence every one born under this sky is subject. Some have only the
mild fever which sets their speech and gesture free, redoubles their
audacity, makes everything seem rosy-hued, and drives them on to
boasting; others live in a blind delirium. And what Southerner has not
felt the sudden giving way, the exhaustion of his whole being, that
follows an outburst of rage or enthusiasm?’”[268]
Draper “emphasized the important historical consequences of the
difference in the characteristics of northerners and southerners in the
United States, which he attributed largely to climate, and which found
expression in the Civil War.... The Boers in Africa have developed along
lines different from those of the Dutch in the United States.”[269]
_Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment_
Auguste Comte, who “was very slightly affected by German thought,” and
who, in early youth, came under the influence of the philosophy that had
become prevalent in France before the Revolution, “read the works of
most of its leading representatives. He accepted its cardinal principle
that ‘thought depends on sense, or, more broadly, on the
environment.’”[270]
Adolf Bastian worked unceasingly “among the conceptions of the
Naturvölker—the ‘cryptograms of mankind,’ as he called them—...,
demonstrating first the surprising uniformity of outlook on the part of
the more primitive peoples, and secondly the correlation of differences
of conceptions with differences in material surroundings, varying with
geographical conditions. This second doctrine he elaborated in his _Zur
Lehre von den geographischen Provinzen_, in 1886.”[271]
Physiology and statistics “show that most human functions are subject to
the influence of heat (Lombroso, ‘Pensiero e Meteore,’ Milan, 1878). It
is to be expected, then, that excessive heat will have its effect upon
the human mind.”[272]
The physiographer, “... looking back over the history of life upon the
earth’s surface, ... is forced to the conclusion that its highest estate
embodied in the moral and intellectual qualities of man has been, in the
main, secured by the geographic variations which have slowly developed
through the geological ages.”[273]
Benno Erdmann, in his “Gedächtnisrede auf Wilhelm Dilthey,” observes
that in ripe old age Dilthey in the last of his larger works declared
that man finds himself determined by the physical world in which mental
occurrences appear only as interpolations.[274]
_Religion and Physical Milieu_
As physical characteristics “are in the main the result of environment,
social institutions and religious ideas are no less the product of that
environment.... We might just as well ask the Ethiopian to change his
skin as to change radically his social and religious ideas. It has been
shown by experience that Christianity can make but little headway
amongst many peoples in Africa or Asia, where on the other hand
Muhammadanism has made and is steadily making progress, ... This is
probably due to the fact that Muhammadanism is a religion evolved ... in
latitudes bordering on the aboriginal races of Africa and Asia, and that
it is far more akin in its social ideas to those of the Negro or Malay
than are those of Christianity, ...”[275]
Ernest Renan “points out that the desert is monotheistic, its uniformity
suggesting a belief in the unity of God.... In his _Seas and Skies in
Many Latitudes_ (London, 1888, pp. 42–43), Abercromby gives two maps,
showing respectively the areas of Mohammedanism and the districts in
Asia and Africa with a mean annual rainfall of less than ten inches. The
maps are strikingly similar. The author adds: ‘Whether this distribution
of a great creed is the result of chance, or of some deep connection
between the tenets of that religion and climatic influences, I can not
say;—but still the relation is so remarkable that I have thought it well
to bring the matter forward.’”[276]
_Climate and Conduct_
The “frequent and sudden weather changes of the temperate zones affect
man in many ways, as do the larger seasonal changes. The relations
between weather and conduct have frequently been investigated. Professor
E. G. Dexter has made an extended empirical study of the effects of the
weather ... Bertillon has collected data on suicides and seasons in
France, ...”[277] Dexter studies empirically by means of
statistics—plotting certain curves—the relation between temperature,
barometric pressure, humidity, wind, character of the day,
precipitation, on the one hand, and the child in school—work,
deportment, attendance—, crime, insanity, health—sickness and death—,
suicide, drunkenness, attention—errors in calculation made by clerks in
banks—, on the other.[278] Of his general conclusions[279] the first is:
“Varying meteorological conditions affect directly, though in different
ways, the metabolism of life”; the second: “The ‘reserve energy’ capable
of being utilized for intellectual processes and activities other than
those of the vital organs is affected [_effected_, in the original] most
by meteorological changes”; the third: “The quality of the emotional
state is plainly influenced by the weather states”; the fourth:
“Although meteorological conditions affect the emotional states, which
without doubt have weight in the determination of conduct in its
broadest sense, it would seem that their effects upon that portion of
the reserve energy which is available for action are of the greatest
import.”[280]
The nervous effects of the weather including cyclonic winds have also
been noted. Among the Eskimos, “Marriages take place at an early age,
especially among the women, and the return of the sun after the long
winter has a stimulating effect on the animal passions which leads to
sexual excesses of all kinds.”[281]
Albert Leffingwell investigates _The Influence of Seasons Upon
Conduct_[282] in Great Britain and elsewhere. He formulates the
underlying assumption of his inquiry in the following manner: “It is not
a new theory, though I propose to carry it somewhat further than it has
been pushed hitherto. Over half a century ago, Quetelet in his great
work “On Man,” suggested the hypothesis.... The hypothesis toward which
all the facts point is simply this: that upon the nervous organization
of human bodies (perhaps specially upon dwellers in the temperate zones)
there is exerted during the procession of the seasons, from winter’s
close till midsummer, some undefined, specific influence, which in some
manner tends to increase the excitability of emotion and passion, and
thus also to increase all actions arising therefrom.”[283] To mention
only one of Leffingwell’s illustrations, he brings together in a
statistical table the total number of all crimes against persons in
England for ten years (1878–87), the same facts for Ireland during the
same decade, and for France during forty years (1830–69), and in
conjunction therewith says: “Here, again, we find that all crimes, even
those arising from personal antipathy or hatred, seem specially
prevalent in the warmer half of the year. In England, 55 per cent of all
such acts of violence during the ten years 1878–1887 happened in spring
and summer, and in France during a period of forty years the average was
the same. Ireland, indeed, shows a more even distribution of such
crimes; but the tendency is seen even there.”[284]
Cesare Lombroso, who is claimed to be the first to have essayed to
portray the effect of physical environment on the human psyche,[285]
states in his _Criminal Man_,[286] referring to Ferri and Holzendorf,
that with high temperature there is an increase in crimes of violence,
while low temperature has the effect of increasing the number of crimes
against property. In “comparing statistics of criminality in France with
those of the variations in temperature, Ferri noted an increase in
crimes of violence during the warmer years.”[287]
Lombroso, in his _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_,[288] citing the
conclusions of the relevant statistical evidence, establishes that in
England and France and Italy the crimes of rape and of murder occur in
greatest number in the hottest months; that the maximum number of all
rebellions in the whole world between 1791 and 1880 falls everywhere in
the hottest month, while its minimum number comes in the coldest months;
and that crimes against property markedly increase in the winter.[289]
In the southern parts of Italy and France “there occur many more crimes
against persons than in the central and northern portions.... Guerry has
shown that crimes against persons are twice as numerous in southern
France (4.9) as in central and northern France (2.7 and 2.9). _Vice
versa_, crimes against property are more frequent in the north (4.9),
than in the central and southern regions (2.3).”[290] According to
Buckle,[291] climate makes men’s habits regular or irregular.
_Climatic Control of Food and Drink_
William Ridgeway, summarizing his argument in “The Application of
Zoölogical Laws to Man,”[292] says: “We have seen that environment is a
powerful factor in the differentiation of the various races of man,
alike in physique, institutions, and religion. It is probable that the
food supply at hand in each region may be an important element in these
variations, whilst the nature of the food and drink preferred there may
itself be due in no small degree to climatic conditions.... The
aboriginal of the tropics is distinctly a vegetarian, whilst the Eskimo
within the arctic circle is practically wholly carnivorous. In each case
the taste is almost certainly due to the necessities of their
environment.... It is probable that the more northward man advanced the
more carnivorous he became in order to support the rigours of the
northern climate. The same holds equally true in the case of drink....
All across Northern Europe and Asia there is a universal love of strong
drink, which is not the mere outcome of vicious desires, but of climatic
law.... This view derives additional support from the well-authenticated
fact that one of the chief characteristics of the descendants of British
settlers in Australia is their strong teetotalism. This cannot be set
down to their having a higher moral standard than their ancestors, but
rather, as in the case of Spaniards and Italians (temperance reformers
point to the sobriety of the Spaniards, Italians, and other South
Europeans), to the circumstance that they live in a country much warmer
and drier than the British Isles. We must therefore, no matter how
reluctantly, come to the conclusion that no attempt to eradicate this
tendency to alcohol in these latitudes can be successful....”[293]
-----
Footnote 83:
This paper will carry the discussion through anthropo-geography.
Footnote 84:
The whole question, including Herder’s own idea thereof and his
indebtedness to preceding authors, both German and foreign, as well as
his influence upon succeeding writers at home and abroad, his relation
to his contemporaries, etc., will be essayed more fully in a series of
papers, to be published soon, dealing with “Herder’s Conception of
Milieu,” “Herder’s Relations to France,” “Herder’s Relations to
England,” and “Herder in His Own Milieu.”
Footnote 85:
The term “anthropo-geography” derives from the title of Fr. Ratzel’s
main work.—“... le domaine si intéressant, mais à peine défriché, de
l’_anthropogéographie_, semble avoir acquis à ce mot le droit de cité
dans le langage scientifique.”—L. Metchnikoff, _La Civilisation et Les
Grands Fleuves Historiques_ (Paris, 1889), p. 70 and n.—In England,
and in America, it is commonly called human geography, after the
French “la géographie humaine.” Various names have been proposed for
this subject. See also W. Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology.” The
Viennese Erwin Hanslick, I believe, denominates it “Kulturgeographie.”
Footnote 86:
Walther May, “Herders Anschauung der organischen Natur,” _Archiv f. d.
Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik_, etc., Leipzig, Bd.
4 (1913, S. 8–39, 89–113), p. 91.
Footnote 87:
_Ferd. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen üb. Allgem. Siedlungs- u.
Verkehrsgeographie_, bearb. u. hg. v. O. Schlüter (Berlin, 1908), p.
11.
Footnote 88:
“... Ritter selbst hat keine methodische Darstellung, kein Lehrgebäude
gegeben; sondern nur Andeutungen, die anregend sind. Daher blieb
Ritters Grundidee fast ohne Einfluß auf die Geographie; nur die
Historiker haben sie sich angeeignet und haben seitdem größeres
Gewicht auf die Landesnatur gelegt.”—_Ibid._, p. 11.
Footnote 89:
_Cosmos, a Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe_,
translated by E. C. Otté (5 vols., New York: Harper, 1875–77), p. 48.
Footnote 90:
_Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen
oder eine allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie_ was published in two
volumes at Berlin in 1817–18; the second edition, completely revised,
appeared in nineteen volumes from 1822 to 1859, the year of his death.
Neither edition is finished; the second deals only with Africa (vol.
1) and Asia (vols. 2–19).
Footnote 91:
_Die Naturkunde_, etc.—See Th. Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_
(Stuttgart, 1896), p. 71.
Footnote 92:
_Ibid._, see Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 72 f.
Footnote 93:
In Felix Lampe’s book, _Große Geographen, Bilder aus der Geschichte
der Erdkunde_ (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915, 288 S. [Band 28
der v. B. Schmid in Zwickau herausgegebenen “Naturwissenschaftlichen
Bibliothek”]), neither the chapter on Ritter (pp. 227–33), nor that on
“Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der Gegenwart” (pp. 281–87) is very
full.
Footnote 94:
Stuttgart & Tübingen, 1808.
Footnote 95:
_Views of Nature_ (London, 1850), Author’s Preface, p. X.
Footnote 96:
p. 382. See Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_, pp. 88 f.—The relation of
man to environment is also referred to in _Cosmos_ (English
translation by Otté), I, pp. 351–9.—_Kosmos_ was originally published
as follows: vols. 1 and 2 in 1845–7; vols. 3 and 4 in 1850–8; vol. 5
in 1862.
Footnote 97:
Leipzig, 1841.
Footnote 98:
Kohl, _Der Verkehr_, etc., p. 111. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 80 f.
Footnote 99:
Ibid.
Footnote 100:
Kohl, _l.c._, p. 537. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 81 f.
Footnote 101:
Kohl, _Ibid._,—See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 82 f.—The manifold influences
of nature are also exemplified in Kohl’s _Die geographische Lage der
Hauptstädte Europas_, 1874, and _L. Felix, Der Einfluß der Natur auf
die Entwicklung des Eigentums_, 1893.
Footnote 102:
_Über den Einfluß der äußeren Natur auf die sozialen Verhältnisse der
einzelnen Völker und die Geschichte der Menschheit überhaupt, 1848_;
later published in _Studien aus dem Gebiete der Naturwissenschaft_, I,
1876.
Footnote 103:
_Deutschlands Boden, sein geologischer Bau und dessen Einwirkungen auf
das Leben der Menschen_, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1854.
Footnote 104:
501 pp., Breslau: F. Hirt, 1855.
Footnote 105:
Kutzen himself says in the _Vorwort_ that he “leans on” Cotta; he
cites the latter, for instance, on p. 466.
Footnote 106:
_Die Naturgeschichte des Volkes als Grundlage einer deutschen
Sozialpolitik_, vol. 1 (11th ed., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1908): Land und
Leute.
Footnote 107:
_Vide_ the first Preface, written in 1853, to volume one, pp. VI-VII.
Footnote 108:
_Die Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, p. 42.
Footnote 109:
_Ibid._, Vorwort zur achten Auflage, 1883, p. X.
Footnote 110:
_Die Naturgeschichte, etc., Vierter Band, “Wanderbuch,” als zweiter
Teil zu “Land und Leute.”_ Vierte Aufl., 1903, p. 32.
Footnote 111:
G. P. Gooch, _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_
(London & N. Y.; Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 576.
Footnote 112:
Gooch, _ibid._, p. 575.
Footnote 113:
For Riehl’s view of milieu in a scheme of sciences, cf. _Die
Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, pp. 40–2.
Footnote 114:
164 pp., Meyers Volksbücher, Leipzig u. Wien: Bibliographisches
Institut, _s.a._—This essay forms the second chapter in Hans Meyer’s
_Das deutsche Volkstum_ (2. Aufl., 1903), pp. 41–122.
Footnote 115:
_Moderne Völkerkunde_, p. 81, n.
Footnote 116:
2. Aufl., 1905 (_Aus Natur und Geisteswelt_, 31. Bändchen, Leipzig: B.
G. Teubner), 127 pp.—It has been translated into English under the
title _Man and Earth_ (London & N. Y., 1906. Reprinted 1914, 223 pp.)
by A. S. “from the second amended German edition,” in which are
intercalated two chapters: Chapter V, on _The British Isles and
Britons_, by the author; and Chapter VI, on _America and the
Americans_, by the translator.—The first four chapters of a general
nature—features of the globe, sea, steppes and deserts, in their
influence on civilization, the influence of man on landscape—are
followed by four chapters on _The British Isles and Britons, America
and the Americans, Germany and the Germans, China and the Chinese_.
Footnote 117:
_Vorlesungen_, etc., delivered at Berlin in 1891 and 1897/8.
Footnote 118:
“... Es ist mehr unsere Aufgabe gewesen, in dem großen Getriebe der
Siedlung und des Verkehrs der _allmählichen Entwicklung_ nachzugehen,
das steigende Maß der Überwindung von Widerständen durch den Menschen
zu zeigen, die Kräfte zu untersuchen, welche in der Entwicklung
wirksam sind,—als bei der großen Fülle des Tatsächlichen der heutigen
Zeit zu verweilen.” _Vorlesungen_, p. 351.
Footnote 119:
It will be noted that Herder is not mentioned here.
Footnote 120:
Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y., 1911),
p. V.
Footnote 121:
“In Germany the exponents of these theories [of environmental
influence] were Cotta and Kohl, and later Peschel, Kirchhof, Bastian,
and Gerland; but the greatest name of all is that of Fr. Ratzel, who
has written the standard work on _Anthropogeographie_.”—Haddon and
Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), p. 152.—The first
vol. of Ratzel’s _Anthropogeographie_ was published in 1882, 2nd ed.
in 1899, the second vol. in 1897.
Footnote 122:
As further illustration, it might be instructive to compare here the
chapter headings of Semple’s _Influences of Geographic Environment_,
which book was written “On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of
Anthropo-geography.” They are as follows: I—Operation of Geographic
Factors in History (1–31); II—Classes of Geographic Influences
(22–50); III—Society and State in Relation to the Land (51–73);
IV—Movements of Peoples in Their Geographical Significance (74–128);
V—Geographical Location (129–67); VI—Geographical Area (168–203);
VII—Geographical Boundaries (204–41); VIII—Coast Peoples (242–91);
IX—Oceans and Enclosed Seas (292–317); X—Man’s Relation to the Water
(318–35); XI—The Anthropo-geography of Rivers (336–80); XII—Continents
and Their Peninsulas (380–408); XIII—Island Peoples (409–72);
XIV—Plains, Steppes and Deserts (473–523); XV—Mountain Barriers and
Their Passes (524–56); XVI—Influences of a Mountain Environment
(557–606); XVII—The Influences of Climate upon Man (607–37).
Footnote 123:
_Richthofen’s Vorlesungen_, p. 13.
Footnote 124:
1897; 2. Aufl. 1903.
Footnote 125:
“Diese [die enge Erdgebundenheit] in ihrer ganzen tiefgreifenden
Bedeutung für das staatliche Leben erkannt und dargelegt zu haben,
bleibt freilich für immer ein großes Verdienst der ‘Politischen
Geographie’ ...”—O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte d.
Anthropogeogr.,” _Arch. f. Sozialwiss._, Bd. IV, p. 620.
Footnote 126:
_Vide_ Richthofen, _l.c._, p. 12.
Footnote 127:
2 vols., München, 1893; see vol. 2, 2nd ed.: _Politische Geographie
der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung
der natürlichen Bedingungen u. wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse_ (763
pp.), esp. pp. 1–176.
Footnote 128:
London, 1896 (this is a translation of his _Völkerkunde_, 1887/8), cf.
the opening pp. of vol. 1.
Footnote 129:
In Helmolt, _The History of the World_ (N. Y., 1902), vol. 1, pp.
62–103, where Ratzel discusses in turn The Coherence of Countries, The
Relation of Man to the Collective Life of the Earth, Races and States
as Organisms, Historical Movement, Natural Regions, Climate and
Location, Geographical Situation, Area, Population, The Water-Oceans,
Seas, and Rivers, Conformation of the Earth’s Surface.
Footnote 130:
London & N. Y.: Longmans, 1915.
Footnote 131:
See _The Nation_, N. Y., March 18, 1915, p. 310.
Footnote 132:
Paris, 1911, 420 pp.
Footnote 133:
Semple, _l.c._, p. VI; cf. also Ratzel, _Anthropogeogr._, I,^2 p. XII.
Footnote 134:
_Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft_, Bd. IV (1906), pp. 581–630.
Footnote 135:
For Ratzel, cf. also Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als
Soziologie_, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), pp. 227–30; Jean Brunhes,
_La Géographie Humaine_, 2^e éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1912), pp. 39–47.
Footnote 136:
Buckle, History of Civilization (1867), p. 32 n.
Footnote 137:
Robertson, _Buckle and his Critics_ (London, 1895), p. 8 n.
Footnote 138:
4. vols., 1822–3.
Footnote 139:
Flint, _l.c._, pp. 577–9. See also p. 576.
Footnote 140:
_Vide supra_ my note no. 84.
Footnote 141:
Flint, _l.c._, p. 467.
Footnote 142:
_The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the
French Revolution_ (4 vols., translated by Wm. Hazlitt, N. Y.: D.
Appleton & Co., 1867—the lectures were delivered in the years 1828,
1829, and 1830), vol. 2, pp. 109 f.
Footnote 143:
“Gothein had attracted attention by a study of the civilisation of
Southern Italy, which he had traversed on foot as Riehl had traversed
the Palatinate.”—Gooch, _l.c._, p. 587.
Footnote 144:
“Voila pourquoi il [Michelet] va en Italie avant d’écrire son
_Histoire Romaine_; il veut avoir l’impression, le contact du sol, du
climat, du paysage.”—Lanson, _Hist. de la Litt. Franç._ (1912), p.
1021 n.
Footnote 145:
Abry-Audic-Crouzet, _Littérature Française_ (3^e éd., Paris, 1916), p.
580.
Footnote 146:
Jules Simon, _Mignet, Michelet, Henri Martin_ (Paris, 1890), p. 191.
Footnote 147:
Flint, _l.c._, p. 540.
Footnote 148:
_Philos. Erdk. als wissenschaftliche Darstellung der Erdverhältnisse
u. des Menschenlebens nach ihrem inneren Zusammenhange_, 2 vols.,
Braunschweig, 1845; the 2nd ed. appeared in 1868 under the title
_Allgemeine Vergleichende Erdkunde_.—This book holds a high place in
Ratzel’s estimation: “Kapp, dessen Philos. Erdk. eine tiefgedachte,
von überragendem philosophischem Standpunkte aus gewonnene Übersicht
der Naturbedingtheit des Geschichtsverlaufes in den größten Zügen
entrollt, ...”—Ratzel, _Anthropogeographie_, I^2, p. 34.
Footnote 149:
See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 76 f.
Footnote 150:
Brunhes, _l.c._, p. 38 n.
Footnote 151:
Boston, 1849—It has been translated into English under the title _The
Earth and man, or Physical geography in its relation to the history of
mankind, Slightly abridged, etc._ (London: Parker, 1852), and into
German as _Grundzüge der vergleichenden physikalischen Erdkunde in
ihrer Beziehung zur Geschichte des Menschen_ (1851).
Footnote 152:
(N. Y.: D. Appleton & Co., 1867—first published in 1857–61), vol. I,
pp. 29–106: Influence exercised by physical laws over the organization
of society and over the character of individuals.
Footnote 153:
_Buckle and his Critics_, London, 1895, 548 pp.
Footnote 154:
Camille Vallaux, _Géographie Sociale_ (Paris, 1911), p. 23.
Footnote 155:
_Vide supra_, p. 46 f.
Footnote 156:
_Anthropogeographie_, I^2, p. 87.
Footnote 157:
The German original appeared in 1857–67, and the English translation
by A. W. Ward in 1868–73.
Footnote 158:
New York: Scribner, vol. I (1871), pp. 9–46; cf. esp. pp. 9–25, 34,
37.
Footnote 159:
_Boden und Klima von Athen. Rede in der öffentlichen Sitzung_ [_der
Kgl. Akademie der Wissenschaften_] _am Leibniztage 5. Juli 1877_ (15
pp.).
Footnote 160:
For the same, cf. also H. Koester “Über den Einfluß landschaftlicher
Verhältnisse auf die Entwicklung des attischen Volkscharakters”
(Progr., Saarbrücken, 1898).
Footnote 161:
E.g. by Ratzel, jointly with Curtius’ account thereof. Cf.
_Anthropogeogr._, I^2, p. 37.
Footnote 162:
In 12 vols., vol. II (London: John Murray, 1869), Part II, ch. I, pp.
213–37.
Footnote 163:
Political effects of locality: strengthened defense; difficulty of
attack; politically disunited; indefinite multiplication of
self-governing cities.
Footnote 164:
Intellectual effects of locality: the geographical position made them
mountaineers and mariners; variety of experience; each petty community
possessed an individual life, yet sympathized with the remainder;
commerce with a great diversity of half-country-men; Grecian
festivals; Homer dependent upon the conditions of his age.
Footnote 165:
Oxford, Clarendon Press (1911, 454 pp.), pp. 13–64. “It is now
generally admitted that neither an individual nor a nation can be
properly understood without a knowledge of their surroundings and
means of support—in other words, of their geographical and economic
conditions.”—_Ibid._, Preface, p. 5.
Footnote 166:
Zimmern refers in this book—_e.g._ p. 18, 41, 43, _et al._—to the
writings of Myres: “Greek Lands and the Greek People,” “Herodotus and
Anthropology” (in “Anthropology and the Classics”), and “The
Geographical Aspect of Greek Colonization” (in _Proceedings of the
Classical Association_, vol. VIII—1911).—Cf. also H. Dondorff, _Das
hellenische Land als Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte, in
Sammlung gemeinverständlicher wissenschaftlicher Vorträge, begründet
von Virchow u. Holtzendorf_, 1889, Neue Folge, Serie 3, Heft 72.
Footnote 167:
Revised ed., in 2 vols. (N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1876). The Preface
of the first ed. is dated 1861.
Footnote 168:
Heinrich Boehmer, _Geschichte der Entwicklung der
naturwissenschaftlichen Weltanschauung in Deutschland_ (Gotha, 1872,
232 pp.), p. 195: “... Herdersche Ideen waren leitend für den Aufbau
der Geschichte.”
Footnote 169:
Leipzig, 1878–86.
Footnote 170:
Cited by Achelis, _l.c._, p. 84.
Footnote 171:
_Ibid._, pp. 85 f.
Footnote 172:
_Ibid._, p. 86.
Footnote 173:
“... Indessen darf man nicht vergessen, daß die allgemeine Gestalt der
Kontinente und der Meere und aller besonderer Züge der Erde in der
Geschichte der Menschheit einen wesentlich wechselnden Wert besitzen,
je nach dem Stande der Kultur, auf welchem die Nationen angelangt sind
...”—_Ibid._
Footnote 174:
_Ibid._, p. 87.
Footnote 175:
Paris, 1886.
Footnote 176:
_Vide_ P. Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie_
(Leipzig, 1897), p. 230.
Footnote 177:
See Barth, _l.c._, pp. 231 f.
Footnote 178:
_Ibid._, p. 233.—Mougeoulle makes the milieu account for the great men
in history, the great popular epics, social and historical life in
general; the tendencies of the three historical schools—German,
French, and English—are connected with the differences in the milieus
of their respective countries.—Cf. _ibid._, pp. 230–2.
Footnote 179:
_Avec une Préface de M. Élisée Réclus_ (Paris: Hachette, 1889, 369
pp.), pp. 53–71.
Footnote 180:
_Ibid._, p. 156; 130.
Footnote 181:
_Ibid._, p. 154; 157 f.
Footnote 182:
_Ibid._, p. 278; 190 ff.; 188; 135.—But why does he confine himself to
these four countries?
Footnote 183:
_Ibid._, p. 185; 364. For a general statement on the significance of
rivers, cf. _ibid._, pp. 188–90. The particular nature of the rivers
of the “territoire des civilisations fluviales” imposed on the
inhabitants the yoke of despotism.—_Ibid._, p. 161.
Footnote 184:
_Ibid._, pp. 364 f.
Footnote 185:
_Ibid._, p. 364.
Footnote 186:
_Ibid._, _e.g._, p. 128; 224–27.
Footnote 187:
His general theory is stated on pp. 39–42, 53–71, 79 f., 89, 99 f.,
102–60. Chapter 7, pp. 161–90, is a general discussion of the
geographical environment of the “Civilisations Fluviales,” followed
successively by a detailed treatment of “Le Nil” (ch. 8, pp. 191–234),
of “Le Tigre et L’Euphrate” (ch. 9, pp. 235–78), of “L’Indus et Le
Gange” (ch. 10, pp. 279–319), of “Le Hoang-Ho et Le Yangtse-Kiang”
(ch. 11, pp. 320–66).
Footnote 188:
W. D. Babington, _Fallacies of Race Theories as Applied to National
Characteristics_ (Longmans, Green & Co., 1895).
Footnote 189:
N. Y., Scribner, 1893, 290 pp.
Footnote 190:
For the rôle of the physical milieu in American history, cf. also:
Justin Winsor, _The Mississippi Basin, The Struggle in America between
England and France: 1697–1763_ (Boston & N. Y., 1898) [influence of
geography over history during colonization and settlement]; Frederick
Jackson Turner, _Rise of the New West_: 1819–1829 (N. Y. & London:
Harper & Brothers, 1906) [vol. 14 of _The American Nation, A History_,
ed. by A. B. Hart, in 27 vols. In the Author’s Preface, p. XVII,
Turner remarks: “In the present volume I have kept before myself the
importance of regarding American development as the outcome of
economic and social as well as political forces.” And, he should have
added, of geographical environment. _Vide_ especially the first half
of his book for the working out of his milieu idea]; James Bryce, _The
American Commonwealth_, (2 vols., new ed., completely revised, N. Y.:
Macmillan, 1910–11) [see vol. 2, ch. 91 (pp. 449–68), “The home of the
nation,” for a statement of the influence of physical conditions on
American history]; E. C. Semple, _American History and Its Geographic
Conditions_ (Boston & N. Y.: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1903, 435 pp.)
[regarded, I believe, as one of the best treatises on the subject]; A.
P. Brigham, _Geographic Influences in American History_ (Boston: Ginn,
1903, 355 pp.) [a concrete essay; has much physiography; includes
present conditions]; A. M. Simons, _Social Forces in American History_
(N. Y.: Macmillan, 1914, 325 pp.) [a discussion of the effect of the
industrial and economic environment on social institutions in
America]; perhaps it may be added here that some American universities
offer a course on the relation of geography to American history.
Footnote 191:
See Ripley, “Geography and Sociology” (1895), p. 637; and Ripley, _The
Races of Europe_ (1899), pp. 4 ff.; for titles of their writings on
this subject, cf. _ibid._, pp. 4–6 nn., and “Geogr. and Soc.,” pp. 654
f.
Footnote 192:
8 vols., N. Y., Dodd, Mead & Co., 1902–7.
Footnote 193:
See Bryce’s article in Helmolt’s _Hist. of the World_, vol. 1, p. XL.
Footnote 194:
“Anderseits wieder hat ja Helmolt in seinem geschichtlichen
Sammelwerke im Geiste Ratzels den Versuch gemacht, ein
Gesamtgeschichtsbild auf geographischer Grundlage aufzubauen, so daß
kein Teil der Ökumene aus der Weltgeschichte ausgeschlossen
bleibt.”—L. Gumplowicz, Der _Rassenkampf_ (2 .... Aufl., 1909), p. 403
(Anhang).
Footnote 195:
“... die bisherigen Weltgeschichten waren gar keine Geschichte der
Welt oder auch nur unserer Welt, sondern einzig eine solche der
Kulturnationen. Mit dieser Gepflogenheit hat Helmolts Werk in
ebenso glücklicher wie origineller Weise gebrochen, indem es zum
ersten Male die Länder- und Völkerkunde in den Dienst der
Weltgeschichtsdarstellung hineinzog.”—From a review of the first
ed. of _Helmolts Weltgeschichte_ (1899) in the “Braunschweigische
Landeßeitung” (February 4, 1908), quoted in the prospectus of the
second German edition.
Footnote 196:
_History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_ (London, 1913).
Footnote 197:
Second ed., Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1903, 288 pp.
Footnote 198:
George, _l.c._, p. V (Preface).
Footnote 199:
_Ibid._, pp. 111 f.—George cites no authorities or sources; he has no
bibliography; he does not quote a single book in his discussion; he
has no _Auseinandersetzung_ with his predecessors in the field; and
finally, he gives no clue as to the origin of his data.—Chaps. 1–8
(pp. 1–110) are the general part of the book; chaps. 9–20 (pp.
111–282) deal with: The Outlines of Europe, The British Islands,
France, The Spanish Peninsula, Italy, The Alpine Passes, Switzerland,
The Rhineland, The Baltic Region, The Danube Basin, Theatres of
European War, The Mediterranean Basin.
Footnote 200:
A. W. Small, _General Sociology_ (Chicago, 1905), p. 53.
Footnote 201:
The distinguished Italian historian is the son-in-law of the late
eminent Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso.
Footnote 202:
_Vide_ Jean Brunhes, _La Géographie Humaine_ (2^e éd., Paris, 1912),
p. 721.—For references to historical works dealing with history on a
geographical basis, cf. _ibid._ (1^e éd., Paris, 1910), ch. X, 1:
L’esprit géographique dans les sciences économiques, sociales et
historiques (pp. 739 ff., esp. 774 ff. [Michelet, Vidal de la Blache,
Th. Reinach, A. Leroy-Beaulieu, C. Jullian, A. Harnack, H. F. Helmolt,
G. Ferrero, E. C. Semple, Erwin Hanslick, & o.]).
Footnote 203:
_Die geographischen Grundlagen der österreichisch-ungarischen
Monarchie u. ihrer Außenpolitik_ (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner,
1915).
Footnote 204:
See the review of Sieger’s book by Edwin Rollett in the
_Österreichische Rundschau_, Bd. 43, H. 4 (15. Mai 1915), pp. 188 f.
Footnote 205:
Boston & N. Y., Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1907.
Footnote 206:
Cf. esp. ch. 18 (pp. 359–85) for a summary of conclusions.
Footnote 207:
_Vide_ _e.g._ James Harvey Robinson’s _The New History, Essays
Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook_ (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1912),
for references to the theory of milieu, cf. esp. p. 64, 73, 76 f., 92
f., 97 f., 124–6, 144, 145 f., 247, 253–7, and ch. 3 (pp. 70 ff.): The
new allies of history. Or take for choice the title of a recent book
by Charles A. Beard: _An Economic Interpretation of American Politics_
(Macmillan, 1916), to be further persuaded of the attention bestowed
by historians on the milieu. Or, see works by Seligman and J. T.
Shotwell.
Footnote 208:
_Vide_ C. Vallaux, _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État_ (Paris,
1911), p. 23.—Such economists as Blanqui, Bastiat, and J.—B. Say,
brought to light the geographical bases of the material life of
societies. The sociologists themselves, “bien que leur science soit
jeune, n’ont pas toujours oublié le cadre naturel et la position
terrestre des agrégats qu’ils étudient. Par tous ces chercheurs de
tendances diverses, la géographie humaine et la géographie politique
ont progressé tout autant que par les efforts des géographes
proprement dits.”—_Ibid._
Footnote 209:
E. Bernheim, _Lehrbuch der historischen Methode_ (5. u. 6. Aufl.,
Leipzig, 1908), p. 316; 636.—Cf. also E. Fr. Th. Lindner,
_Geschichtsphilosophie, das Wesen der geschichtlichen Entwicklung_ (2.
erweiterte u. umgearb. Aufl., Stuttg. u. Berlin: Cotta, 1904, 241
pp.), 2. Abschnitt (pp. 23–34): Die Veränderung, but more esp. 10.
Abschnitt (pp. 217–41): Die Ursachen u. die Weise der Entwicklung.
Footnote 210:
For orientation and literature on views opposing the naturalistic
interpretation of history, cf. L. Stein, _Philosophische Strömungen
der Gegenwart_ (Stuttgart, Verl. v. F. Enke, 1908), pp. 430 ff.
Footnote 211:
See G. P. Gooch, _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_
(London & N. Y.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 573; see ch. 28 (pp.
573–94): “The History of Civilisation;” also _The Cambridge Modern
History_ [ed. by A. W. Ward and others, Cambridge: The Univ. Press,
1910], vol. 12: _The Latest Age_, ch. 26 (pp. 816 ff.: “The Growth of
Historical Science” by G. P. Gooch).
Footnote 212:
_Economic Geography_ (N. Y.: Macmillan, _s.a._—1915?—; not earlier
than 1910, for statistics for that year are given in the text; 560
pp.), p. 1.
Footnote 213:
“Since his [Buckle’s] time much more has been done, not only in
studying, as Buckle himself did, the immediate influence of climate
and soil, but also in explaining the allied field of the effect of the
fauna and the flora on social development. The subject of the
domestication of animals, for instance, and its profound effect on
human progress has not only been investigated by a number of recent
students [especially E. Hahn, _Die Haustiere u. ihre Beziehung zur
Wirtschaft des Menschen_, 1896], but has been made the very basis of
the explanation of early American civilization by one of the most
brilliant and most learned of recent historians [Payne, _History of
the New World called America_; esp. vol. 1, bk. II]. A Russian scholar
has shown in detail the connection between the great rivers and the
progress of humanity, and the whole modern study of economic geography
is but an expansion on broader lines of the same idea.”—Edwin R. A.
Seligman, _The Economic Interpretation of History_ (N. Y.: The
Columbia Univ. Press, 1902, 166 pp.), pp. 13 f.
Footnote 214:
See Wm. Morris Davis, _Geographical Essays_, ed. by D. W. Johnson
(Ginn & Co.: Boston, _s.a._, copyright 1909), esp. the first two
essays: “An inductive study of the content of geography” (1906), pp.
3–22, and “The progress of geography in the schools” (1902), pp.
23–69.
Footnote 215:
In an address delivered at the dedication of Julius Rosenwald Hall,
printed in _The University of Chicago Magazine_ (vol. VII, No.
6—April, 1915—, pp. 175–8) under the title “Some Matters of History.”
See p. 177.
Footnote 216:
Felix Lampe, in _Große Geographen_ (Leipzig, 1915), has a rather brief
chapter (pp. 281–7) on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der
Gegenwart.”
Footnote 217:
See the Introductory Essay by the Right Hon. [now Viscount] James
Bryce in Helmolt’s _Hist. of the World_, vol. 1, pp. I-LX, esp. pp.
XXV-XLI.
Footnote 218:
A. J. Herbertson and F. D. Herbertson, _Man and his Work, an
Introduction to Human Geography_ (London: Black, 1909, 132 pp.), p. 6.
Footnote 219:
N. Y., G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908, 363 pp.
Footnote 220:
“In the chapters on the life of man in the different zones, I have
made liberal use of Ratzel’s _Anthropogeographie_ (2d ed., Stuttgart,
1899).”—Ward, _op. cit._, p. VI.
Footnote 221:
Ward, _op. cit._, p. V.
Footnote 222:
N. Y. and London, 1911. See ch. 4, pp. 94–129.
Footnote 223:
Paris, 1911, 420 pp.
Footnote 224:
_Vide supra_, p. 27.
Footnote 225:
“Die soziale Geographie, hauptsächlich von Bastian und Ratzel tiefer
begründet, wird gegenwärtig immer sorgsamer ausgebaut und hat
namentlich in dem Wiener Erwin Hanslick einen eifrigen Förderer, der
auf die Ermittlung von geographischen Kulturgrenzen ausgeht. In andrer
Weise nimmt von ihr Willy Hellpach seinen Ausgang, der Geographie,
Psychologie und Soziologie zu einem neuen Gebiet zu vereinigen
sucht.”—Rudolf Goldscheid, “Soziologie” in _Das Jahr 1913, Ein
Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung_, herausgegeben von D. Sarason
(Leipzig und Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 432.
Footnote 226:
Leipzig, W. Engelmann, 1911, 368 pp.—“Hier [in Hellpach’s book] wird
alles zusammengefaßt, was über den Einfluß von ‘Wetter, Klima und
Landschaft’ auf das Seelenleben bekannt ist.”—Otto Schlüter,
“Anthropogeographie” in _Das Jahr 1913_, etc., p. 401.
Footnote 227:
See Hellpach, _op. cit._, p. 4.—Chiefly with those of the atmosphere;
he devotes nine pages (98–107) to the telluric elements of the
weather, and 87 pages (230–317) to the third main part of the book:
“Landschaft und Seelenleben.” For soil as a co-factor, cf. also the
ch. “Klimawechsel” in Part II (pp. 118–38). Hellpach defines
Landschaft (p. 230) as follows: “Unter Landschaft verstehen wir den
_sinnlichen_ Gesamteindruck, der von einem Stück der Oberfläche und
dem dazu gehörigen Abschnitt des Himmelsgewölbes in uns erweckt wird.
... das _sicht_bare Landschaftsbild bildet unter allen Umständen den
Kern dessen, was wir Landschaft nennen ... [And he adds that for an
investigation of the effect of Landscape upon the human soul] sind die
nicht-optischen sinnlichen Eigenschaften der Landschaft von
unentbehrlicher Bedeutung: Töne und Geräusche, Düfte und Gerüche und
eine höchst verwickelte Summe von Affizierungen der Berührungs-,
Temperatur-, ja zuweilen der Schmerzempfindlichkeit erst bilden mit
Farben und Formen zusammen das natürliche Ganze, das wir in seelischen
Wirkungen als _Landschaft_ erleben.”
Footnote 228:
_Vide_, _e.g._, p. 8.
Footnote 229:
Hellpach himself testifies (p. 318) that his book is a “Sammlung der
Tatsachen.” Cf. also Schlüter’s opinion cited above in note no. 226.
Footnote 230:
Manifestly, this is to be understood as a virtue in Hellpach, and not
as a fault, since this conviction is gained only by dint of Hellpach’s
clear delimitation of the scope of his work; it constitutes one of the
results of his own labor.
Footnote 231:
See Schlüter’s art. in _Das Jahr 1913_, p. 402.
Footnote 232:
Paris, 1910; 2nd ed. 1912.
Footnote 233:
For a statement of principles (theoretical exposition), cf. the first
two chaps. (pp. 1–92); for a summary, cf. ch. X, section 2 (pp.
780–9): “Le facteur psychologique dans les phénomènes naturels et
l’activité humaine,” and section 3 (pp. 790–807): “L’adaptation
humaine aux conditions géographiques.” In the preface to the second
ed., there are quoted seven pages from a review of the first ed. of
Brunhes’ work by Paul Mantoux, wherein the scope, content, and import
of the first ed. are succinctly summarized.
Footnote 234:
N. Y., 1911, 637 pp.
Footnote 235:
_Vide_ Wm. J. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_ (Chicago and
London, 1909), p. 138 (Bibliogr. to Part I).—Without fear of
contradiction, it may be said that the best two recent treatises on
human geography are those by Brunhes and Semple.—For a brief concrete
anthropo-geographical sketch, besides the works previously cited, cf.
also W. Ule, _Grundriß der Allgemeinen Erdkunde_ (2. verm. Aufl.,
Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1915, 487 pp.), pp. 361 ff. See also the brief
résumé in G. Schmoller’s _Grundr. d. Allgem. Volkswirtschaftslehre_
(Leipzig, 1901), pp. 144 ff.
Footnote 236:
“Unverkennbar ist es, daß die Naturgewalten in ihren bedingenden
Einflüssen auf das Persönliche der Völkerentwicklung immer mehr und
mehr zurückweichen mußten, in demselben Maße wie diese vorwärts
schritten. Sie übten im Anfange der Menschengeschichte als
Naturimpulse über die ersten Entwicklungen in der Wiege der Menschheit
einen sehr entscheidenden Einfluß aus, dessen Differenzen wir
vielleicht noch in dem Naturschlage der verschiedenen Menschenrassen
oder ihrer physisch verschiedenen Völkergruppen aus einer gänzlich
unbekannten Zeit wahrzunehmen vermochten. Aber dieser Einfluß mußte
abnehmen, ... Die zivilisierte Menschheit entwindet sich nach und
nach, ebenso wie der einzelne Mensch, den unmittelbar bedingenden
Fesseln der Natur und ihres Wohnortes. Die Einflüsse derselben
Naturverhältnisse und derselben tellurischen Weltstellungen der
erfüllten Räume bleiben sich also nicht durch alle Zeiten gleich.”
Ritter, _l.c._; see Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 74 _et seq._
Footnote 237:
“Man ist in Nachfolge C. Ritters vielfach geneigt, anzunehmen, daß die
Natureinflüsse sich mit zunehmender Kultur immer weniger geltend
machen.”—E. Bernheim, _Lehrb. d. hist. Methode_ (Leipzig, 1908), p.
642.
Footnote 238:
Theo. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, I (Leipzig, 1859), p.
341; see Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 185.
Footnote 239:
“Die Einteilung der Menschheit war nur geographisch-historisch
möglich. Denn der Mensch steht in fester Abhängigkeit, in engstem
Verbande zu der Natur, aus und an welcher er sich entwickelt hat, zur
Natur der Erde, welcher letzteren kleiner, aber integrierender Teil er
ist. Auch seine Entwicklung ist noch im Steigen, aber nur im Bereiche
seines inneren, geistigen Lebens ... je höher der Mensch steigt, um so
mehr macht er sich von dem zwingenden Einfluß der Erde frei; und wenn
er demselben auch nie ganz entgehen wird, da er Nahrung braucht, von
der Schwere sich nicht loslösen kann, so ist dennoch diese immer
wachsende Freiheit ... eine stärkende ... Aussicht für die Zukunft
...”—_Anthropologische Beiträge_, 1. Bd. (Halle, 1875), p. 423; see
Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 227.
Footnote 240:
_Principles of Sociology_, I, sec. 21.
Footnote 241:
Vide Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” p. 649.
Footnote 242:
_Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection_, p. 319; cited by
E. B. Tylor in the article “Anthropology,” _Ency. Brit._ (11th ed.),
vol. 2, p. 114.
Footnote 243:
Réclus, _op. cit._, (1879); quoted by Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 86 f.
Footnote 244:
“... je crois, que la civilisation dans son premier stade dépend bien
plus du milieu physique et tellurique, qu’aux époques suivantes.”—Aug.
Matteuzzi, _Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p.
29. “... Tout ceci nous amène à affirmer ce fait, que les premières
civilisations, dans des milieux favorables, eurent une relation
étroite avec la culture du sol; et que dans un développement
ultérieur, ce rapport se relâcha ...”—_Ibid._, p. 25. For best
summaries of immense material collected on the relation of primitive
human life to environment, see the five papers in the _Smithsonian
Report_ for 1895: “Relation of Primitive Peoples to Environment” by J.
W. Powell (pp. 625 ff.); “Influence of Environment upon Human
Industries or Arts” by O. T. Mason (pp. 639 ff.); “The Japanese
Nation—A Typical Product of Environment” by G. G. Hubbard (pp. 667
ff.); “The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the Influence of Environment on
Aboriginal Cults” by J. W. Fewkes (pp. 683 ff.); and, probably the
best of the five, “The Relation of Institutions to Environment” by the
eminent ethnologist W. J. McGee (pp. 701 ff.).
Footnote 245:
_Anthropogeogr._, I^2: “Der Mensch und die Umwelt” (pp. 41–65).
Footnote 246:
“Geogr. and Sociol.,” p. 650.
Footnote 247:
See his presidential address on the Origin of Man before the Section
of Anthropology (_Report of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, 1912_; London, 1913), p. 576.
Footnote 248:
_The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, Freely Translated and
Condensed by Harriet Martineau_ (In 2 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1893—the
original appeared from 1830–42), vol. 2, p. 96.
Footnote 249:
_Aug. Comte’s Positive Philosophie im Außug von I. Rig, Übersetzt von
Kirchmann_ (2 Bde, Heidelberg, 1883), S. 94 ff.; Achelis, _op. cit._,
p. 130.
Footnote 250:
_A System of Logic_ (New Impression; London: Longmans, Green & Co.,
1911—first published in 1843), p. 572.
Footnote 251:
A. Schäffle, _Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers_, Tübingen, 1875, 2.
Aufl., 1881; Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 161.
Footnote 252:
“Post’s general attitude is best seen in his ‘Introduction to the
Study of Ethnological Jurisprudence,’ which was published in 1886, and
in his ‘African Jurisprudence’ of 1887.”—John L. Myres, “The Influence
of Anthropology on the Course of Political Science” (Presidential
address to the Anthropological Section of the British Assoc. for the
Advancement of Science), _Report Brit. Assoc., 1909_ (London, 1910),
p. 613.
Footnote 253:
Myres, _ibid._, pp. 613 f.
Footnote 254:
See Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, p. 231.
Footnote 255:
See the 4th ch. of his _Géographie Sociale_ (Paris, 1911): “Agents et
Caractères Physiques Considérés Isolément” (pp. 92–144).
Footnote 256:
“... as political and legal institutions are indissolubly bound up
with social and religious, it follows inevitably that the political
and legal institutions of a race cradled in Northern Europe are
exceedingly ill adapted for the children of the equator. Accordingly
in any wise administration of these regions it must be a primary
object to study the native institutions, to modify ... them ..., but
never to seek to eradicate and supplant them. Any attempt to do so
will be but vain, for these institutions are as much part of the land
as are its climate, its soil, its fauna, and its flora. ‘Naturam
expellas furca, tamen usque recurret.’”—The Application of Zoological
Laws to Man, in _Rep. Brit. Assoc, f. the Adv. of Sci., 1908_ (London,
1909), p. 843.
Footnote 257:
Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 310 _et seq._
Footnote 258:
_Vide_ pp. 141–75 in _Der Weltkrieg im Unterricht, Vorschläge u.
Anregungen_, etc. (Gotha: F. A. Perthes), esp. pp 163–5; he also
discusses other phases of the relation between physical environment
and the present war.
Footnote 259:
I: _Deutsche Rundschau_, April, 1915, pp. 78–91, and II (Schluß):
_ibid._, May, 1915, pp. 207–17.
Footnote 260:
In _Monatshefte für den Naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht_, 1.
Kriegsheft von Bastian Schmid (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1915).
Footnote 261:
Cf. Gooch, _op. cit._, pp. 585 _et seq._
Footnote 262:
See his Introduction to Dexter’s _Weather Influences_ (N. Y., 1904),
p. XXIV.
Footnote 263:
_Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p. 25, 29,
27.—“C’est dans l’intensité de l’effort dirigé par les groupes sociaux
contre les résistances du milieu, que réside la première impulsion
vers la civilisation.”—_Ibid._, p. 27.
Footnote 264:
But he adds, “... no disturbing causes, acting on social development,
could do more than to affect its rate of progress. This is true of the
operation of influences from the inorganic world, as of all others. In
our view of biology we saw that the human being cannot be modified
indefinitely by exterior circumstances; that such modifications can
affect only the degrees of phenomena, without at all changing their
nature; and again, that when the disturbing influences exceed their
general limits, the organism is no longer modified, but
destroyed.”—_The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, tr. by Harriet
Martineau_, vol. 2, p. 98; 97.
Footnote 265:
See Ripley, _Races of Europe_ (1899), p. 11; cf. the references given
there, and in the note on the same page.—Cf. also Ellsworth
Huntington’s _Palestine and its Transformation_ (1910), and his
suggestive articles on “Changes of Climate and History” (in _The
American Historical Review_ for January, 1913, vol. 18, pp. 213–32)
[for references to other writings on the subject by the same
author,—and by A. T. Olmstead—cf. p. 214 n.]; on “Climate and
Civilization” (in _Harper’s Magazine_ for February, 1915, vol. 130,
pp. 367–73); on “Is Civilization Determined by Climate?” (_ibid._ May,
1915, pp. 943–51); a new book of his, entitled _Civilization and
Climate_ (333 pp.), is announced for publication by the Yale Univ.
Press.
Footnote 266:
Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 280 _et seq._
Footnote 267:
“... cetera [Mattiaci] similes Batavis, nisi quod ipso adhuc terrae
suae solo et caelo acrius animantur.”—F. Ritter, _P. C. Taciti Opera_
(1864), p. 643. In _Römische Prosaiker in neuen Übersetzungen_ (hg. v.
C. N. von Osiander und G. Schwab, 51. Bändchen, Stuttg., 1852, S. 123)
this is rendered as follows: “Im ganzen gleichen sie [die Mattiaker]
den Batavern, nur daß Boden und Klima ihres Landes sie noch
kriegerischer macht.”
Footnote 268:
Cesare Lombroso, _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_ (Boston, 1911), pp.
3 f.
Footnote 269:
Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, p. 282.
Footnote 270:
_Vide_ Flint, _l.c._, pp. 582 _et seq._
Footnote 271:
Haddon & Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), pp. 84 _et
seq._
Footnote 272:
Cesare Lombroso, _Crime_, etc., p. 2.
Footnote 273:
N. S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America (N. Y., 1893), p. 288.
Footnote 274:
In _Abhandlungen der Königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Phil.-hist. Classe_, 1912, p. 13: “In einer Wendung, die an
Distinktionen Schleiermachers erinnert, hat er [Dilthey] in seiner
letzten größeren Arbeit erklärt, daß unser wissenschaftliches Denken
von zwei großen Tendenzen beherrscht sei. Der Mensch finde sich auf
der einen Seite bestimmt von der physischen Welt, in der die
seelischen Vorgänge nur wie Interpolationen erscheinen. [The other is:
das Leben (life), das Erlebnis (experience).]”
Footnote 275:
Ridgeway, _l.c._, p. 843.
Footnote 276:
Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 258 _et seq._—For the effect of
physical environment on the Jews in Palestine, cf. Friedrich Otto
Hertz, _Rasse und Kultur_ (Leipzig, 1915, 421 pp.), pp. 162 ff.; and
“Soziale Grundlagen des Monotheismus u. Polytheismus” (pp. 170 ff.)
and the literature there cited. Cf. also _ibid._, “Natürliche u.
Soziale Grundlagen der indischen Entwicklung” (pp. 198 ff.).
Footnote 277:
Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 309 _et seq._
Footnote 278:
_Vide_ his _Weather Influences, An Empirical Study of the Mental and
Physiological Effects of Definite Meteorological Conditions_, with
Introduction by Cleveland Abbe (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1904, 277 pp.).
Footnote 279:
I saw somewhere that exception had been taken to his results, but I
failed at the time to make a note thereof and have been unable to find
the passage again.
Footnote 280:
_Ibid._, p. 266; 269; 272 f.—The fifth and last is not cited here.
Footnote 281:
Ward, _op. cit._, p. 310; 335, where ref. is also made to F. A. Cook’s
article on “Some Physiological Effects of Arctic Cold, Darkness and
Light” (_MED. REC._, June 12, 1897, pp. 833–36).
Footnote 282:
London and N. Y., 1892.
Footnote 283:
_Ibid._, p. 90.
Footnote 284:
_Ibid._, pp. 113–5.
Footnote 285:
“Diese Priorität (der erste Versuch überhaupt, die Einflüsse des
naturalen Milieus auf die Psyche darzustellen) gebührt, nach
mancherlei Vorläufern minder geschlossenen Charakters (z. B.
_Quételet_, Sur l’homme etc. 1835, Bd. 2, Kap. 3, Abschn. 2–3,
Influence du climat et des saisons sur le penchant au crime) ohne
Zweifel _Lombroso_, aus dessen 1878 erschienenem Buche ‘Pensiero e
meteore’ Extracte auch in seine andern Publikationen, namentlich in
‘Genio e follia,’ übergegangen sind.”—Hellpach, _Die Geopsychischen
Erscheinungen_ (Leipzig, 1911), p. 336.
Footnote 286:
_Criminal Man, According to the Classification of Cesare Lombroso
Briefly Summarized by his Daughter Gina Lombroso Ferrero_ (“The
Science Series”; N. Y. and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1911, 322
pp.), p. 145.—Lombroso’s _L’Uomo di genio_ appeared in 1888, _L’Uomo
delinquente_ in 1889, and _La Donna delinquente_ in 1893.
Footnote 287:
_Criminal Man_, p. 145.
Footnote 288:
Tr. by H. P. Horton, “The Modern Criminal Science Series,” Boston:
Little, Brown and Co., 1911, 471 pp.
Footnote 289:
“It is brought out in Guerry’s statistics that the crime of rape
occurs in England and France oftenest in the hot months; and Curcio
has observed the same thing in Italy....
“In England, according to Guerry, and in Italy, according to Curcio,
the maximum number of murders falls in the hottest months....
“Poisoning also, according to Guerry, occurs oftenest in May. The same
phenomenon is to be observed in the case of Rebellions. In studying
(as I have in my ‘Political Crime’) the 836 uprisings that took place
in the whole world in the period between 1791 and 1880, one finds that
in Asia and Africa the greatest number falls in July. In Europe and
America the greater prevalence of rebellions in the hot months could
not be more clearly marked. In Europe the maximum proved to be in July
[in this connection one might also point to the beginning of the
present European war which falls in the midsummer of 1914], and in
South America in January, which are respectively the two hottest
months. The minimum falls in Europe in December and January, and in
South America in May and June, which again correspond in temperature.
“If now we pass from the whole of Europe to the particular countries,
we still find the greatest number of uprisings in the hot months....
“Benoiston de Chateauneuf points out that duels in the army are more
frequent in the summer.
“I have proved that the same influence manifests itself in the case of
men of genius (‘Man of Genius,’ Part I.).
“Ferri, in his ‘Crime in its Relation to Temperature,’ has proved from
a study of the French criminal statistics from 1825 to 1878 that one
can deduce an almost complete parallelism between heat and
criminality, not only for the different months, but also for years of
different degrees of heat. The influence of the temperature on crime
from 1825 to 1848 appears to be very pronounced and constant, and is
often even greater than that exercised by agricultural production.
Since 1848, notwithstanding the more serious agricultural and
political disturbances, the coincidence between temperature and
criminality becomes from time to time plainly apparent, especially in
the case of homicide and murder....
“The connection comes out much more plainly, however, in the
statistics of rape and offenses against chastity, which follow to an
even greater degree the annual variations in temperature....
“As regards crimes against property there is a marked increase in the
winter (theft and forgery being the most abundant in January), while
the other seasons differ little from one another....”—Lombroso,
_Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_, pp. 4–8. “Superintendents of prisons
have generally observed that the inmates are more excited when storms
are approaching and during the first quarter of the moon....”—_Ibid._,
p. 12.
Footnote 290:
_Ibid._, p. 13.—“In studying the distribution of simple and aggravated
homicides in Europe, we find the highest figures in Italy and the
other southern countries, and the lowest in the more northerly
regions, England, Denmark, Germany. The same can be said of political
uprisings in all Europe. We see, in fact, that the number of crimes
increases as we go from north to south, and in the same measure as the
heat increases.”—_Ibid._, p. 14.
Footnote 291:
This follows Laing. See Robertson, _Buckle and his Critics_ (London,
1895), p. 553.—Cf. also C. M. Gießler’s article, “Über den Einfluß von
Wärme und Kälte auf das seelische Funktionieren des Menschen,” in
_Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie u. Soziologie_,
1902, pp. 319–38. Gießler refers (p. 334) to Oppenheimer “Über den
Einfluß des Klimas auf den Menschen” (Berlin, 1867). _Vide_ also E.
Huntington’s article on “Work and Weather,” _Harper’s Magazine_, vol.
130 (January, 1915), pp. 233–44.
Footnote 292:
_Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1908_ (London, 1909), p. 844.
Footnote 293:
On the use of alcohol in its relation to the northern climate, cf.
also Auguste Matteuzzi, _Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples_
(Paris, 1900), pp. 329 _et seq._
SUMMARY
The Introductory Remark traces the semasiology and use of the word
_milieu_ and discusses its English and German equivalents “environment”
and “Umwelt.”
An historical sketch of the milieu idea is then taken up from the very
beginnings to the nineteenth century. The earlier notions of
environmental influence are general and undifferentiated.
The Hebrew Prophets see the hand of Providence in the harmony of
national fate with the configuration of the globe. Hippocrates dwells
upon the regularity of climatic effect on man. Aristotle notes the
action of physical environment on government and national character.
Eratosthenes, Strabo, and other Greek thinkers, relate man causally to
surrounding nature. Villani says that the fine air of Arezzo produces
great minds. Ibn Khaldūn explains, especially Arabic history, by the
circumambient physical and social medium. Michelangelo credits Arezzo’s
fine air with his mentality. Man is subject to the “skyey influences”
hourly (Shakespeare).
Jean Bodin plants the study of environment in French soil so firmly and
so successfully that it has since become, in a very real sense,
indigenous to France and that Bertillon could justly claim it to be a
study “_très-française_,” a claim which is true to this very day.
Bodin’s second contribution is that he undertook, for the first time in
the modern period (on the basis of sixteenth century knowledge and
experience), a scientific and detailed examination, far-reaching and
extensive in scope, of the manifold influences of climatic and
geographical conditions upon States, laws, national character, religion,
language, temperament, talents and aptitudes,—in brief, upon man’s mind,
manners, and morals.
The study of milieu thus inaugurated in France by Bodin is set up as a
French tradition by Lenglet du Fresnoy, Montesquieu, Turgot, Cuvier, and
others,[294] and has been continued by French writers to our day.
A number of philosophers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
take up this idea. The doctrine of environment spreads to England and
Germany.
In Germany, Herder becomes the fulcrum of all previous thought (Hebrew,
Greek, French, English, and German) on this theory. Herder, in turn, in
addition to his other and principal contributions to the theory, affects
it by giving a quickened impetus not only to the contemporary
development thereof, but also to the later course of that development.
Goethe reflects some of Herder’s conceptions. Wolf, Niebuhr, the German
romanticists—August Wilhelm Schlegel in especial—and Hegel apply
Herder’s idea to history and continue it therein. Hegel combats the
notion that climate can be the be-all and end-all of historical
explanation; he implies that climate was held to be a _vera causa_.
The theory of social environment evolves, particularly since Ibn
Khaldūn, parallel with that of the physical milieu.
The nineteenth century brings differentiation carried out in human
geography including history, in biology, in jurisprudence and economics,
in anthropology, in sociology, in literature, and latterly in physics.
These disciplines determine our divisions for discussions shortly to
follow the present one.
The major portion of this study is then given over to following the
milieu idea in some of the more important French, English, and German
writers of the past century on what for want of a better name has been
called anthropo-geography inclusive of certain aspects of history.
On the whole, their method has been the comparative method. Principles
laid down _a priori_ would be illustrated by typical cases selected
mostly from the past. Or, the process would be reversed to an _a
posteriori_ reasoning: history restudied to find out its possible
connections with the environment. Again: some would pick out a phase of
the encompassing medium and follow out its effects in a particular
country, while others would try to arrive at a more general conclusion.
With reference to climate in particular, the statistical method was
employed by Quételet, Bertillon, Leffingwell, Ferri, Holzendorf, Guerry,
Curcio, Lombroso, and others, who established a parallelism, or
coincidence, between certain climatic features and the criminal conduct
of man.
Delimited aspects of environment, relating again more to climate than
any other phase of the milieu, were made the objects of observational or
experimentally observational studies by Dexter, Brunhes, and Hellpach,
the last two giving the most recent comprehensive summaries of our
knowledge in this field. And they are among the best we have.
The next part of this study will continue the survey of the history of
this theory in the above mentioned sciences as well as in literature.
-----
Footnote 294:
Some of these are to be discussed in a subsequent paper.
APPENDIX
Since the foregoing study was completed, E. Huntington’s stimulating
book—_vide supra_, p. 79, n.—on _Civilization and Climate_ has appeared.
He continues what Dexter began. Lack of definiteness in observation,
argumentative conviction, reasoned out opinion, are superseded by
scientific exactness in ascertaining the action of climate. Chapters 4–7
(pp. 49–147) concern us here. In these chapters he investigates “the
exact effect of various climatic factors upon selected groups of people”
(p. 49).
Huntington subjects to statistical analysis the daily records of about
550 factory operatives, pieceworkers, employed in three factories in
three New England cities. The records, most of them for a complete year,
are distributed over the four years from 1910 to 1913 (p. 53).
He computes wage averages. He finds for each working day the average
hourly wage for each group of operatives. When the daily averages had
been found, they were averaged together by weeks. To give each
individual an equal importance, the figures of each group have been
reduced to percentages. Finally, the different groups were combined (p.
57). His final computations are represented in curves. A curve,
graduated in twelve parts (one for each month), for a given year shows
the earnings in percentages at any point and thus reveals the _time_ of
the weakness or efficiency of the worker; it shows the time of his wages
from least to most, thereby indicating the time of his work and energy
from poorest to best.
Huntington worked up similarly the records of 65 operatives in a North
Carolina factory, of 240 operatives in four cotton mills in South
Carolina and Georgia, of 57 carpenters at Jacksonville, Fla., and on a
different basis the work of 2700 cigar makers in two cigar factories in
Florida. On the first basis he also computed a series of data from a
large factory at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, based on the work of about
950 operatives in 1910, of about 750 in 1911, of 69 in 1912, of about
7000 in 1913. He figured the monthly or bi-weekly averages of hourly
earnings of these pieceworkers in Pittsburgh.
Discussing the curves in Figure 1 (p. 59), he mentions (p. 61) five
features revealed by the curves that show no sign of disappearing. They
are: “an extremely low place in midwinter, and a less pronounced low
place in midsummer; a high point in June, a still higher point at the
end of October, and a hump in mid-December....
“Before we discuss the causes of the variability of the summers let us
consider the meaning of the curves as a whole. In the first place, it is
evident that, although details may vary from year to year, the general
course of events is uniformly from low in the winter to high in the fall
with a drop of more or less magnitude in summer. To what can this be
due?...
“We seem forced to search outside of the factories for the reasons for
our seasonal fluctuations of wages.... There seems to be no recourse
except to ascribe the fluctuations of the curves to climate [pp. 64–5].
“The verity of the conclusion just reached is strongly confirmed by
comparison with other regions and other types of human activity.... The
curves [in Figure 2, pp. 66–7] range from the Adirondacks in northern
New York to Tampa in southern Florida and include one from Denmark. With
them I have repeated some of the curves of Figure 1 for the sake of
comparison. The most remarkable feature of this series is that although
there is great diversity of place and of activity, all the curves
harmonize with what would be expected on the basis of Figure 1 [p. 65].
“The general form of the curves for Pittsburgh and Connecticut is
obviously the same....
“The agreement between the curves for Connecticut and Pennsylvania is
far too close to be accidental [p. 76].
“We have now seen that from New England to Florida physical strength and
health vary in accordance with the seasons. Extremes seem to produce the
same effect everywhere. The next question is whether mental activity
varies the same way” (p. 77).
Huntington uses the marks of “about 1900 students for a single year” in
mathematics (weekly averages at Annapolis and daily averages at West
Point) and in English (at Annapolis). From these data he compiles the
curves in Figure 3 (p. 80). He says (p. 81), “The curves of mental
activity all resemble it [the average curve of physical work] in having
two main maxima, in fall and spring.... At Annapolis, just as at West
Point, the time of best work is when the mean temperature is not far
from forty degrees [Fahrenheit].
“Summing up the matter, we find that the results of investigations in
Denmark, Japan, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, the
Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida are in harmony. They all show that
except in Florida neither the winter nor the summer is the most
favorable season. Both physical and mental activity reach pronounced
maxima in the spring and fall, with minima in midwinter and midsummer.
The consistency of our results is of great importance. It leads to the
belief that in all parts of the world the climate is exercising an
influence which can readily be measured, and can be subjected to
statistical analysis” (p. 82).
This is his conclusion in Chapter IV (pp. 49–82), “The Effect of the
Seasons.”
Having seen in the fourth chapter “that both physical and mental energy
vary from season to season according to well-defined laws,” Huntington
investigates in the fifth chapter (“The Effect of Humidity and
Temperature,” pp. 83–110) “the special features of seasonal change which
are most effective” (p. 83). Explaining the curves of Human Activity and
Mean Temperature (p. 99), he says (p. 98), “With the exception of the
last two, which are distinctly the least reliable, the physical group
all reach maxima at a temperature between 59° and 65°. Even the two less
reliable curves reach their maxima within the next four degrees. All the
curves decline at low temperatures, ..., and also at high.
“Another point brought out by the curves [on p. 99] is that as we go to
more southerly climes the optimum temperature of the human race becomes
higher. It is important to note, however, that the variation in the
optimum is slight compared with the variation in the mean temperature of
the places in question. For instance, in Connecticut the optimum seems
to be about 60° for people of north European stock. This is about ten
degrees higher than the mean temperature for the year as a whole. In
Florida, on the other hand, the optimum for Cubans is about 65°, which
is five degrees _lower_ than the mean temperature for the year at Tampa.
In other words, with a difference of twenty degrees in the mean annual
temperature, and with a distinctly northern race compared with a
southern, we find that the optimum differs only about 5° F. This seems
to mean that for the entire human race the optimum temperature probably
does not vary more than ten or fifteen degrees [pp. 100–101].
“The last thing to be considered in Figure 8 [p. 99] is the mental curve
[showing optimum mental work at 38° F.] at the bottom. It is based on so
large a number of people, and is so regular, that its general
reliability seems great, although I think that future studies may show
the optimum to be a few degrees higher than is here indicated. It agrees
with the results of Lehmann and Pedersen. Furthermore, from general
observation we are most of us aware that we are mentally more active in
comparatively cool weather. Perhaps ‘spring fever’ is a mental state far
more than a physical. Apparently people do the best mental work on days
when the thermometer ranges from freezing to about 50°—that is, when the
mean temperature is not far from 40°. Inasmuch as human progress depends
upon a coördination of mental and physical activity, we seem to be
justified in the conclusion that the greatest total efficiency occurs
halfway between the mental and physical optima, that is, with a mean
temperature of about 50°” (pp. 102–103).
The curves (p. 105) on Mean Temperature and Vital Processes in Plants,
Animals and Man show physical energy to be at the optimum at the mean
temperature of 60° F., mental energy at 38°, mental and physical energy
combined at from 40° to 60°. Of this last mentioned curve he says: “It
may be taken as representing man’s actual productive activity in the
things that make for a high civilization. The resemblance of the human
curves to those of the lower organisms is obvious. In general, the lower
types of life, or the lower forms of activity, seem to reach their
optima at higher temperatures than do the more advanced types and the
more lofty functions such as mentality. The whole trend of biological
thought is toward the conclusion that the same laws apply to all forms
of life. They differ in application, but not in principle. The law of
optimum temperature apparently controls the phenomena of life from the
lowest activities of protoplasm to the highest activities of the human
intellect” (pp. 109–110).
In Chapter VI (“Work and Weather,” pp. 111–128), he interprets the
curves he plotted showing especially the influence of changes of
temperature from day to day, and of the character of each day and its
relation to storms. In the very interesting Chapter VII (pp. 129–147) he
discusses “The Ideal Climate.”
In the closing paragraph of his book, he says, “If our hypothesis is
true, man is more closely dependent upon nature than he has realized. A
realization of his limitations, however, is the first step toward
freedom [p. 293].
“The hypothesis, briefly stated, is this: Today a certain peculiar type
of climate prevails wherever civilization is high. In the past the same
type seems to have prevailed wherever a great civilization arose.
Therefore, such a climate seems to be a necessary condition of great
progress. It is not the cause of civilization, for that lies infinitely
deeper. Nor is it the only, or the most important condition. It is
merely one of several, ...” (p. 9.)
Huntington mentions (p. 7) Lehmann and Pedersen’s “Das Wetter und unsere
Arbeit” and Berliner’s “Einfluß von Klima, Wetter und Jahreßeit auf das
Nerven- und Seelenleben,” without the date or place of publication.
NOTE: Since the foregoing pages went to press, the following
publications have appeared; being too late for inclusion or
comment in the text, they are added here for reference:
Douglas W. Johnson, _Topography and Strategy in the War_, N. Y.,
Henry Holt & Co., 1917, 221 pp. (Thorough and very illuminating;
points out how the surface features of the country influenced
military operations in the most important theaters of the war.)
James Fairgrieve, _Geography and World Power_, N. Y., E. P.
Dutton & Co., 1917, 356 pp. (Shows how History has been
controlled by Geography.)
Robert De C. Ward, “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in the
Italian War Zone,” _The Scientific Monthly_, Vol. 6, No. 2
(February, 1918), pp. 97–105. And “Weather Controls Over the
Fighting in Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and near the Suez Canal,”
_ibidem_, Vol. 6, No. 4 (April, 1918), pp. 289–304.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Replaced “sz” with “ß” in German words. The “ß” character was not
used in the original.
2. Changed “Nachbaren” to “Nachbarn” on p. 30.
3. Silently corrected typographical errors.
4. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
5. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
6. Superscripts are denoted by a carat before a single superscript
character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in
curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Theory of Environment, by Armin Hajman Koller