object that saw the light of day was a box as elfish as the one
dragged from the sea by the fishermen, but instead of being made of
copper and fastened with the seal of the great Solomon, it was bound
with red tape and bore the waxen seal of some deceased Secretary
of the Treasury. When opened it emitted an odor of dead roses. The
first article lifted from the box was a heavy square bottle which
contained the attar of roses. A considerable quantity of the precious
fluid had made its escape, but quite enough remained to perfume
the city, if this shall be considered necessary after the carnival
has passed away. There was no paper to indicate to whom this attar
of roses belonged, but tradition says that some East Indian prince
sent it to Martin Van Buren; that it had once been deposited at the
Patent Office, and afterwards sent to the Treasury, in the year
1848. The next bottle lifted from the paper wrappings contained
pearls. These were remarkably fine on account of shape, size, and
purity of color. Two of the pearls were the largest the writer has
ever seen. They were oblong in shape, and these two must have given
color to the fancy “pearls as large as pigeon eggs.” As there was no
way of counting these jewels, it was judged there might have been
one hundred and fifty altogether. The next article was a small vial
containing diamonds. None of these were large, but they were very
clear, and perfect in shape. It seemed as if they must have once been
a part of some royal necklace which had been stolen. As is usually
the case in calamities of this kind, the detectives only recover
the smaller stones. There might have been a thimbleful of diamonds.
Thieves evidently had been at work with the treasure, for in the next
article brought forth the golden lining of a snuff-box was missing.
Next came a gold ornament which had once held together a pearl
necklace. The silken string and tassel attached to it showed its East
Indian origin. This, it appears, was the article left to show that
some President or officer of the Government had been presented with
a pearl necklace. It had been placed on exhibition somewhere, and
thieves made way with it; but in order to secure what was recovered
beyond all chance of future escape, the string and gold fastening
were laid in this box.
The next article was a tin box. There was no way to ascertain whether
the box was originally intended for pills or matches. There was every
reason to believe that the original “Pandora’s box” had been found.
But on opening it there was discovered a sealed paper containing
gems--thirteen small diamonds of the finest water and four large
pearls. A small piece of paper in a box had written upon it this
interesting bit of information: “These jewels had originally been
presented to Martin Van Buren, but had been stolen from a case in the
Patent Office on the night of November 8th, 1848.” These unfortunate
gems convey the most useful lesson: If Mistress Van Buren had worn
her jewels, instead of placing them where thieves break in and steal,
she would have set an illustrious example, and the country would
have been no poorer than it is to-day.
The second box opened contained counterfeit coins and dies. These had
been deposited by M. C. Young, esq., and they had been received from
agents employed to detect counterfeiters. These bore the date of May
10, 1847. These counterfeit gold and silver coins could not deceive
an infant of this generation. The first package opened contained
Confederate bills, bonds, and small currency. The second package were
the spoils won by the United States in a law-suit. This bundle of
papers was found to consist of bonds received from Messrs. Redin and
Fendall, per Henry May, amount $97,276.33, being the same received
by them from Corcoran & Riggs on decree in case of the United States
versus Gardiner. Bond to the State of Tennessee. Date of the oldest
coupon due, July 1, 1857. The treasurer gave Mr. May a receipt
therefor, and is directed by the Secretary of the Treasury to hold
these bonds until he shall decide as to entries, etc. Dated April 9,
1855.
The third package was marked $24,963. Upon examination the mark and
the contents did not exactly coincide.
The fourth package contained bonds, loan of 1848, returned October
10, 1857, marked $300.
The next in order came a box containing notes of the survey of the
boundary between the United States and Mexico, under the treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo, from the junction of the Gila and the Colorado to
the Pacific coast, deposited by Brevet Captain Hardcastle, United
States Navy Topographical Engineers, June 11, 1852.
Fifth package, marked $3,059.64-100. On the outside wrapper was
written: “Received of A. Smith, cashier of the Bank of the Metropolis
by order of the Secretary of the Treasury the within uncurrent funds,
which had been held by said bank on special deposit, consisting of
uncurrent bank notes.”
Package No. 6 contained counterfeit State bank notes and legal
tenders sent as specimens by M. J. E. D. Cousins, chief of police of
St. Louis, Mo.
Package No. 7 contained Confederate bonds held subject to the order
of the Secretary of War. Total amount, $12,050.
Package No. 8 contained the sad relics left by a defaulting Treasury
clerk in his desk. The man’s name was E. French, and he was assistant
disbursing clerk in the Treasury extension. After he had absconded
his keys, papers, and money was safely lodged in the vault. The money
consisted of $50 in gold and $2.10 in silver.
OLIVIA.
VICTORIA C. WOODHULL.
HER MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
WASHINGTON, _January 11, 1871_.
At precisely the hour appointed Mrs. Woodhull was in her seat in the
committee room, awaiting the appearance of the representatives of the
legislative body that had declared itself ready to hear anything or
everything she had to say pertaining to why she should not be allowed
all the “privileges and immunities belonging to citizenship.” To
Mrs. Woodhull alone, it is said, belongs the discovery of detecting
that, under the rulings of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to
the Constitution, women are entitled to the ballot. The members of
the Judiciary Committee are rather slow in getting to their seats.
At half past 10 Mr. Bingham might have been seen in his chair, his
hands pinned closely to the back of it, and his expressive face
aglow with manly patience. On the opposite side of the table sat
Judge Loughridge, of Iowa, leaning listlessly on his hand, his keen,
good-natured eyes alive with expectation. Judge Loughridge is fully
committed to the movement, but as he is a single man, he is liable
to be responsible for any amount of mischief. Mr. Cook, of Illinois,
and Mr. Eldridge, of Wisconsin, only were in their places. As time
would not wait for laggard members, and the precious morning was
slipping away, Mrs. Woodhull was reminded by Mr. Bingham that she
could proceed. At this time the room was sparsely filled, and nearly
all present were women, friends to the movement, and the majority
were people from different States.
Almost hidden from sight in the deep recesses of a window might have
been seen Nellie Hutchinson, of the New York _Tribune_, her piquant
face and tangled hair as saucy and as refreshing as ever, and not
far removed from her was seen another pretty ornament of the press,
in the person of Mrs. McChane, of the Philadelphia _Inquirer_. But,
arranged in a row behind Mrs. Woodhull were a number of women whose
voices have been heard throughout the length and breadth of the land.
At the head of the class stood Mrs. Beecher Hooker--her soft, fleecy
curls tied down with orthodox precision; the curling feathers of
blue harmonizing with her peachy complexion. Her elegantly fitting
coat was embroidered with steel beads, but this had nothing to do
with the suffrage question. Susan B. Anthony snuggled beside her,
clad in a smart new dress of black silk, with velveteen overskirt
and fancy basque. Her spectacles clung to her nose, and she had that
longing, hope-deferred look which humanity always wears when it
has been centered for half a century upon a single idea. Then came
Paulina Davis, her face surmounted by her beautiful snowy curls;
then Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, the noblest woman in the land. Rev.
Olympia Brown appeared modestly as the “Wall Street firm,” for both
the members were present, and distinguished from the other women in
the room by dress and other characteristics. The firm of Woodhull &
Claflin are clad precisely alike, and call each other “sister.” Their
costume consists in what Miss Kate Stanton pronounces a “business
suit, because they are strictly business women.” These costumes are
made of blue naval cloth, skimp in the skirt. The basque or jacket
has masculine coat-tails behind, but the steeple-crowned hats are the
towering triumph of the most picturesque outfit. The high sugar-loaf
hat has a brigandish dash to it, and the clipped hair underneath
seems to have nipped all the feminine element originally possessed
by this flourishing “firm.” Mrs. Woodhull arose and stood before
the tribunal. She is a medium-sized woman, with a sharp nose, and
thin lips which closed tightly over her white teeth. She apologized
for any hesitancy in her manner, because it was the first time in
her life that she had attempted public speaking. She then read her
printed memorial:
The memorial of Victoria Woodhull to the Honorable the Senate
and the House of Representatives, United States of America, in
Congress assembled, respectfully showeth:
That she was born in the State of Ohio, and is above the age
of twenty-one years; that she has resided in the State of New
York during the past three years; that she is still a resident
thereof, and that she is a citizen of the United States
as declared by the fourteenth article of amendment to the
Constitution of the United States.
That since the adoption of the fifteenth article of amendment
to the Constitution neither the State of New York nor any other
State, nor any Territory, has passed any law to abridge any
citizen of the United States to vote, as established by said
articles, neither on account of sex or otherwise.
That, nevertheless, the right to vote is denied to women citizens
of the United States by the operation of election laws in the
several States and Territories, which laws were enacted prior to
the adoption of the said fifteenth article, and which article is
inconsistent with the Constitution as amended, and therefore are
void and of no effect; but, which, being still invoked by the
said States and Territories, render the Constitution inoperative
as regards the right of women citizens to vote.
And whereas article six, section second, declares “That this
Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall
be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the
supreme law of the land; and all judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, anything in the constitution and laws of any State
to the contrary notwithstanding.”
And whereas no distinction between citizens is made in the
Constitution of the United States on account of sex, but the
fourteenth article of amendments to it provides that “No State
shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges
and immunities of the citizens of the United States nor deny to
any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws.”
And whereas Congress has power to make laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into execution all powers
vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United
States, and to make or alter all regulations in relation
to holding elections for Senators and Representatives, and
especially to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions
of the fourteenth article.
And whereas the continuance of the enforcement of said local
election laws, denying and abridging the right of citizens to
vote on account of sex, is a grievance to your memorialists and
to various other persons, citizens of the United States, being
women.
Therefore your memorialists would most respectfully petition
your honorable bodies to make such laws as in the wisdom
of Congress shall be necessary and proper for carrying into
execution the right vested by the Constitution in the citizens of
the United States to vote without regard to sex.
And your memorialists will ever pray.
VICTORIA C. WOODHULL.
NEW YORK CITY, _December 19, 1870_.
After Mrs. Woodhull had finished her memorial, Miss Susan B. Anthony
took the floor and told the committee that she had hurried as fast as
railroad and speed would allow her from Kansas, last winter, at this
time, in order to get a petition before this body, but after all she
was glad that Wall Street had spoken.
Mrs. Beecher Hooker now arose and said that after the subject had
been presented to her in this light she had immediately written to
Myra Bradwell, who was practicing law in Chicago, for a judicial
opinion. She had also invited Mrs. Bradwell to come to this
convention and plead the case. Mrs. Bradwell declined on the plea of
ill-health, but at the same time she sent a written opinion of the
judge of the Superior Court and had presented this to Mr. Riddle, one
of the ablest lawyers in the country, and, at her request, Mr. Riddle
would now address the committee.
Mr. Riddle arose and said he meant to say nothing save what would
bear upon the case; however, he meant to say strongly what he
intensely felt, and whoever would take the pains to examine the
Constitution which he held in his hands would not attempt to gainsay
the facts contained therein. The right of suffrage is a natural
right. The right of self-government pertains to all alike, the right
to be exercised as all other rights. The right to dress is a natural
right, and the right to consume food no matter how artificially
prepared is another. What was necessary to bring the negro race
to the enjoyment of their natural rights? It was simply to remove
obstructions. Legislation can regulate the franchise but not prohibit
it. Those who were content for women to vote must do it in one of two
ways--either get rid of the word “male” or define the meaning of
citizenship. A gifted woman has just given us an argument that can
not be refuted. This change has been wrought by an amendment to the
Constitution.
The speaker was interrupted by Mr. Cook, of Illinois, asking: “What
clause of the Constitution would give us the right to allow Mrs.
Woodhull the exercise of suffrage in New York?”
Mr. Riddle replied: “All persons who live under the Constitution are
citizens of the United States; those who framed it meant citizenship.
We have no half citizens.”
Mrs. Hooker arose and said this term “citizen” had not been fully
defined.
Mr. Riddle proceeded to say: “If you look into the dictionaries,
you will find it means an inhabitant of a city who is allowed the
enjoyment of political rights. The fourteenth amendment claims that
all born within the jurisdiction of the United States are citizens,
and it also says no State shall make laws to abridge the privileges
of citizenship. What does privilege or immunity mean? It means that
New York shall not do anything to abridge the privileges.”
The speaker was again interrupted by Mr. Eldridge, of Wisconsin,
asking, “Do you claim by this prohibition that the natural rights of
infants must not be interfered with, as well as idiots, who must come
under the law as you interpret it?”
Mrs. Hooker answered, “That State may say when I may exercise it, but
not whether I may do so.”
Mrs. Hooker’s lawyer then proceeded to read from law books some very
substantial authority, but the writer could not see its application
to the case. He then said two citizens of two different States had a
law-suit. Delaware set out to know whether she had the right to rake
the oyster beds of New Jersey. In this suit the meaning of “citizen”
was thoroughly and carefully discussed, but Mr. Riddle did not let
us know whether the Jersey oyster beds were raked. The eloquent
speaker went on to say that the right of self-government was older
than any amendment to the Constitution. The right of suffrage already
exists, but it is not for Congress to define the full meaning of
the Constitution. The married woman’s fate is one of servitude. Her
identity is lost in that of her husband. She is his servant, and
as such only is known to the law. If Mrs. Riddle were killed by an
accident on the railway, I could only recover damages for my servant.
But, gentlemen, I leave the case in your hands after defining the
word “citizen.” It is the natural person rounded and finished with
political rights.
Mrs. Hooker arose and said that it was not of so much consequence
when the right came. For her part she would not allow men to vote
until they were twenty-five years old. The one great power that
keeps a government alive is personal responsibility and personal
liberty. She had heard people say that we could run our national
machine alone; but here comes the foreigner with his ignorance and
his ways so different from ours. When he first comes he expects to
be equal with the first in the country, but he sees his neighbor
living in a fine house, unaccustomed to labor, and the spirit of
hatred is engendered. But at the polls, at least one day in the year,
he is equal to the greatest man in the whole land, and it makes a
man of him. It teaches him to think that he is helping to frame the
laws under which we live. I used to think a man should be here ten
or twenty years in order to understand our institutions, but now
I would give him the ballot as soon as his naturalization papers
could be made out; and, gentlemen, when you limit manhood, you cut
your own throats. When, with God’s aid, the oak ribs were put in the
_Mayflower_, he knew what was to be the result.
Miss Anthony then arose and said few women have persecuted Congress
as she had done, and she was glad that new, fresh voices were heard
to-day. “But, gentlemen, I entreat you to take this matter up in
Congress. You have let a petition, presented by the Honorable Mr.
Julian, last winter, come to its death. When I went to Illinois last
year I told the people not to return Mr. Trumbull, for he had allowed
the same thing to take place in the Senate. I ask you, gentlemen, to
report this matter, so that I can lay off my armor, for I am tired
of fighting. If Mr. Riddle had presented his argument in favor you
would not hesitate about your course. No woman has a fault to find
with the old Constitution. I begged you not to put the word ‘male’
into the amendment. I hurried from Kansas as fast as the locomotive
would bring me, but all in vain. I think that is General Butler I see
sitting before me, though I never saw him before. I wish, General,
you would say ‘contraband’ for us. But, gentlemen, bring in a report
of some kind, either for or against; don’t let the matter die a
natural death here. Make it imperative that every man in the House
must show whether he is for or against it.”
Mrs. Hooker caught the last refrain as Miss Anthony sat down and
said: “Pledge yourselves, gentlemen, that we should have a hearing
in Congress;” but the gentlemen did not pledge themselves, and the
meeting between Mrs. Woodhull and her Co-workers and the Judiciary
Committee came to an end.
Mrs. General Farnsworth, wife of the member from Illinois, and Mrs.
Ely, of New Hampshire, represented the Congressional element of the
House, but the Senatorial dames were unfortunately detained elsewhere.
OLIVIA.
SPREADING THE LIGHT.
WOMAN’S RIGHTS DISCUSSED BY MESDAMES HOOKER, BLAKE, ANTHONY, AND
OTHERS.
WASHINGTON, _January 12, 1871_.
After the Judiciary Committee meeting adjournment, the leader of the
woman suffrage movement visited the Senate to hear Senator Sumner
on the San Domingo muddle; but two hours later found Lincoln Hall
invaded, and the inevitable ball set in motion, which Susan B.
Anthony says never shall rest until woman is in the possession of
every right, both foreign and domestic. The sweet liquid voice of
Mrs. Hooker called the meeting to order, and the divine Olympia Brown
prayed as only a woman can pray when she is thoroughly in earnest.
Mrs. Paulina Davis was on the platform, one of the most queenly women
in the court of intellect, and as beautiful and as exquisite as a
winter landscape. This woman is the possessor of great wealth, the
highest social position, and, to use her own words to describe her:
“I care very little for dress; my tastes are very simple. But this
movement is very expensive. Last summer I paid the whole expense of a
convention in New York City. It cost me five hundred dollars. I don’t
mind that, because in this way I think I am doing the greatest good.”
Susan B. Anthony was in her place, for what would a woman suffrage
convention be worth without Susan to give it flavor? And then she is
so patient and irrepressible, and has such a wholesome antipathy to
men.
Miss Lillie Peckham represented the youth and audacity of Wisconsin,
and Miss Kate Stanton the beauty and fire of her illustrious
name. The people who had assembled to listen, proved, by personal
inspection, to have grown higher in the social scale than those
attending last year. Women were present who unmistakably were the
heads of families--comely matrons who had left the pot boiling
at home. Butterflies spread their wings there in the same way as
they would attend any other place of amusement, but the wives and
daughters of Congressmen for some reason stayed away.
After the prayer, Mrs. Hooker introduced Mrs. Victoria C. Woodhull,
who commenced to say that she was not in the habit of speaking in
public meetings--a fact which her manner instantly proved. Although
it would seem that a Wall-street experience would fit a woman to face
the worst, yet Mrs. Woodhull’s heart went pit-a-pat, and the blood
rose and fell from her cheek as fortunes go up and down on ‘change.
Mrs. Woodhull read anew her petition to the Judiciary Committee, and
this being her solitary ewe lamb, after its presentation there was
nothing left to do, and she quietly took a back seat.
Mrs. Devereaux Blake, of New York, was then introduced--a
medium-sized woman, rather pretty than otherwise, and very carefully
done up in handsome, fashionable clothes. Mrs. Blake, however, had
nothing new to offer on the question under discussion. She rehashed
the subject of women carrying arms, and proved by the old argument
this was not a necessity; and then she told us of women’s sacrifices,
and how, in extremest dilemma, they had sacrificed their hair. She
said a woman’s life was love, and for this reason it was a great
wrong to deprive her of that she loved best.
After other weighty arguments of this kind this speaker melted away
to give place to Miss Lillie Peckham, of Wisconsin. This young woman
did not attempt the difficult task of striking out a new path, but
contentedly ambled along over the old highway; but, nevertheless, she
had a very interesting, parrot-like way of expressing herself, and
very wonderful, because so difficult to imitate.
As the hour of adjournment drew near, Susan B. Anthony came forward
and talked “business.” Oh, the inimitable, the delectable Susan; the
woman with a peculiar relish which one has to learn to love; the
woman of whom a very small piece goes a great way; the musk among
drugs; the acid in the Chemist’s laboratory! Susan has finished and
the meeting ends.