iii. 17. The Arrephoroi are not as I previously (_Myth. and Mon. Ancient
Athens_, p. xxxiv.) suggested _Hersephoroi_, Carriers of Young Things.
Suidas, it may be noted, has the formally impossible word _ἀρρηνο_φορεῖν.
It may have arisen from a paronomasia and seems to point in the same
direction as the μιμήματα ἀνδρῶν σχημάτων of the scholiast. On the use of
the φαλλός among agriculturalists as a prophylactic against the evil eye
and ἐν ταῖς τελεταῖς ... σχεδόν ἁπάσαις, see Diod. IV. 6.
[311] The influence of mimetic ritual on the development of mythology
will be considered later, p. 279.
[312] P. IX. 8. 1.
[313] _Nineteenth Century_, April, 1887.
[314] Newton, C. T., _Discoveries at Halicarnassus_, vol. II. p. 383, and
_Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, II. p. 180.
[315] Porphyr. _de antro Nymph._ VI.
[316] VI. 11. 18.
[317] Eustath. § 1387.
[318] Dr Frazer reminds me that Prof. Robertson Smith (_Religion of the
Semites_, p. 183) derived μέγαρον from the Phoenician _maghar_, Hebrew
_meghara_ ‘a cave.’ The form μάγαρον adduced by Aelian, favours this
view; cf. also Photius s.v. μάγαρον· οὐ μέγαρον, εἰς ὃ τὰ μυστικὰ ἱερὰ
κατατίθενται· οὕτως Μένανδρος.
[319] Heydemann, _Griechische Vasenbilder_, Taf. II. 3. For a somewhat
similar design cf. _Brit. Mus. Cat._ E 819.
[320] Marcellinus on Hermog. in _Rhet. Graec._, ed. Walz, IV. 462.
Sopater, _ibid._ VIII. 67. Aristoph. _Thesm._ 80. Dr Frazer kindly
suggests to me that the custom of releasing prisoners at the Thesmophoria
may be explained as a precaution against the magical influence of knots,
fetters, and the like in trammeling spiritual activities whether for good
or evil, cf. _Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. I. p. 392 sqq.
[321] Apollod. I. 5. 1.
[322] _Ath. Mitt._ 1899, Taf. VIII. 1.
[323] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ LXIX.
[324] As to the meaning of the difficult word Ἀχαία I can offer nothing
satisfactory. It is perhaps worth noting that Athenaeus (III. 74 § 109),
on the authority of Semos, mentions a sort of cake called Ἀχαιΐνα, which
was made on the occasion of the Thesmophoria; the people who carried it
are said to have exclaimed ‘Munch an Achaina full of fat,’ ἐπιλέγοντες
τῶν φερόντων ‘Ἀχαΐνην στέατος ἔμπλεων τράγου.’ The scholiast on Ar.
_Ach._ 709 says that Demeter got her name of Achaia ἀπὸ τοῦ κτύπου τῶν
κυμβάλων καὶ τυμπάνων τοῦ γενομένου κατὰ ζήτησιν τῆς Κόρης, and he may be
right.
[325] Plut. loc. cit. πῶς οὖν χρηστέον ἐστὶ ταῖς σκυθρωπαῖς καὶ
ἀγελάστοις καὶ πενθίμοις θυσίαις εἰ μήτε παραλιπεῖν τὰ νενομισμένα καλῶς
ἔχει, μήτε φύρειν τὰς περὶ θεῶν δόξας καὶ συνταράττειν ὑποψίαις ἀτόποις;
[326] Hesych. s.v. δίωγμα.
[327] Suid. s.v.
[328] Hesych. s.v. ζημία· θυσία τις ἀποδιδομένη ὑπὲρ τῶν γενομένων ἐν
Θεσμοφορίοις. It is possible, I think, that ζημία may conceal some form
connected with Damia.
[329] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XXXI.
[330] IX. 26.
[331] Athen. II. 26 § 46.
[332] Is. _Pyrr. Hered._ 80.
[333] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. 17, p. 14, δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν ἐν τοῖς
Θεσμοφορίοις μεγαρίζοντες* (μεγάροις ζῶντας, Lobeck) χοίρους ἐμβάλλουσιν.
ταύτην τὴν μυθολογίαν αἱ γυναῖκες ποικίλως κατὰ πόλιν ἑορτάζουσιν
Θεσμοφόρια, Σκιροφόρια, Ἀρρητοφόρια ποικίλως τὴν Φερεφάττης ἐκτραγῳδοῦσαι
ἁρπαγήν.
[334] I. 27. 3.
[335] Trans. J. G. Frazer. Dr Frazer in his commentary on the passage,
vol. II. p. 344, enumerates the other sources respecting the Arrephoroi;
see also Harrison and Verrall, _Mythology and Monuments of Ancient
Athens_, pp. xxxii and 512.
[336] Dr Frazer draws my attention to the curiously analogous ritual
practised at Lanuvium, in a grove near the temple of the Argive Hera,
described by Aelian (_Hist. An._ XI. 16) and Propertius (IV. 8. 3 sqq.).
Once a year sacred maidens descended with bandaged eyes into a serpent’s
cave and offered it a barley cake. If the serpent ate of the cake the
people rejoiced, taking it to show that the girls were pure maidens and
that the year’s crops would be good:
Si fuerint castae, redeunt in colla parentum;
Clamantque agricolae Fertilis annus erit.
[337] _C.I.A._ III., No. 19.
[338] _C.I.A._ III., Nos. 318, 319.
[339] _B.M. Cat._ E 418, see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. xxxii.
[340] ἄρρητα ἱερὰ ... μιμήματα δρακόντων καὶ ἀνδρῶν σχημάτων, see p. 122,
note 2.
[341] For various views of the Skirophoria, see Robert, _Hermes_ XX. 394;
Rohde, _Kleine Schriften_, p. 371; A. Mommsen, _Philolog._ L. p. 123.
[342] Ar. _Thesmoph._ 834.
[343] _C.I.A._ II. p. 422, n. 573 b.
[344] Ar. _Eccles._ 18.
[345] Ar. _Vesp._ 925.
[346] A. Mommsen, ‘Die Attischen Skira-Gebräuche,’ _Philolog._ L. p. 123.
[347] Plin. _N.H._ XVII. 29. 2.
[348] Hesych. s.v.
[349] Ar. _Thesm._ 533.
[350] Plut. _Vit. Rom._ sub fin.
[351] Schol. ad Theocr. _Id._ IV. 25 τὰς νομίμους βίβλους καὶ ἱερὰς ὑπὲρ
τῶν κορυφῶν αὐτῶν ἀνετίθεσαν καὶ ὡσανεὶ λιτανεύσουσαι ἀπήρχοντο εἰς
Ἐλευσῖνα.
[352] See supra, p. 121 sq.
[353] Sixteen similar figures with feet and hands tightly bound, and in
some cases the arms pierced by nails, were recently found on the site of
the ancient Palestrina, see _Egypt Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement_,
p. 332.
[354] R. Wünsch, ‘Eine antike Rachepuppe,’ _Philolog._ LXI. 1902, p. 26.
[355] Migne, _Patrol. Gr._ LXXXVII. 50 περὶ Θεοφίλου τοῦ ἀπὸ μαγείας
συνδεθέντος τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας.
[356] Theocr. _Id._ II. 18 ff.
[357] The bird ἴϋγξ, supposed to be the wry-neck _Iynx torquilla_, bound
on a wheel was a frequent love-charm. It is like the Siren (p. 201)
a bird-soul, an enchanted maiden with the power to lure souls. Such
enchanters, half-human, half-bird, were also the Keledones, cf. Athen.
VII. § 290 E αἳ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ταῖς Σειρῆσι τοὺς ἀκροωμένους
ἐποίουν ἐπιλανθανομένους τῶν τροφῶν διὰ τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀφαναίνεσθαι. In
metaphorical language Siren and Iynx are equivalents, cf. Xen. _Mem._
III. 11. 18; and cf. Diog. Laert. VI. 2. 76 τοιαύτη τις προσῆν ἴϋγξ
Διογένους τοῖς λόγοις.
[358] Plat. _Legg._ 933.
[359] Schol. ad Theocr. _Id._ II. 10 τὸν γὰρ χαλκὸν ἐπῇδον ἐν ταῖς
ἐκλείψεσι τῆς σελήνης καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατοιχομένοις* ἐπειδὴ ἐνομίζετο
καθαρὸς εἶναι καὶ ἀπελαστικὸς τῶν μιασμάτων. διόπερ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀφοσίωσιν
καὶ ἀποκάθαρσιν αὐτῷ ἐχρῶντο, ὥς φησι καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τῷ περὶ θεῶν
... φησὶν Ἀπολλόδωρος Ἀθήνῃσι τὸν ἱεροφάντην τῆς Κόρης ἐπικαλουμένης,
ἐπικρούειν τὸ καλούμενον ἠχεῖον. καὶ παρὰ Λάκωσι βασιλέως ἀποθανόντος
εἰώθασι κρούειν λέβητα. The reading κατοιχομένοις is doubtful; see Mr A.
B. Cook, _J.H.S._ 1902, p. 14.
[360] Poll. _On._ V. 131 περὶ δαιμόνων τῶν ἐπὶ τῶν ἀρῶν. οἱ δὲ δαίμονες,
οἱ μὲν λύοντες τὰς ἀρὰς ἀλεξίκακοι λέγονται ἀποπομπαῖοι, ἀποτρόπαιοι,
λύσιοι, φύξιοι, οἱ δὲ κυροῦντες ἀλιτήριοι, ἀλιτηριώδεις, προστρόπαιοι,
παλαμναῖοι.
[361] W. H. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_, p. 339. Dr Rouse
says that ‘binding spells’ δέματα ‘are still the terror of the Greek
bridegroom.’
[362] C. T. Newton, _Discoveries at Cnidus and Halicarnassus_.
[363] Cato, _de agr. cult._ 134. 3 bonas preces precor uti sies volens
propitius mihi liberisque, etc.
[364] Suidas in explaining ἐξάρασθαι says τὸ ἐκτελέσαι τὰς ἀράς, τοῦτ’
ἔστι τὰς εὐχὰς ἃς ἐπὶ ταῖς ἱδρύσεσι τῶν ναῶν εἰώθασι ποιεῖσθαι. It is
worth noting that in M.H.D. _segen_ is not only as in modern German
_benedictio_ but also _maledictio_, see Osthoff, ‘Allerhand Zauber
etymologisch beleuchtet,’ Bezzenberger, _Beiträge_ XXIV. p. 180.
[365] Röhl, _I.G.A._ 497. The whole subject of legal curses has been well
discussed by Dr Ziebart, ‘Der Fluch im Griechischen Recht’ (_Hermes_
XXX. p. 57) to whom I owe many references. Also by the same writer in
his ‘Neue Attische Fluchtafeln’ (_Nachrichten der K. Ges. d. Wiss. zu
Göttingen_, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 1889, pp. 105 and 135), and by R. Wünsch,
‘Neue Fluchtafeln’ (_Rhein. Mus._ 1900, I. p. 62, II. p. 232). Curse
Inscriptions are collected in an Appendix to the _Corpus Inscriptionum
Atticarum_, under the title _Defixionum Tabulae_.
[366] Dittenberger, _Syll. Inscr._ 879.
[367] _Mon. and Myth. Anc. Athens_, p. 104.
[368] Ar. _Thesm._ 331.
[369] Plut. _Vit. Dion._ 56.
[370] Paroimiogr. I. 388 ὁ γὰρ βουζύγης Ἀθήνησιν ὁ τὸν ἱερὸν ἄροτον
ἐπιτελῶν ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἀρᾶται καὶ τοῖς μὴ κοινωνοῦσι κατὰ τὸν βίον ὕδατος
ἢ πυρὸς ἢ μὴ ὑποφαίνουσιν ὁδὸν πλανωμένοις.
[371] Porph. _de Abst._ IV. 22.
[372] Schol. ad Luc. _Dial. Meretr._ VII. 4 Ἑορτὴ Ἀθήνησι μυστήρια
περιέχουσα Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης καὶ Διονύσου ἐπὶ τῇ τομῇ τῶν ἀμπέλων καὶ τῇ
γεύσει τοῦ ἀποκειμένου ἤδη οἴνου γινόμενα παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις.
[373] Eustath. ad _Il._ IX. 530, 772 Ἰστέον δὲ ὅτι ἐπὶ συγκομιδῇ καρπῶν
ἐφ’ ᾗ καὶ τὰ θαλύσια ἐθύετο ἑορτὴ ἤγετο Δήμητρος καὶ Διονύσου κατὰ
Παυσανίαν, ἁλῷα καλουμένη διὰ τὸ ταῖς ἀπαρχαῖς καὶ μάλιστα ἐν Ἀθήναις ἀπὸ
τῆς ἅλω τότε καταχρᾶσθαι φέροντας εἰς Ἐλευσῖνα ἢ ἐπεὶ καθὰ καὶ Ὅμηρος
ἐμφαίνει ἐν ἅλωσιν ἔπαιζον κατὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐν ᾗ καὶ Ποσειδῶνος ἦν πομπή.
[374] Harp. s.v. Ἁλῷα.
[375] Dem. 59. 116 κατηρήθη αὐτοῦ (τοῦ ἱεροφάντου) καὶ ὅτι Σινώπῃ τῇ
ἑταίρᾳ Ἁλῴοις ἐπὶ τῆς ἐσχάρας τῆς ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ Ἐλευσῖνι προσαγούσῃ ἱερεῖον
θύσειεν, οὐ νομίμου ὄντος ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἱερεῖα θύειν οὐδὲ ἐκείνου
οὔσης τῆς θυσίας ἀλλὰ τῆς ἱερείας.
[376] _C.I.A._ II. 1, n. 471 ἤραντο δὲ καὶ τοὺς βοῦς το[ὺς] ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι
τῇ θυσίᾳ καὶ τοῖς προηροσίοις καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἱεροῖς καὶ
γυμνασίοις. Cf. Dittenberger, _De Epheb._ p. 77.
[377] The nature of the contest is not clear. Artemidorus (I. 8) says:
ταύροις ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ παῖδες Ἐφεσίων ἀγωνίζονται καὶ ἐν Ἀττικῇ παρὰ ταῖς θεαῖς
ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ‘Κοῦροι Ἀθηναῖοι περιτελλομένων ἐνιαυτῶν.’ See Lobeck, _Agl._
p. 206.
[378] Luc. _Dial. Meretr._ VII. 4 ‘τήμερον Ἁλῷά ἐστι, τί δὲ σοὶ δέδωκεν
εἰς τὴν ἑορτήν;’ schol. ad loc. Ἑορτὴ Ἀθήνησι μυστήρια περιέχουσα
Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης καὶ Διονύσου ἐπὶ τῇ τομῇ τῶν ἀμπέλων καὶ τῇ γεύσει
τοῦ ἀποκειμένου ἤδη οἴνου γινόμενα παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις ἐν οἷς προτίθεται (d.
Subject fehlt im Cod.: zu ergänzen ist πέμματά?) τινα αἰσχύναις ἀνδρείοις
(sic) ἐοικότα, περὶ ὧν διηγοῦνται ὡς πρὸς σύνθημα τῆς τῶν ἀνθρώπων σπορᾶς
γινομένων ὅτι ὁ Διόνυσος δοὺς τὸν οἶνον.... After recounting the death
of Ikarios the scholiast continues, ὑπόμνημα δὲ τοῦ πάθους ἡ τοιαύτη
ἑορτή. ἐν ταύτῃ καὶ τελετή τις εἰσάγεται γυναικῶν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι, καὶ
παιδιαὶ λέγονται πολλαὶ καὶ σκώμματα, μόναι δὲ γυναῖκες εἰσπορευόμεναι
ἐπ’ ἀδείας ἔχουσιν ἃ βούλονται λέγειν. καὶ δὴ τὰ αἴσχιστα ἀλλήλαις
λέγουσι τότε, αἱ δὲ ἱέρειαι λάθρα προσιοῦσαι ταῖς γυναιξὶ κλεψιγαμίας
πρὸς τὸ οὖς ὡς ἀπόρρητόν τι συμβουλεύουσιν. ἀναφωνοῦσι δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλας
πᾶσαι αἱ γυναῖκες αἰσχρὰ καὶ ἄσεμνα, βαστάζουσαι εἴδη σωμάτων (so die
Hs.: der Sinn erfordert σχημάτων genitalium) ἀπρεπῆ (ἀπρεπεῖ die Hs.)
ἀνδρεῖά τε καὶ γυναικεῖα. ἐνταῦθα οἶνός τε πολὺς πρόκειται καὶ τράπεζαι
πάντων τῶν τῆς γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης γέμουσαι βρωμάτων, πλὴν τῶν ἀπειρημένων
ἐν τῷ μυστικῷ, ῥοιᾶς φημὶ καὶ μήλου καὶ ὀρνίθων κατοικιδίων, καὶ ᾠῶν,
καὶ θαλασσίας τρίγλης ἐρυθίνου (ἐριθύνου die Hs.), μελανούρου, κωράβου
(?καράβου), γαλαιοῦ (γαλεοῦ?). παρατιθέασι δὲ τὰς τραπέζας οἱ ἄρχοντες
καὶ ἔνδον καταλιπόντες ταῖς γυναιξὶν, αὐτοὶ χωρίζονται ἔξω διαμένοντες,
ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τοῖς ἐπιδημοῦσι πᾶσι τὰς ἡμέρους τροφὰς παρὰ αὐτῶν
εὑρεθῆναι καὶ πᾶσι κοινωνηθῆναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις παρ’ αὐτῶν. πρόσκειται δὲ
ταῖς τραπέζαις καὶ ἐκ πλακοῦντος κατεσκευασμένα ἀμφοτέρων γενῶν αἰδοῖα.
ἁλῷα δὲ ἐκλήθη διὰ τὸν καρπὸν τοῦ Διονύσου· ἀλωαὶ γὰρ αἱ τῶν ἀμπέλων
φυτεῖαι.
[379] _Hom. Hym. ad Cer._ 370.
[380] _v._ 399.
[381] Porphyr. _de Abst._ IV. 16.
[382] The sources for the Eleusinian Mysteries are collected in Lobeck’s
_Aglaophamus_. Reference to inscriptions discovered since Lobeck’s days
will be found in Daremberg and Saglio’s _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_,
s.v. The best general account in English is that by Prof. Ramsay in the
_Encyclopaedia Britannica_, in French two articles reprinted from the
_Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_, vol. XXXV.
2nd part 1895, and vol. XXXVII. 1900, entitled ‘Recherches sur l’origine
et la nature des Mystères d’Éleusis,’ and ‘Les Grands Mystères d’Éleusis,
Personnel, Cérémonies.’
[383] The rites at Eleusis were _probably_ at first confined to women.
Dionysios of Halicarnassos (_Ant. Rom._ I. 331) says in speaking of the
cult of Demeter in Arcadia, ἱδρύσαντο δὲ καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν καὶ τὰς
θυσίας αὐτῇ διὰ γυναικῶν καὶ νηφαλίους ἔθυσαν ὡς Ἕλλησι νόμος ὧν οὐδὲν ὁ
καθ’ ἡμᾶς ἤλλαξε χρόνος.
[384] _C.I.A._ III. 5.
[385] Inscr. _A. Mitth._ 1894 p. 163 ὡς ἂν τὰ ἱερὰ φέρωσιν αἱ ἱέρειαι
ἀσφαλέστατα.
[386] The exact formulary is preserved by Theon of Smyrna, p. 22, τὸ
κήρυγμα τοῦτο κηρύττεται ‘ὅστις τὰς χεῖρας μὴ καθαρός ... ὅστις φωνὴν
ἀσύνετος.’ Some authorities think that φωνὴν ἀσύνετος means speaking an
unknown, barbarous tongue, others that it meant having some impediment
of speech that prevented the due utterance of the sacred formularies. I
think the former more probable.
[387] Ar. _Ran._ 354.
[388] Hesych. s.v.
[389] Polyaen. _Strat._ III. 11.
[390] Plut. _de glor. Ath._ VII.
[391] _C.I.A._ IV. 385 d, l. 20 ἐπεμελήθησαν δὲ καὶ τῆς ἅλαδε ἐλάσεως.
[392] Mr R. A. Neil suggested that the same root and idea may lurk in
the unexplained _pontifex_, i.e. maker of πομπαί. The connection with
_bridges_ is late and fanciful.
[393] Plut. _Vit. Phoc._ XXVIII.
[394] Head, _Hist. Num._ p. 328: on the reverse is Triptolemos in his
winged car.
[395] Plat. _Rep._ II. 378 A.
[396] Clem. Al. _Strom._ V. 689 οὐκ ἀπεικότως καὶ τῶν μυστηρίων τῶν παρ’
Ἕλλησιν ἄρχει μὲν καθάρσια καθάπερ καὶ ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις τὸ λουτρόν.
[397] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. μυστήρια ... ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος περὶ τὸν
Διόνυσον μύσους.
[398] Lyd. _de mens._ IV. 38 Μυστήρια ἀπὸ τῆς στερήσεως τοῦ μύσους ἀντὶ
τῆς ἁγιοσύνης. In form μύστης might come from μύω (cf. ἀμυστί), but Mr
Gilbert Murray draws my attention to some uses of μυστήριον which point
rather to μύσος, e.g. Eur. _Suppl._ 470 λύσαντα σεμνά στεμμάτων μυστήρια
and _El._ 87 ἐκ θεοῦ μυστηρίων.
[399] The aetiology of the Hymn and the various ceremonies that gave
rise to it are well explained by Mr F. B. Jevons, _Introd. to History of
Religion_, Appendix to Chapter XXIV.
[400] I omit altogether the ceremonies of the 17th-18th, the _Epidauria_,
as they were manifestly a later accretion; the worship of the Epidaurian
Asklepios was formally inaugurated at Athens (see p. 344) in 421 B.C.
[401] Dittenberger, _Syllog. Inscript._ 13.
[402] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. 18 ἔστι τὸ σύνθημα Ἐλευσινίων Ἐνήστευσα,
ἔπιον τὸν κυκεῶνα, ἔλαβον ἐκ κίστης, ἐργασάμενος (? ἐγγευσάμενος)
ἀπεθέμην εἰς κάλαθον καὶ ἐκ καλάθου εἰς κίστην. Since the above was
written, Dr Dieterich (_Eine Mithras-Liturgie_ p. 125) has shown good
reason for supposing that ἐργασάμενος is a euphemism for rites analogous
to the ἱερὸς γάμος: see p. 535.
[403] _C.I.A._ vol. IV. p. 203, ll. 68 and 72.
[404] _Annali dell’ Inst._ 1865, Tav. d’ agg. F. Naples, Heydemann,
_Cat._ 3358.
[405] Clem. Al. _Protr._ I. 2. 13 Δηοῦς μυστήρια καὶ (leg. αἱ) Διὸς
πρὸς μητέρα. Δήμητρα ἀφροδίσιαι συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μῆνις τῆς Δηοῦς καὶ Διὸς
ἱκετηρίαι. ταῦτα τελίσκουσιν οἱ Φρύγες Ἄττιδι καὶ Κυβέλῃ καὶ Κορύβασι,—τὰ
σύμβολα τῆς μυήσεως ταύτης. Ἐκ τυμπάνου ἔφαγον, ἐκ κυμβάλου ἔπιον,
ἐκερνοφόρησα, ὑπὸ τὸν παστὸν ὑπέδυον.
[406] Schol. ad Plat. _Gorg._ p. 123 ἐν οἷς (τοῖς σμικροῖς μυστηρίοις)
πολλὰ μὲν ἐπράττετο αἰσχρά, ἐλέγετο δὲ πρὸς τῶν μυουμένων ταῦτα· ἐκ
τυμπάνου ἔφαγον, ἐκ κυμβάλου ἔπιον, ἐκερνοφόρησα (κέρνος δὲ τὸ λίκνον
ἤγουν τὸ πτύον ἐστίν), ὑπὸ τὸν παστὸν ὑπέδυον καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. The concluding
formulary, which does not occur in the Eleusinian confession, will be
explained later (Chap. X).
[407] Athen. XI. 52 § 476.
[408] Athen. XI. 56 § 478 ὅσοι ἄνω τὸ κέρνος περιενηνοχότες. τοῦτο δ’
ἐστὶν ἀγγεῖον κεραμεοῦν ἔχον ἐν αὐτῷ πολλοὺς κοτυλίσκους κεκολλημένους·
ἔνεισι δ’ αὐτοῖς ὅρμινοι, μήκωνες λευκοί, πυροί, κριθαί, πισοί, λάθυροι,
ὦχροι, φακοί, κύαμοι, ζειαί, βρόμος, παλάθιον, μέλι, ἔλαιον, οἶνος, γάλα,
ὄιον ἔριον ἄπλυτον. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο βαστάσας οἷον λικνοφορήσας τούτων γεύεται.
I have translated the difficult ἄνω by _aloft_ taking it as referring to
the carrying on the head, but see ‘Kerchnos,’ O. Rubensohn, _A. Mitt._
1898, XXIII. p. 270, to whom I am indebted for many references. The
_Kernophoria_ is well shown in the Ninnion pinax in fig. 160.
[409] Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχ. 1898, p. 61 χρυσοῖ κέρχνοι Γ.
[410] Sèvres Museum, _Annual of British School at Athens_, vol. III. p.
57, Pl. IV.
[411] Athen. XI. 93 § 496.
[412] Procl. ad Plat. _Tim._ p. 293 ἐν τοῖς Ἐλευσινίοις εἰς μὲν τὸν
οὐρανὸν ἀναβλέποντες ἐβόων ‘ὕε,’ καταβλέψαντες δὲ εἰς τὴν γῆν ‘κύε.’
[413] Hesych. s.v. Κὸγξ ὄμπαξ· ἐπιφώνημα τετελεσμένοις. Mr F. M. Cornford
suggests that the original form may have been Κόγξον πάξ, ‘Sound the
conch—enough.’ See also Lobeck, _Aglaoph._ 775.
[414] My position in this matter was stated long ago in an article in the
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_ XX. 1899, p. 211, 244.
[415] _Sagesse et Destinée_, p. 76.
[416] _Legg._ XI. p. 937 D τοῖς πλείστοις αὐτῶν οἷον Κῆρες ἐπιπεφύκασιν,
αἳ καταμιαίνουσί τε καὶ καταρρυπαίνουσιν αὐτά.
[417] I am indebted for this and many important references to the article
on Keres by Dr Otto Crusius in Roscher’s _Lexicon_ (Bd. II. 1148). Dr
Crusius’ admirable exposition of the nature of the Keres suffers only
from one defect, that he feels himself obliged to begin it with the
comparatively late literary conceptions of Homer.
[418] Conon, _Narr._ XLV.
[419] Published and explained as Heracles κηραμύντης by Professor
Furtwängler, _Jahrb. d. Inst._ 1895, p. 37.
[420] Berlin, _Inv._ 3317.
[421] _Orph. Hymn._ XII.
ἔλθε μάκαρ, νούσων θελκτήρια πάντα κομίζων·
ἐξέλασον δὲ κακὰς ἄτας, κλάδον ἐν χερὶ πάλλων,
πτηνοῖς τ’ ἰοβόλοις κῆρας χαλεπὰς ἀπόπεμπε.
[422] Ahrens, No. 99 b, Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα πνίγων.
[423] s.v. ῥιγοπύρετον.
[424] Roscher, _Lexicon_ s.v. Nosoi p. 459, following Professor
Furtwängler. For the whole subject of the demonic cause of nightmare,
see Roscher’s Monograph on Ephialtes, _Abhandl. d. K. Sächs. Ges._
Phil.-Hist. Kl. XX. 1900.
[425] Eur. _Phoen._ 950 μέλαιναν κῆρ’ ἐπ’ ὄμμασιν βαλών.
[426] Wolff. Porphyr. _De philos. ex orac. haur._ p. 149 = Eusebius
_Praep. Ev._ 4. 23. 3 καὶ γὰρ μάλιστα ταῖς ποιαῖς τροφαῖς χαίρουσι,
σιτουμένων γὰρ ἡμῶν προσίασι καὶ προσιζάνουσι τῷ σώματι. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
αἱ ἁγνεῖαι, οὐ διὰ τοὺς θεοὺς προσηγουμένως ἀλλ’ ἵν’ οὗτοι ἀποστῶσι·
μάλιστα δ’ αἵματι χαίρουσι καὶ ταῖς ἀκαθαρσίαις καὶ ἀπολαύουσι τούτων,
εἰσδύνοντες τοῖς χρωμένοις. The word προσηγουμένως does not so far as I
know occur elsewhere, it seems from the context to mean ‘inductively,’
with a view to _induce_ rather than expel.
[427] Stob. V. 22. Λίνου.
κῆρας ἀπωσάμενος πολυπήμονας αἵ τε βεβήλων
ὄχλον ἀνιστῶσαι ἄταις περὶ πάντα πεδῶσι
παντοίαις μορφῶν χαλεπῶν ἀπατήματ’ ἔχουσαι
τὰς μὲν ἀπὸ ψυχῆς εἴργειν φυλακαῖσι νόοιο.
οὗτος γάρ σε καθαρμὸς ὄντως δικαίως †ὁσιεύσει†,
εἴ κεν ἀληθείῃ μισέεις ὀλοὸν γένος αὐτῶν,
νηδὺν μὲν πρώτιστ’ αἰσχρῶν δώτειραν ἁπάντων
ἣν ἐπιθυμία ἡνιοχεῖ μαργοῖσι χαλινοῖς.
[428] Hes. _Erg._ 90
πρὶν μὲν γὰρ ζώεσκον ἐπὶ χθονὶ φῦλ’ ἀνθρώπων
νόσφιν ἄτερ τε κακῶν καὶ ἄτερ χαλεποῖο πόνοιο
νούσων τ’ ἀργαλέων αἵτ’ ἀνδράσι κῆρας ἔδωκαν.
[429] I prefer to read: ἅστ’ ἀνδράσι κῆρες ἔδωκαν, i.e. ‘grievous
diseases which Keres gave to men,’ but I have translated the text as it
stands, since possibly Hesiod, though he clearly knew of a connection
between νόσοι and κῆρες, may have inverted cause and effect. I have
already discussed the passage in the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XX.
1900, p. 104.
[430] Hes. _Erg._ 94.
[431] Hes. _Erg._ 102. Procl. ad 102 ἐσωματοποίησε δὲ αὐτὰς προσιούσας
ἀφώνους ποιήσας ἐνδεικνύμενος ὅτι καὶ τούτων ἔφοροι δαίμονές εἰσιν·
οἵτινες δρῶσιν ἀφανῶς ἐπιπέμποντες τὰς νόσους τὰς ὑπὸ τὴν Εἱμαρμένην
τεταγμένας καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ πίθῳ κῆρας διασπείροντες.
[432] Frg. ap. Plut. _Consol. ad Apoll._ XXVI. Τί οὖν; ἆρά γ’ ἡμεῖς
τοῦτο διὰ τοῦ λόγου μαθεῖν οὐ δυνάμεθα, οὐδ’ ἐπιλογίσασθαι; ὅτι πλείη
μὲν γαῖα κακῶν πλείη δὲ θάλασσα καὶ τοιάδε θνητοῖσι κακὰ κακῶν ἀμφί τε
κῆρες εἰλεῦνται, κενεὴ δ’ εἴσδυσις οὐδ’ αἰθέρι. Bergk (_Frg. adesp._ 2
B) points out that Plutarch’s second quotation is an elegiac couplet,
and for the MS. αἰθέρι reads Ἀΐδεω. This gives no satisfactory sense. Mr
Gilbert Murray reads ἀθέρι a conjecture made certain by a passage in the
dialogue ‘Theophrastos’ (p. 399 E) by Aeneas of Gaza, πλήρης δὲ καὶ ἡ γῆ
καὶ ἡ θάλασσα καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆν πάντα· καὶ ὡς ἔφη τις τῶν παρ’ ἡμῖν σοφῶν
κενὸν οὐδὲν οὐδ’ ὅσον ἀθέρα καὶ τρίχα βαλεῖν.
[433] Simon. Amorg. I. 20.
[434] Aesch. _Suppl._ 684.
[435] Soph. _Phil._ 4.
[436] Theog. 837.
[437] Orph. _Lith._ 268
Λύχνι, σὺ δ’ ἐκ πεδίου ῥόθιόν τ’ ἀπόεργε χάλαζαν
ἡμετέρου καὶ κῆρας ὅσαι στιχόωσιν ἐπ’ ἀγρούς.
[438] Theophr. _De caus. pl._ 5. 10. 4 ἕκαστοι τῶν τόπων ἰδίας ἔχει
κῆρας, οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἐδάφους οἱ δ’ ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος οἱ δ’ ἐξ ἀμφοῖν.
[439] ὅπως μὴ προσάψαιτο τοῦ βωμοῦ διὰ τὸ μυρίας ἴσως ἀναμεμῖχθαι κῆρας.
This reference I borrow from the Thesaurus of Stephanos s.v., but I have
been unable to verify the quotation. The reference as given by Stephanos
is Bud. ap. Philon. _V.M._ 3. In connection with fire and fire-places the
belief in Keres is not dead to-day. An Irish servant of mine who failed
to light a fire firmly declined to make a second attempt on the ground
that she knew ‘there was a little fairy in the grate.’ The Ker in this
case was, as often in antiquity, a malign draught.
[440] Frg. ap. Eustath. 772. 3.
[441] XIV. 2. 652.
[442] Professor Ridgeway, _Early Age of Greece_ I. p. 177.
[443] As evidence of the evil reputation of Keres Mr Gilbert Murray calls
my attention to the pun in Eur. _Tro._ 424 which seems to have escaped
the attention of commentators:
τί ποτ’ ἔχουσι τοὔνομα;
κήρυκες, ἓν ἀπέχθημα πάγκοινον βροτοῖς.
‘What name have they? A _Ker_ish name.’ Hermes as _κῆρ_υξ invokes and
revokes _κῆρ_ες with his _κηρ_υκεῖον, see pp. 26 and 43.
[444] Theog. 707.
[445] Mimnermus 2.
[446] Pottier _Cat._ 343. P. Hartung, _Philologos_ L. (N.F. IV. 2) Taf. I.
[447] _Cat._ E 290. Cecil Smith, _J.H.S._ 1883, Pl. XXX. p. 96.
[448] _Od._ XI. 398 Τίς νύ σε κὴρ ἐδάμασσε τανηλεγέος θανάτοιο.
[449] _Od._ XII. 158 Ἤ κεν ἀλευάμενοι θάνατον καὶ κῆρα φύγωμεν.
[450] _Il._ IX. 410.
[451] _Il._ XVIII. 535.
[452] _Od._ XIV. 207.
[453] _Cat._ 1682, _Arch. Zeit._ 1882, Pl. 9.
[454] _Cat._ 2157, _Jahrbuch d. Arch. Inst._ I. p. 210.
[455] _Od._ XX. 66
ἢ ἔπειτά μ’ ἀναρπάξασα θύελλα
οἴχοιτο προφέρουσα κατ’ ἠερόεντα κέλευθα
ἐν προχοῇς δὲ βάλοι ἀψορρόου Ὠκεανοῖο,
ὡς δ’ ὅτε Πανδαρέου κούρας ἀνέλοντο θύελλαι.
[456] _Od._ XX. 77
τόφρα δὲ τὰς κούρας ἅρπυιαι ἀνηρείψαντο
καὶ ῥ’ ἔδοσαν στυγερῇσιν ἐρινύσιν ἀμφιπολεύειν.
[457] _Iliad_ XVI. 150.
[458] _Georg._ III. 274
saepe sine ullis
conjugiis vento gravidae, mirabile dictu.
[459] _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XXII. 1898, Pl. V.
[460] Suidas s.v. Tritopatores. Φανόδημος δὲ ἐν ἕκτῳ φησὶν ὅτι μόνοι
Ἀθηναῖοι θύουσί τε καὶ εὔχονται αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ γενέσεως παίδων ὅταν γαμεῖν
μέλλωσιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ Ὀρφέως Φυσικῷ ... ὀνομάζεσθαι τοὺς Τριτοπάτορας
Ἀμαλκείδην καὶ Πρωτοκλέα καὶ Πρωτοκλέοντα θυρωροὺς καὶ φύλακας εἶναι
τῶν ἀνέμων and supra Δήμων ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι φησὶν ἀνέμους εἶναι τοὺς
Τριτοπάτορας· Φιλόχορος δὲ τοὺς Τριτοπάτρεις πάντων γεγονέναι πρώτους.
τὴν μὲν γὰρ γῆν καὶ τὸν ἥλιον, φησίν ... γονεῖς αὐτῶν ἠπίσταντο οἱ τότε
ἄνθρωποι τοὺς δὲ ἐκ τούτων τρίτους πατέρας.
[461] Hipp. Περὶ ἐνυπν. II. p. 14 ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἀποθανόντων αἱ τροφαὶ καὶ
αὐξήσεις καὶ σπέρματα.
[462] _Geop._ IX. 3 οὐ τὰ φυτὰ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντα ζωογονοῦσι.
[463] _Cat._ B 4.
[464] The full interpretation of the Cyrene vase is due to Mr Cecil
Smith, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ p. 103, ‘Harpies in Greek Art.’ The
vase is reproduced and discussed, but only with partial success, by Dr
Studniczka in his _Kyrene_ p. 18.
[465] _Cat._ B 104.
[466] P. V. 19. 1 Βορέας ἐστὶν ἡρπακὼς Ὠρείθυιαν, οὐραὶ δὲ ὄφεων ἀντὶ
ποδῶν εἰσὶν αὐτῷ.
[467] Würzburg, no. 354.
[468] Reproduced later, fig. 47.
[469] Cecil Smith, _J.H.S._ XIII. p. 112, fig. 2.
[470] _Il._ XXII. 208.
[471] Plut. _Moral._ p. 17 a.
[472] Poll. _Onomast._ IV. 130.
[473] _Post-Hom._ II. 509
δοιαὶ ἄρ’ ἀμφοτέροισι θεῶν ἑκάτερθε παρέσταν
Κῆρες· ἐρεμναίη μὲν ἔβη ποτὶ Μέμνονος ἦτορ
φαιδρὴ δ’ ἀμφ’ Ἀχιλῆα δαΐφρονα.
Mr T. R. Glover, in the chapter on Quintus Smyrnaeus in his _Life
and Letters in the Fourth Century_, points out that the Keres in the
poem of Quintus have developed a supremacy unknown to Homer, they are
ἄφυκτοι—even the gods cannot check them. They are by-forms of Aisa and
Moira.
[474] _Cat._ B 639; Murray, _Hist. of Greek Sculpture_ vol. II. p. 28. Dr
Murray cites this vase as an instance of primitive perspective. Hermes,
depicted in an impossible position, actually between the two advancing
combatants, is thought of as in the background.
[475] Hes. _Theog._ 211.
[476] _Theog._ 217 ff.
[477] Hes. _Erg._ 416. The only other passage in which this difficult
word occurs is in one of the oracles collected in the συναγωγή of
Mnaseas (3rd cent. B.C.) and preserved for us by the scholiast on the
_Phoenissae_ of Euripides (ad _v._ 638, Müller _F.H.G._ 3, p. 157) where
Kadmos is told to go on ‘till he comes to the herds of the Ker-nourished
Pelagon’ (κηριτρεφέος Πελάγοντος). Here it looks as if the epithet
indicated prosperity, the man nourished and favoured and cherished by
the Keres, see Roscher, _Lexicon_ s.v. Kadmos, p. 834, and s.v. Keres,
p. 1139, but it is possible that, as suggested to me by Mr Cornford,
the word may have been coined by Hesiod in bitter parody of the Homeric
Διοτρεφής. The notion of the evil wasting action of Keres comes out in
the word κηραίνω, as in Eur. Hipp. 223 τί ποτ’, ὦ τέκνον, τάδε κηραίνεις,
and more physically in Aesch. _Supp._ 999 θῆρες δὲ κηραίνουσι.
[478] Hesych. s.v., ὅσοι νόσῳ τεθνήκασιν.
[479] Aesch. _Eum._ 930.
[480] Hes. _Scut._ 249.
[481] P. V. 19. 6 τοῦ Πολυνείκους δὲ ὄπισθεν ἕστηκεν ὀδόντας τε ἔχουσα
οὐδὲν ἡμερωτέρους θηρίου καὶ οἱ καὶ τῶν χειρῶν εἰσὶν ἐπικαμπεῖς οἱ
ὄνυχες· ἐπίγραμμα δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτῇ εἶναί φησι Κῆρα, ὡς τὸν μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ
Πεπρωμένου τὸν Πολυνείκην ἀπαχθέντα, Ἐτεοκλεῖ δὲ γενομένης καὶ σὺν τῷ
δικαίῳ τῆς τελευτῆς.
[482] Blue-black, κυάνεος, remained the traditional colour of the
underworld, as in the _Alcestis_ of Euripides (_v._ 262):
ὑπ’ ὀφρύσι κυαναυγέσι
βλέπων πτερωτός—†αἵδας†.
[483] P. X. 28. 4.
[484] Admirable specimens of savage dancing-masks with Medusa-like tongue
and tusks are exhibited in the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde.
[485] Hesych. s.v., Photius s.v.
[486] P. VIII. 15. 3, see Dr Frazer ad loc.
[487] P. VIII. 15. 3.
[488] For these ovens see Conze, ‘Griechische Kohlenbecken,’ _Jahrbuch d.
Inst._, 1890, Taf. I. and II., and Furtwängler, _op. cit._ 1891, p. 110.
[489] Callim. _Hym. ad Dian._ 67, and see _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 26.
[490] Hom. _Epigr._ XIV. Κάμινος ἢ Κεραμεῖς.
[491] Pernice, _Festschrift für Benndorf_, p. 75. The inscriptions are
not yet satisfactorily explained.
[492] A satyr-mask on an oven is figured in my _Greek Vase-paintings_, p.
9, fig. 1.
[493] Poll. _On._ VII. 108.
[494] Schol. ad Ar. _Nub._ 436.
[495] _Od._ XI. 633
ἐμὲ δὲ χλωρὸν δέος ᾕρει
μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου
ἐξ Ἀΐδεος πέμψειεν ἀγαυὴ Περσεφόνεια.
I have translated γοργείην ‘grizzly,’ not ‘Gorgon,’ advisedly. Homer does
not commit himself to a definite Gorgon. Mr Neil on Aristoph. _Eq._ 1181
says “Γοργολόφα means merely ‘fierce-plumed.’” _The_ Gorgon was made out
of the terror, not the terror out of _the_ Gorgon.
[496] _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. xliv. On an _askos_ in the British Museum
(_Cat._ G 80) decorated with a stamped relief, a Gorgon’s head is figured
with horns and animal ears. The head stands above, but separated from, a
fantastic body.
[497] Th. Homolle, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XII. 1888, p. 464.
[498] Ϝι[φ]ικαρτίδης | μ’α|νέθεκε | hο | Νάhσιος, see M. Homolle, _op.
cit._
[499] _J.H.S._ 1885, Pl. LIX. _Brit. Mus. Cat._
[500] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 793.
[501] Hes. _Theog._ 270.
[502] Cat. 1956; _Ath. Mitt._ 1886, Taf. X. 270.
[503] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 800 ἃς θνητὸς οὐδεὶς εἰσιδὼν ἕξει πνοάς. The
line is usually rendered ‘no mortal may behold them and live,’ but, in
the light of the account of Athenaeus, it is clear that the πνοαί are the
intolerable exhalations, not the breath of life.
[504] Athen. V. 64 § 221 κτείνει τὸν ὑπ’ αὐτῆς θεωρηθέντα, οὐ τῷ πνεύματι
ἀλλὰ τῇ γιγνομένῃ ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ὀμμάτων φύσεως φορᾷ καὶ νεκρὸν ποιεῖ. The
same account is given by Aelian, _Hist. An._ VII. 5, and Eustathius §
1704 in commenting on _Od._ XI. 633.
[505] Visconti, _Bull. de Comm. Arch._ 1890, Tav. I. and II. p. 24. A
relief with similar design exists on the back of a Corinthian marble in
the British Museum: its apotropaic functions are fully discussed by Prof.
Michaelis, _J.H.S._ VI. 1885, p. 312.
[506] For the evil eye in Greece see O. Jahn, _Berichte d. k. sächs. Ges.
d. Wissenschaften_, Wien 1855, and P. Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._
1900, p. 292, and for modern survivals, Tuchmann, _Mélusine_ 1885.
[507] Aesch. _Eum._ 54 ἐκ δ’ ὀμμάτων λείβουσι δυσφιλῆ δία. Following Dr
Verrall, I keep the MS. reading.
[508] Since this section was written Dr G. Weicker’s treatise _Der
Seelenvogel_ has appeared. As the substance of his argument as to the
soul-origin of the Sirens had been previously published in a dissertation
_De Sirenibus Quaestiones Selectae_ (Leipzig, 1895) he had long
anticipated my view and I welcome this confirmation of a theory at which
I had independently arrived, a theory which indeed must occur to everyone
who examines the art-form of the Sirens. I regret that his work was known
to me too late for me to utilize the vast stores of evidence he has
accumulated.
[509] _Od._ XII. 39.
[510] _Od._ XII. 166.
[511] _Od._ XII. 184.
[512] Mediaeval Sirens are more fully discussed in my _Myths of the
Odyssey_, p. 172.
[513] _Met._ V. 552
vobis Acheloïdes unde
pluma pedesque avium cum virginis ora geratis?
Apollonius Rhodius also believes that the bird form was a metamorphosis.
_Argon._ IV. 898
τότε δ’ ἄλλο μὲν οἰωνοῖσιν
ἄλλο δὲ παρθενικῇς ἐναλίγκιαι ἔσκον ἰδέσθαι.
[514] Aesch. _Sept._ 776. The nature of the Sphinx as a mantic
earth-demon will be discussed in detail later (p. 207).
[515] Published and discussed by H. Bulle, _Strena Helbigiana_, p. 31.
Recently acquired for the Boston Museum, see _Twenty-sixth Annual Report
of Boston Museum of Fine Arts_, Dec. 31, 1901, p. 35.
[516] Eur. _Hel._ 167.
[517] _Cat._ E 477. The vase is a _kelebe_ of late style with columnar
handles. In previously discussing this design (_Myths of the Odyssey_, p.
158, pl. 40 and _Myth. and Mon. Ancient Athens_, p. lxix, fig. 14) I felt
uncertain whether the bird-woman were Harpy, Siren, or Soul. I am now
convinced that a soul is intended, and that the bird form was probably
borrowed from Egypt: see _Book of the Dead_, Vignette XCI.
[518] See _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 180.
[519] Anton. Lib. I. I owe this reference to Prof. Sam. Wide, _A. Mitt._
XXVI. 1901, 2, p. 155. At the miracle plays it was a custom to let a bird
fly when a person died—a crow for the impenitent thief and a white dove
for the penitent one. See Mr Hugh Stewart, _Boethius_, p. 187.
[520] _B.M. Cat._ E 440. _Monimenti dell’ Inst._ vol. I. pl. 8.
[521] Published by Schreiber, _Hellenistische Reliefbilder_, Taf. LXI.:
where the relief now is is not known. Fully discussed by Dr Otto Crusius,
‘Die Epiphanie der Sirene,’ _Philologos_ (N.F. IV.) p. 93. Dr Crusius
rightly observes that the relief has been misunderstood. It represents
rather an ἔφοδος than a σύμπλεγμα, and the recumbent figure is a mortal
man not a Silen.
[522] Pliny cites Dinon as authority for a like superstition in India.
_Nat. Hist._ X. 49 (_F.H.G._ II. p. 90): Nec Sirenes impetraverunt fidem
adfirmet licet Dinon Clitarchi celebrati auctoris pater in India esse
mulcerique earum cantu quos gravatos somno lacerent. And cf. Aelian
_H.A._ XVIII. 22, 23. Siren in the Septuagint is the word used of the
desert bogey that our translation renders ‘dragon,’ Job xxx. 30 ‘I am
brother to the dragon and companion to owls,’ and again Micah i. 8 ‘I
will make a wailing like the dragon and a mourning as the owls.’
[523] _B.M. Cat._ B 651. J. E. Harrison, _Myths of the Odyssey_, Pl. 39.
[524] Erinna, frg. 5 Στᾶλαι καὶ Σειρῆνες ἐμαὶ καὶ πένθιμε κρωσσέ.
[525] Plat. _Rep._ 617 B.
[526] Plut. _Symp._ IX. 14. 6.
[527] Procl. ad Plat. _Rep._ loc. cit. ψυχαί τινες νοερῶς ζῶσαι.
[528] Ar. _Pax_ 832. For this Orphic doctrine see Rohde, _Psyche_ II. p.
423⁴, Dieterich, _Nekuia_, pp. 104 ff.
[529] Eur. _Hipp._ 732.
[530] Eur. frg. 911.
[531] _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 166.
[532] _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1898, p. 238, fig. 6.
[533] _Mus. Greg._ No. 186. Hartwig, _Meisterschalen_, Taf. LXXIII.
[534] Dr Hartwig _op. cit._ has collected and discussed these vases and
gives to the artist the name ‘Meister mit dem Ranke.’
[535] Aesch. _Sept. c. Theb._ 539.
[536] Heydemann, _Cat._ No. 2846. _Museo Borbonico_ XII. 9. Discussed
and explained by Dr Otto Crusius, _Festschrift für Overbeck_, p. 102. Dr
Crusius holds that the snake is merely a ‘Füllfigur.’
[537] Aesop. _Fab._ 55.
[538] Discovered in the excavations at Delphi, see Homolle, _Fouilles de
Delphes_, 1902, T. II. pl. XIV.
[539] Berlin, _Inv._ 3186. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, Anzeiger, p. 119,
fig. 17.
[540] P. I. 41. 4.
[541] Hes. _Theog._ 326 and _Scut. Her._ 33, and see Plat. _Crat._ 414 D.
[542] Dr Frazer ad P. IX. 26. 2.
[543] Milani, _Museo Topografico_, p. 69. ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ 1899, p.
235.
[544] The purpose of these holes, which occur frequently in
representations of tomb-mounds on Athenian lekythoi, is not, so far as I
know, made out.
[545] Suidas s.v., καὶ κηρυκαίνας ἐκάλουν Ἀλεξανδρεῖς γυναῖκας, αἵτινες
εἰς τὰς αὐλὰς παριοῦσαι καὶ τὰς συνοικίας ἐφ’ ᾧτε συναγείρειν τὰ μιάσματα
καὶ ἀποφέρειν εἰς θάλασσαν ἅπερ ἐκάλουν φυλάκια.
[546] Hesych. s.v., καὶ τοὺς ἐρινάζοντας τοὺς ἐρίνους κήρυκας λέγουσι.
[547] P. I. 43. 7.
[548] _Anthol. Pal._ VII. 154
Εἰμὶ δὲ Κῆρ τυμβοῦχος, ὁ δὲ κτείνας με Κόροιβος
κεῖται δ’ ὧδ’ ὑπ’ ἐμοῖς ποσσὶ διὰ τρίποδα.
[549] P. VIII. 25. 4 ὅτι τῷ θυμῷ χρῆσθαι καλοῦσιν ἐρινύειν οἱ Ἀρκάδες.
[550] The explanation of Erinyes as ‘angry ones’ is confirmed by modern
philology. F. Froehde, Bezzenberger. _Beiträge_, XX. p. 188, derives the
word Erinys from ἐ-ρυσ-νος, Lith. _rustas_, angry.
[551] _Il._ IX. 571
τῆς δ’ ἠεροφοῖτις Ἐρινὺς
ἔκλυεν ἐξ Ἐρέβεσφιν ἀμείλιχον ἦτορ ἔχουσα.
[552] On the epithet ἠεροφοῖτις ‘blood-haunting,’ usually translated
‘walking in darkness,’ Roscher (_Myth. Lex._ s.v.) has based a whole
mistaken theory of the nature of the Erinyes as ‘storm-clouds.’ The
Townley scholion (_ad loc._) offers an alternative reading of the
epithet more consonant with the nature of the Erinys: οἱ δὲ εἰαροπῶτις,
ἐγκειμένου τοῦ εἶαρ ὅπερ ἐστὶ κατὰ Σαλαμινίους αἷμα. On this showing the
Erinyes would be not those who ‘walked in darkness’ but those who sucked
the blood, a view certainly consonant with the picture of the Erinyes
presented by Aeschylus: ἀπὸ ζῶντος ῥοφεῖν ἐρυθρὸν ἐκ μελέων πέλανον
(_Eum._ 264). The termination -πωτις instead of -φοιτις gives of course
a simple and satisfactory meaning; but, accepting ἠερο- as representing
the Cyprian form εἶαρ ‘blood,’ it is perhaps possible to retain -φοιτις
and explain the epithet as ‘blood haunting.’ Another alternative
is suggested by Fick, i.e. that the primitive form is ἡαρο-ποῖτις
‘blutrachend,’ ποῖτις being akin to ποινή, cf. Apollo Poitios (see A.
Fick, ‘Götternamen,’ in Bezzenberger. _Beiträge_, XX. p. 179).
[553] _Il._ IX. 454.
[554] _Il._ XXI. 412.
[555] _Il._ XIX. 418 ὡς ἄρα φωνήσαντος ἐρινύες ἔσχεθον αὐδήν.
[556] Plut. _de Ex._ 11 ἥλιος γὰρ οὐχ ὑπερβήσεται μέτρα (φησὶν ὁ
Ἡράκλειτος) εἰ δὲ μὴ Ἐριννύες μιν, Δίκης ἐπίκουροι, ἐξευρήσουσιν.
[557] The conception of Dike was largely due to Orphic influence, see p.
507.
[558] _v._ 988
ἰὼ μοῖρα βαρυδότειρα μογερὰ
πότνιά τ’ Οἰδίπου σκιὰ
μέλαιν’ Ἐρινύς, ἦ μεγασθενής τις εἶ.
[559] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 566.
[560] The gadfly is purely incidental to Io as cow. Oistros is an
incarnation of the distraction caused by the ghost. On a vase-painting
representing the slaying of her children by Medea, Oistros (inscribed) is
represented as a figure in a chariot drawn by snakes, and near at hand is
‘the ghost of Aietes’ (inscribed) who sent it. (_Arch. Zeit._ 1847, T. 3.)
[561] Plat. _Legg._ IX. 865.
[562] Mr F. M. Cornford draws my attention to a similar and even cruder
English superstition. Sir Kenelm Digby, in his _Observations on the
Religio Medici_ (5th ed. p. 128), maintains as against Sir Thomas
Browne who says that apparitions are devils, that those that appear in
cemeteries and charnel-houses are the souls of the dead which have ‘a
byas and a languishing’ towards their bodies, and that the body of a
murdered man bleeds when the murderer approaches (‘which is frequently
seen in England’) because the soul, desiring revenge, and being unable
to speak, ‘must endeavour to cause a motion in the subtilest or most
fluid parts (and consequently the most moveable ones) of it. This can be
nothing but the blood, which then being violently moved, must needs gush
out at those places where it findeth issues.’
[563] Aesch. _Choeph._ 285.
[564] P. II. 18. 2 τὸ μίασμα τὸ Πέλοπος καὶ ὁ Μυρτίλου προστρόπαιος
ἠκολούθησε.
[565] XXIII. 10. 2.
[566] _Choeph._ 282. In the interpretation of this passage I follow Dr
Verrall, _Choephori_, ad _v._ 286.
[567] Hippocr. περὶ ἱερῆς νούσου, p. 123, 20 ὁπόσα δὲ δείματα νυκτὸς
παρίσταται καὶ φόβοι καὶ παράνοιαι καὶ ἀναπηδήσεις ἐκ κλίνης Ἑκάτης φασὶν
εἶναι ἐπιβουλὰς καὶ ἡρῴων ἐφόδους.
[568] Aesch. _Choeph._ 64. The same idea comes out in the _Electra_ of
Euripides (_v._ 318).
[569] P. VIII. 24. 8 and 9 καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία διδάσκει τὸν Ἐριφύλης
ἀλάστορα ἐς ταύτην οἱ μόνην χώραν οὐ συνακολουθήσειν ἥτις ἐστὶ νεωτάτη,
καὶ ἡ θάλασσα τοῦ μητρῴου μιάσματος ἀνέφηνεν ὕστερον αὐτήν. καὶ ὁ μὲν
ἐξευρὼν τοῦ Ἀχελῴου τὴν πρόσχωσιν ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησε.
[570] Apollod. III. 7. 5.
[571] _Il._ VI. 200.
[572] Pind. _Isth._ V. 66.
[573] Apollod. II. 2. 3.
[574] For this information as to the character of the Aleïan plain, which
suggested the view in the text, I am indebted to the kindness of Prof.
Ramsay.
[575] Aesch. _Eum._ 417.
[576] _Ib._ 421.
[577] _Il._ XIX. 258.
[578] Hes. _Erg._ 803.
[579] Aesch. _Eum._ 511.
[580] Aesch. _Eum._ 46 ff.
[581] _v._ 57.
[582] A master-touch from the point of view of Aeschylus, who is all for
the new order. It is however impossible to avoid a regret that he stooped
to the cheap expedient of blackening the Erinyes as representatives
of the old. He thereby half alienates our sympathies. See ‘Delphika,’
_J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 251.
[583] _Cat._ B 471. _Vorlegeblätter_ 1889, Taf. II. 1 _a_.
[584] Würzburg, _Inv._ 354.
[585] The Phineus cylix is published in phototype by Carl Sittl, ‘Die
Phineus Schale, und ähnliche Vasen,’ Programm XXV., forming part of the
_Jahresbericht des Wagnerischen Kunst-Instituts der Kgl. Universität
Würzburg_ 1892. The account there given of the difficult inscriptions
is inadequate and must be supplemented by reference to Dr Böhlau’s
corrections in his paper on ‘Die Ionischen Augenschalen,’ _A. Mitt._ 1898
(XXIII.) pp. 54, 77; see also Furtwängler-Reinhold, Pl. 41.
[586] Pottier, _Cat. A._ 478, pl. 17. 1. The vase is further discussed by
Mr Barnett, _Hermes_, ‘Miscellen,’ 1898, p. 639. Mr Barnett sees in the
winged figure Iris, an interpretation with which I cannot agree.
[587] Schol. ad _Od._ τ 518 and P. X. 30. 2. Pind. Schol. _Ol._ I. 90.
[588] Schol. Ambros. B. ad τ 518.
[589] Aesch. _Choeph._ 1048. The noisome exudation from the eyes
noted by Aeschylus (_Eum._ 54) has already been shown (p. 195) to be
characteristically Gorgon.
[590] _Monimenti dell’ Inst._ IV. pl. 48. Baumeister, p. 1314. The vase,
an _oxybaphon_, is now in the Louvre.
[591] Hermitage, _Cat._ I. 349. Stephani, _Compte Rendu_ 1863, pl. VI. 5.
[592] Millin, _Peintures des vases grecs_ II. 68. Baumeister, fig. 1315,
p. 1118.
[593] _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1890, Anzeiger, p. 90.
[594] Aeschin. _c. Tim._ 80.
[595] Plut. _Vit. Dion._ C. 55.
[596] Plut. _de ser. num. vind._ XXII.
[597] ἄγγελοι βασανισταί in the Apocalypse of Peter; see Dieterich,
_Nekuia_ p. 61.
[598] Aesch. _Eum._ 126.
[599] _v._ 131.
[600] Eur. _Iph. in T._ 286.
[601] Eur. _Or._ 256.
[602] Passerius, _Pict. Etrusc._ III. 297. _J.H.S._ vol. XIX. 1899, p.
219. This representation does not stand alone. Among the fragments of
vase-paintings found in the excavations on the Acropolis, and as yet
unpublished, is one of considerably earlier style than the design in fig.
53, and with a representation exactly similar in all essentials. The
winged feet and part of the drapery of the figure remain, and below is a
large snake with open mouth. Found as it was in the ‘pre-Persian’ débris,
this fragment cannot be later and is probably much earlier than 480 B.C.
[603] This striding flying pose with the bent knee has been used by some
archaeologists to explain the epithet καμψίπους. But bending or turning
the _knee_ is not bending or turning the foot. It is possible that in
this epithet applied (Aesch. _Sept._ 791) to the Erinys we have merely
an expression of the instinct to create an uncouth deformed bogey. M.
Paul Perdrizet (_Mélusine_ vol. IX. 1898, p. 99, ‘Les pieds ou les genoux
à rebours’) makes the interesting suggestion that the καμψίπους Ἐρινύς
may be an Erinys with feet turned the reverse way, a horrid distorted
cripple. This peculiar form of deformity was not unknown among the
ancients, as witness the statuettes cited as examples by M. Perdrizet, a
bronze in the British Museum (_Cat. Walters_ no. 216) and a terracotta
in the National Museum at Athens (_Cat._ 7877: Stackelberg, _Gräber der
Hellenen_, pl. LXXIII. 475). I do not feel confident of the rightness of
this interpretation for two reasons, firstly, καμψίπους seems scarcely
to be the right epithet for a striking distortion which would rather be
στρεβλόπους or some such word, and secondly, constant stress is laid
on the _swiftness_ of the Erinys which would be inconsistent with a
crippling deformity. On the other hand, figures with their feet reversed
_may_ have suggested the inevitable back-coming of the Erinys. Mr F. M.
Cornford suggests to me that καμψίπους is the humanized equivalent of
γαμψῶνυξ, an interpretation proffered by Blomfield but rejected in favour
of _pernix_. The suggestion seems to me to carry fresh conviction now
that the Erinys is seen to be in her original essence and in her art-form
near akin to Harpy, Sphinx and Bird-woman. Sophocles (_Oed. Tyr._ 1199)
calls the Sphinx γαμψῶνυξ. In fig. 44 she is claw-footed; the Harpy to
the right in fig. 19 has crooked claws for hands. Aeschylus may be using
an epithet that originally meant ‘clutch-foot’ in some new sense as
‘plying the foot,’ i.e. swift, or as ‘back-returning.’
[604] _A. Mitt._ XVI. p. 379. _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 219, fig. 4.
[605] Vienna Museum. Masner, _Cat._ 221. _Annali dell’ Inst._ 1866, Tav.
d’ agg. R. 2.
[606] Aesch. _Choeph._ 527 and 531.
[607] _v._ 549.
[608] _v._ 927
πατρὸς γὰρ αἶσα τόνδε συρίζει μύρον
accepting Dr Verrall’s reading συρίζει.
[609] _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1893, p. 93, pl. I. The vase is there
interpreted as the slaying of Polyxena, but I agree with Dr Thiersch
(_Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, p. 56) that the scene represented is the
slaying of Eriphyle by Alcmaeon. In connection with the omphalos-tomb of
the vase-painting it is worth noting that at Phlius near the house of
divination of Amphiaraos there was an omphalos. See P. II. 13. 7.
[610] Soph. _Oed. Tyr._ 469. The attitude of Sophocles towards the
Orestes myth, and the fashion in which he ignores the conflict between
Apollo and the Erinyes, cannot be discussed here. It has been ably
treated by Miss Janet Case in the _Classical Review_, May 1902, p. 195.
[611] _v._ 475.
[612] Eur. _El._ 1252.
[613] Herod. IV. 149.
[614] Aesch. _Eum._ 106.
[615] Pausanias (I. 31. 2) mentions one other place in Attica where the
Semnae are worshipped under this name. At Phlya in one and the same
sanctuary there were altars of Demeter Anesidora, of Zeus Ktesios, of
Athene Tithrone, of Kore Protogone and of goddesses called Venerable
(Σεμνῶν ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν).
[616] The best evidence of this is the language, always ceremonial,
of oaths taken in the law courts, where we may be sure the Semnae are
invoked by their official title, e.g. Deinarchus _c. Dem._ 47. Μαρτύρομαι
τὰς σεμνὰς θεάς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι. But so far as I am aware the Semnae
are never alluded to merely as Semnae.
[617] Eur. _Or._ 259.
[618] Aesch. _Eum._ 55.
[619] Diog. Laert. I. X. 6. See Demoulin, _Épiménide de Crète_, p. 110.
[620] P. I. 28. 6.
[621] Schol. ad Aeschin. _c. Timarch._ I. 188 C ‘ταῖς σεμναῖς θεαῖς.’
Τρεῖς ἦσαν αὗται αἱ λεγόμεναι σεμναὶ θεαὶ ἢ Εὐμενίδες ἢ Ἐριννύες, ὧν
τὰς μὲν δύο τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν Σκόπας ὁ Πάριος πεποίηκεν ἐκ τῆς λυχνίτου
λίθου τὴν δὲ μέσην Κάλαμις. οἱ δὲ Ἀρεοπαγῖται τρεῖς που τοῦ μηνὸς ἡμέρας
τὰς φονικὰς δίκας ἐδίκαζον ἑκάστῃ τῶν θεῶν μίαν ἡμέραν ἀπονέμοντες. ἦν
δὲ τὰ πεμπόμενα αὐταῖς ἱερὰ πόπανα καὶ γάλα ἐν ἄγγεσι κεραμείοις. φασὶ
μέντοι αὐτὰς Γῆς εἶναι καὶ Σκότους, οἱ δὲ Σκότους καὶ Εὐωνύμης ἣν καὶ
Γῆν ὀνομάζεσθαι, κληθῆναι δὲ Εὐμενίδας ἐπιηρέστερον [de conj.: ἐπίηρα
Vat. ἐπὶ Ὀρέστου cett.] πρῶτον καλουμένας. The entire scholion is given
here for convenience, the ritual of cakes and milk has been previously
discussed (p. 90).
[622] Dr Wellmann (_de Istro_ 14) has shown that in all probability the
information of the scholiast is borrowed from the treatise of Polemon
quoted by Clement of Alexandria in his _Protrepticus_, p. 41.
[623] Schol. ad _Oed. Col._ 39 ‘ἔμφοβοι θεαί.’ Φύλαρχός φησι δύο αὐτὰς
εἶναι τά τε ἀγάλματα Ἀθήνησι δύο, Πολέμων δὲ τρεῖς αὐτάς φησι.
[624] Thucyd. I. 126.
[625] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XII.
[626] Ar. _Eq._ 1312
ἢν δ’ ἀρέσκῃ ταῦτ’ Ἀθηναίοις καθῆσθαί μοι δοκεῖ
ἐς τὸ Θησεῖον πλεούσας ἢ ’πὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.
[627] Ar. _Thesm._ 224
ΕΥΡ. οὗτος σὺ ποῖ θεῖς;
ΜΝ. ἐς τὸ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.
[628] Eur. _El._ 1270.
[629] Hesych. s.v. δευτερόποτμος.
[630] Aesch. _Eum._ 1006
ἴτε καὶ σφαγίων τῶνδ’ ὑπὸ σεμνῶν
κατὰ γῆς σύμεναι.
[631] Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 42 ‘τὰς πάνθ’ ὁρώσας Εὐμενίδας’....
Τότε γὰρ πρῶτον Εὐμενίδας κληθῆναι εὐμενεῖς κριθέντι νικᾶν παρ’ Ἀθηναίοις
καὶ ὁλοκαυτῆσαι αὐταῖς ὄϊν μέλαιναν ἐν Καρνείᾳ [the reading Καρνείᾳ is
doubtful] τῆς Πελοποννήσου. Φιλήμων δὲ ὁ κωμικὸς ἑτέρας φησὶ τὰς σεμνὰς
θεὰς τῶν Εὐμενίδων.
[632] Dem. _c. Aristocr._ p. 642.
[633] Dem. _c. Dein._ 47.
[634] Philo _de praest. liber_ p. 886 B διό μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων
ὀξυδερκέστατοι Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς σεμναῖς θεαῖς πομπὴν ὅταν στέλλωσι
δοῦλον μηδένα προσλαμβάνειν.
[635] Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 489 ‘ἄπυστα φωνῶν.’ τοῦτο ἀπὸ τῆς
δρωμένης θυσίας ταῖς Εὐμενίσι· μετὰ γὰρ ἡσυχίας τὰ ἱερὰ δρῶσι καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ Ἡσύχου θύουσιν αὐταῖς καθάπερ Πολέμων ἐν τοῖς πρὸς
Ἐρατοσθένην φησὶν οὕτω, τὸ δὲ τῶν Εὐπατριδῶν γένος οὐ μετέχει τῆς θυσίας
ταύτης. εἶτα ἑξῆς· τῆς δὲ πομπῆς ταύτης Ἡσυχίδαι ὃ δὴ γένος ἐστὶ περὶ τὰς
Σεμνὰς θεὰς καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχει. καὶ προθύονται πρὸ τῆς θυσίας κριὸν
Ἡσύχῳ ἱερόν, ἥρω τοῦτον οὕτω καλοῦντες διὰ τὴν εὐφημίαν· οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν παρὰ
τὸ Κυλώνειον ἐκτὸς τῶν ἐννέα πυλῶν.
[636] Hesych. s.v., γένος Ἀθήνησιν ἰθαγενῶν.
[637] Plut. _Vit. Nik._ XIII.
[638] Callim. frg. (Schneider II. 123)
Νηφάλι’ αἱ καὶ τῇσιν ἀεὶ μελιηδέας ὄμπνας
λῄτειραι καίειν ἔλλαχον Ἡσυχίδες.
[639] Hesych. s.v. Λῄτειραι· ἱέρειαι τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.
[640] Aesch. _Eum._ 856.
[641] _v._ 1026.
[642] Aesch. _Eum._ 1028
φοινικοβάπτοις ἐνδυτοῖς ἐσθήμασιν
τιμᾶτε καὶ τὸ φέγγος ὁρμάσθω πυρός,
ὅπως ἂν εὔφρων ἥδ’ ὁμιλία χθονὸς
τὸ λοιπὸν εὐάνδροισι συμφοραῖς πρέπῃ.
The construction of τιμᾶτε is uncertain, there being no expressed
grammatical object; but the two ritual factors, the torches and crimson
garments, are certain.
[643] Luc. _de domo_ 18.
[644] Luc. _Hermot._ 806.
[645] Aesch. _Eum._ 706.
[646] Plut. _Vit. Aristid._ XXI.
[647] Cf. αἵματι φοινόν (_Il._ XVI. 159). φοινός, φοῖνιξ and φόνος are
not far asunder: cf. also the tragic use of αἷμα for corpse. For purple
in the ritual of the dead, see Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 69 note.
[648] Plut. _Vit. Dion._ LVI. περιβάλλεται τὴν πορφυρίδα τῆς θεοῦ καὶ
λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἀπόμνυσι.
[649] Plin. _N.H._ IX. 60 purpura dis advocatur placandis.
[650] Aesch. _Eum._ 804. The significance of the ἐσχάρα as distinguished
from the βωμός has been already discussed (p. 61).
[651] Aesch. _Eum._ 860.
[652] Aesch. _Eum._ 980.
[653] _v._ 834.
[654] Plut. _Conj. Praec._ Proem. μετὰ τὸν πάτριον θεσμὸν ὃν ὑμῖν ἡ τῆς
Δήμητρος ἱέρεια συνειργνυμένοις ἐφήρμοσεν.
[655] Aesch. _Eum._ 903.
[656] Aesch. _Eum._ 938. The translation offered only attempts to render
the general sense of this difficult passage, a sense sufficiently clear
for the immediate purpose. No satisfactory explanation has yet been
offered of the enigmatic τὸ μὴ περᾶν ὅρον τόπων, see Dr Verrall, ad loc.
[657] P. I. 28. 6.
[658] Arrian, _Anab._ III. 16. 8.
[659] Hesych. s.v. Ἀνεμοκοῖται.
[660] Plat. _Phaedr._ p. 229. The legend no doubt took its rise in
the Areopagos, where the king’s daughter was flower-gathering, or
fetching water from the Enneakrounos just outside the city gate. It was
transplanted later with many another legend and cult to the banks of the
Ilissus, outside the enlarged city.
[661] Aesch. _Eum._ 939.
[662] Aesch. _Eum._ 916 δέξομαι Παλλάδος ξυνοικίαν.
[663] _v._ 1041 δεῦρ’ ἴτε, σεμναί.
[664] Harpocrat. s.v. Εὐμενίδες ... Αἰσχύλος ἐν Εὐμενίσιν εἰπὼν τὰ
περὶ τὴν κρίσιν τὴν Ὀρέστου φησὶν ὡς ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ πραΰνασα τὰς Ἐρινύας ὥστε
μὴ χαλεπῶς ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν Ὀρέστην Εὐμενίδας ὠνόμασεν, εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀληκτὼ,
Μέγαιρα, Τισιφόνη.
[665] Aesch. _Eum._ hypoth.... ἧς βουλῇ νικήσας κατῆλθεν εἰς Ἄργος, τὰς
δὲ Ἐρινύας πραΰνας προσηγόρευσεν Εὐμενίδας. To suit the statement of
Harpocration, πραΰνας has been altered to πραΰνασα.
[666] There is no evidence that can be relied on to show that before
Aeschylus wrote his play the Semnae ever bore the title of Eumenides.
Pausanias indeed (VII. 25. 1) quotes an oracle from Dodona ostensibly
belonging to the mythical days of Apheidas, in which the title Eumenides
is given to the goddesses of the Areopagos,
φράζεο δ’ Ἄρειόν τε πάγον, βωμούς τε θυώδεις
Εὐμενίδων κτλ.
And this oracle, he says, the Greek called to mind when the
Peloponnesians came against Athens in the time of Codrus. The passage
stands alone, and oracle-mongering was rife at all times.
[667] Soph. _Oed. Col._ 41.
[668] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 209
Θέμις
καὶ Γαῖα πολλῶν ὀνομάτων μορφὴ μία.
[669] _Oed. Col._ 486
ὥς σφας καλοῦμεν Εὐμενίδας, ἐξ εὐμενῶν
στέρνων δέχεσθαι τὸν ἱκέτην.
[670] P. I. 11. 4.
[671] P. VII. 25. 7.
[672] P. VIII. 34. 2.
[673] At this point unhappily a lacuna occurs.
[674] _A. Mitt._ IV. 1879, pl. IX. p. 176.
[675] The regular ritual offerings at Titane, see P. I. 11. 4 and Aesch.
_Eum._ 834.
[676] The archaic marble statuette found at Olympia and representing a
woman with polos on her head and a snake in each hand may very possibly
be one of three Eumenides. See _Olympia_, vol. III. p. 27.
[677] Suidas s.v. Εὐμενίδες· Φιλήμων δὲ ὁ κωμικὸς ἑτέρας φησὶ τὰς Σεμνὰς
θεὰς τῶν Εὐμενίδων.
[678] Xenoph. frg. 1, 2, 5 and 6.
[679] P. VIII. 42. 4. The material for the study of the non-human forms
taken by Greek gods has been recently collected by Dr M. W. de Visser,
_Die nicht-menschengestaltigen Götter der Griechen_, 1903.
[680] P. VIII. 41. 6.
[681] Munich. Published and discussed by Dr Böhlan, ‘Schlangenleibige
Nymphen,’ _Philologos_ LVII. N.F. XI. 1, and see ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._
XIX. 1899, p. 216, note 1.
[682] Aesch. _Eum._ 1.
[683] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 209.
[684] The clearest and most scientific statement of the facts as to this
difficult subject known to me is to be found in an article by Dr E. B.
Tylor, ‘The Matriarchal family system,’ _Nineteenth Century_, July 1896.
[685] S. Augustine, _De civitat. Dei_ 18. 9 ut nulla ulterius ferrent
suffragia, ut nullus nascentium maternum nomen acciperet, ut ne quis eas
Athenaeas vocaret.
[686] Athen. XIII. 2 § 555 and Tzetzes _Chil._ V. 19. 650. Other
instances of the survival in Greek mythology of traces of matriarchal
conditions are collected by Bachofen in his _Mutterrecht_, a book which,
spite of the wildness of its theories, remains of value as the fullest
existing collection of ancient facts.
[687] P. VIII. 2. 3.
[688] Diog. 8. 1. 10, and Iambl. _Vit. Pyth._ 3. 11.
[689] The fundamental unity of all the Greek goddesses was, I think,
first observed by Gerhard, _Ueber Metroon und Goetter-Mutter_, 1849, p.
103, but his illuminating suggestion has been obscured for half a century
by systems, such as that of Preller and Max Müller, that see in ancient
deities impersonations of natural phenomena.
[690] P. X. 12. 10
Ζεὺς ἦν, Ζεὺς ἐστί, Ζεὺς ἔσσεται· ὦ μεγάλε Ζεῦ.
Γᾶ καρποὺς ἀνίει, διὸ κλῄζετε μητέρα γαῖαν.
[691] P. VIII. 2. 4.
[692] The distinction has been acutely observed by Miss W. M. L.
Hutchinson in discussing the earth-born parentage of Aeacus, see _Aeacus
a Judge of the Underworld_, p. 6.
[693] Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχ. 1892, Pl. 9; for stamped Boeotian amphorae in
general, see Mr A. de Ridder, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XXII. 1898, p. 440.
[694] Dr Wolters (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, p. 225) explains the figure of the
Earth-Mother as Artemis Λεχώ. I entirely agree with Prof. S. Wide that
her pose is not that of ‘eine gebärende Frau’: see S. Wide, ‘Mykenische
Götterbilder und Idole,’ _A. Mitt._ XXVI. 1901, p. 253.
[695] Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, Pl. 10. 1.
[696] On the head of one of the idols in the recently discovered shrine
at Cnossos, Mr Arthur Evans kindly tells me, is perched a dove, a
forecast it may be of Aphrodite.
[697] See Prof. Ramsay, _J.H.S._ 1884, p. 245.
[698] Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ II. 26 et recidunt omnia in terras et oriuntur
e terris.
[699] Aesch. _Choeph._ 127.
[700] Plut. _de fac. in orb. lun._ 28 καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς Ἀθηναῖοι
Δημητρείους ὠνόμαζον τὸ παλαιόν.
[701] Cic. _Legg._ II. 22, and 25, 63.
[702] 1 Cor. XV. 36.
[703] _B.M. Cat._ B 213. Inghirami, _Vasi Fitt._ III. 300. Mr A. Lang,
_Homeric Hymns_, plate facing p. 104, names the design ‘Leto with her
infants Apollo and Artemis.’ The catalogue of the British Museum with
just caution says ‘Leto (?),’ but adds that the children are ‘probably
Apollo and Artemis.’ The figures to either side of the central ‘Mother,’
Dionysos and a Satyr, give no clue to the interpretation.
[704] Mr G. C. Richards, _J.H.S._ XIII. 1892, p. 284, pl. XI.
[705] P. V. 18. 1. Dr Frazer translates the difficult word διεστραμμένους
‘turned different ways’; the word seems usually to imply distortion, but
in the case of Death and Sleep this seems inappropriate.
[706] _B.M. Cat._ B 168.
[707] Ar. _Thesm._ 295 and schol. ad loc. The words τῇ Γῇ have been
interpolated after Κουροτρόφῳ but without MS. authority.
[708] P. IX. 16. 2.
[709] Mr R. C. Bosanquet, ‘Excavations of the British School at Melos,’
_J.H.S._ XVIII. 1898, p. 60, Fig. 1, and Dr P. Wolters, ‘Melische
Kultstatuen,’ _A. Mitt._ XV. 1890, p. 248.
[710] All the proposed etymologies, possible and impossible, are
collected by Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 287. To his
discussion must now be added Dr Kretschmer’s view that Δᾶ like Μᾶ means
mother and that the form Δαμάτηρ arose when Δᾶ had crystallized into a
proper name. See _Festschrift der Wiener-Studien_, 1902, p. 291.
[711] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 568.
[712] _Etym. Mag._ s.v. Δηώ sub fin.: ἢ Δηώ, παρὰ τὰς δηάς· οὕτω γὰρ δηαὶ
προσαγορεύονται ὑπὸ Κρητῶν αἱ κριθαί.
[713] Hom. _Il._ II. 528 ζείδωρος ἄρουρα.
[714] _History of the New World_, vol. II. p. 7.
[715] O. Rubensohn, ‘Eleusinische Beiträge,’ _A. Mitth._ 1899, pl. VII.
[716] _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 1.
[717] _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 470. The elaborate aetiology of the whole
Homeric Hymn to Demeter has been fully examined and explained by Mr F. B.
Jevons in his _Introduction to the History of Religion_, ch. XXIII. and
Appendix.
[718] Athens Nat. Mus. 484. Fig. 67 is reproduced from a photograph
kindly sent me by Prof. Sam. Wide. For further particulars of this class
of vases I must refer to Prof. Wide’s article ‘Eine lokale Gattung
Boiotischer Gefässe,’ _A. Mitt._ XXVI. 1901, p. 143. Prof. Wide makes
the interesting suggestion that the bird in the field is a bird-soul and
points out that merely decorative ‘Füllfiguren’ do not occur on this
class of vases. This interpretation seems to me highly probable, but till
further evidence emerges, I hesitate to adopt it as certain.
[719] Plut. _de fac. in orb. lun._ XXVIII.
[720] Plut. _de Is. et Osir._ LXVI. ποιητὴς δέ τις ἐπὶ τῶν θεριζόντων
‘Τῆμος ὅτ’ αἰζηοὶ Δημήτερα κωλοτομεῦσιν.’
[721] P. VIII. 25. 4-7.
[722] _Jahrbuch d. Inst. Anz._ 1893, p. 166.
[723] Berl. _Cat._ 2646. _Mon. d. Inst._ XII. tav. IV. This vase with
others of the same type is explained by Dr Robert, _Archäologische
Mährchen_, p. 196, as the rising of a Spring-Nymph, but the inscribed
Berlin vase was not known to him, see also ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX.
1899, p. 232.
[724] _Cat._ 298. Milliet et Giraudon, Pl. LII. B, discussed by Prof.
Furtwängler, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, p. 113, and Prof. Gardner,
_J.H.S._ XXI. 1901, p. 5, and J. E. Harrison, ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX.
1899, p. 232.
[725] Vasi dipinti del Museo Vivenzio designati di C. Angelini nel
MDCCXCVI. Illustrato di G. Patroni 1900, Tav. XXIX. All the plates of
this publication are of course reproduced from very old drawings and
are quite untrustworthy as regards style. The vase under discussion is
now lost, so that the original cannot be compared. Sig. Patroni thinks
the drawing is authentic. I reproduce it partly because the subject is
not wholly explicable, partly in the hope that by making it more widely
known, I may lead to the rediscovery of the vase, which may be in some
private collection.
[726] Prof. Percy Gardner, ‘A new Pandora Vase,’ _J.H.S._ XXI. 1901,
Plate 1.
[727] _Brit. Mus. Cat._ D 4. _White Athenian Vases_, Plate 19. _Myth. and
Mon. of Anc. Athens_, p. 450, fig. 50.
[728] The worship of Ge as Anesidora at Phlya will be later discussed,
Chap. XII.
[729] A lost play of Sophocles was called Πανδώρα ἢ Σφυροκόποι. The
σφῦρα though characteristic of Hephaistos the craftsman was used by
agriculturists. Trygaeus in the _Pax_ (_v._ 566) remembers that his σφῦρα
waits at home glittering and ready, see _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. 107.
[730] Prof. Furtwängler, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, pp. 117 and 124, ‘Ein
uraltes mythisches Symbol für die Blitze sind aber Hammer und Beil. Sie
sind es ... die mit mächtigen Gewittern den Kopf der grossen Mutter Erde
schlagen und hämmern bis sie erwacht und erweicht.’
[731] P. I. 43. 2 ... ἐοικότα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ δρῶσιν ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι αἱ Μεγαρέων
γυναῖκες.
[732] The _Etymologicon Magnum_ has the form Ἀνακληθρίς.
[733] Xen. _Symp._ VII. 5. I have elsewhere (_Myth. and Mon. of Anc.
Athens_, p. cxvii) discussed the possible influence of such mimetic
presentations on the fixed mythological types of vase-paintings. Dr
Frazer (_Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. vol. III. p. 165) makes the interesting
suggestion that in sacred dramas may be found a possible meeting-ground
between Euhemerists and their opponents.
[734] Ar. _Av._ 971, schol. ad loc.
[735] Frg. Hippon. ap. Athen. IX. § 370.
[736] Philostr. _Vit. Apoll._ XXXIX. § 275.
[737] _Brit. Mus. Cat._ E 467. _J.H.S._ XI. pl. 11 and 12, p. 278, and
Roscher, _Lex._ s.v. Pandora, fig. 2.
[738] Hes. _Theog._ 570, trans. Mr D. S. MacColl.
[739] Hes. _Op._ 69 ff.
[740] Hes. _Op._ 59.
[741] For the origin of the _pithos_ see _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. 99.
[742] Plut. _de Ei ap. Delph._ II. 1.
[743] P. IX. 35. 1.
[744] Eur. _Ion_ 496.
[745] Eur. _Erech._ frg. V. 3.
[746] I have collected and discussed this evidence in ‘Mythological
Studies,’ _J.H.S._, vol. XII. 1891, p. 350.
[747] P. I. 18. 2.
[748] P. I. 26. 6.
[749] Ov. _Met._ II. 759.
[750] Schol. ad Ar. _Thesm._ 533 κατὰ γὰρ τῆς Ἀγραύλου ὤμνυον κατὰ δὲ τῆς
Πανδρόσου σπανιώτερον.
[751] Plut. _Quaest. Symp._ IX. 14. 2.
[752] For three in the cultus of the dead, see Diels, _Sibyllinische
Blätter_, p. 40. For a discussion of trinities other than of maiden
goddesses, see Usener, ‘Dreiheit’ (_Rhein. Mus._ LVIII. pp. 1-47).
[753] In this connection it may be worth noting that where the nature
of the dual goddess prevents her taking a central place as in the case
of Eileithyia she never merges into a trinity. There are often two
Eileithyiai, e.g. one to either side of Zeus at the birth of Athene, but
never three.
[754] Roscher, _Lex._ s.v. Matres, Matronae.
[755] Fröhner, Coll. Tyszkicwisk, Pl. XVI.; _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 218, Fig. 3.
[756] _A. Mitt._ 1896, p. 266, Taf. VIII.
[757] Eur. _Ion_ 490, trans. Mr D. S. MacColl.
[758] For the development of the type of Hecate in conjunction with the
Charites, see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 373.
[759] In the Vienna Museum, found at Gallipoli, _Arch. Epigr. Mitt._ vol.
I. Taf. 1. Prof. O. Benndorf, ‘Die Chariten des Sokrates,’ _Arch. Zeit._
1869.
[760] The sources for the story are well collected in Roscher’s
_Lexicon_, s.v. Paris, but the author of the article seems to have no
suspicion of the real substratum of the myth.
[761] Luc. _dial. deor._ 20 ἡ καλὴ λαβέτω. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 93 τῇ καλῇ
τὸ μῆλον.
[762] _Cat._ 422. Milliet et Giraudon, Pl. 104.
[763] _B.M. Cat._ E 289. _J.H.S._ VII. 1886, p. 9.
[764] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 198, fig. 1.
[765] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 203.
[766] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 282.
[767] Procl. _Excerpt._ αἳ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν Ἴδῃ κατὰ Διὸς προσταγὴν ὑφ’
Ἑρμοῦ πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν ἄγονται. See Schneider, _Der troische Sagenkreis_,
p. 99, and Welcker, _Ep. Kyklos_ II. 88.
[768] _Berl. Cat._ 2154. Endt, _Beiträge zur Ionischen Vasenmalerei_, p.
29, figs. 11, 12 and 13.
[769] The figure of Paris which does not here concern us came in with the
popularity of the Homeric cycle, and the connection between the conflict
of σημεῖα and the Trojan war may probably have been due to the author of
the _Kypria_.
[770] Eur. _Andr._ 281.
[771] Since the above was written I see that Eustathius (§ 1665. 59)
expressly states that Aphrodite strove _with the Charites_: ἔνθα ἐρίσαι
περὶ κάλλους τήν τε Ἀφροδίτην καὶ τὰς Χάριτας αἷς ὀνόματα Πασιθέη, Καλὴ
καὶ Εὐφροσύνη, τὸν δὲ δικάσαντα κρῖναι καλὴν τὴν Καλήν, ἣν καὶ γῆμαι τὸν
Ἥφαιστον. He goes on to say that Kalè married Arachnos in Crete and that
Arachnos μιγέντα αὐχεῖν τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ μιγῆναι.
[772] Hom. _Od._ XX. 67.
[773] I follow Prof. Ridgeway (_J.H.S._ 1898, p. xxxiv) in holding that
Artemis with her father Zeus and her brother Apollo are immigrants from
the North, divinities of the Achaean stock. Hence their dominance in
Homer.
[774] Published and discussed by M. P. Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._
1898, p. 584.
[775] Tradition variously ascribed the theft to Tantalos and Pandareos.
Here the presence of the two daughters points to Pandareos as the
offender. The sources for the myth of the theft in its various forms,
which do not here immediately concern us, are collected in Roscher’s
_Lexicon_, s.v. Pandareus, see also p. 226.
[776] On only one vase representing the ‘Judgment’ does Artemis so far
as I know appear, viz. the _very_ late amphora in the Naples Museum.
(Heydemann, _Cat._ 2870.)
[777] _Anthol. Palat._ VI. 280; the play on κόρα in the lines
τὰς τε κόρας, Λιμνᾶτι κόρᾳ, κόρα, ὡς ἐπιεικὲς
ἄνθετο καὶ τὰ κορᾶν ἐνδύματ’ Ἀρτέμιδι
cannot be rendered in English.
[778] Dilthey, _Arch. Zeit._ 1873.
[779] Pauly-Wissowa s.v. Athena, p. 1941, 50.
[780] Plat. _Legg._ 796 ἡ δὲ αὖ που παρ’ ἡμῖν Κόρη καὶ δέσποινα ... ἃ δὴ
πάντως μιμεῖσθαι πρέπον ἂν εἴη κόρους τε ἅμα καὶ κόρας.
[781] Soph. frg. ap. Strabo § 392. That Pallas was the eponymous hero of
the Pallantidae was first pointed out by Düncker, _Hist. of Greece_, vol.
I. p. 113.
[782] Strab. XVII. 46 § 816 παρθένος ἱερᾶται ἃς καλοῦσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες
παλλάδας: see A. Fick, _Indogerm. Beiträge_, 1896.
[783] _C.I.A._ II. 470. 10 συνεξήγαγον δὲ (οἱ ἔφηβοι) Παλλάδα μετὰ τῶν
γεννητῶν καὶ πάλιν εἰσήγαγον μετὰ πάσης εὐκοσμίας.
[784] Aesch. _Eum._ 916.
[785] _The Knights of Aristophanes_, p. 83.
[786] See Mr Gilbert Murray, _Ancient Greek Literature_, p. 178.
[787] _Hom. Hymn._ XXVIII., translated by Mr D. S. MacColl.
[788] Aesch. _Eum._ 736.
[789] Rossbach, _Griechische Antiken des arch. Museums in Breslau,
Festgruss 40 d. Philologen_ (Görlitz, 1889), Taf. I.
[790] The meaning of the woman-headed bird and of her name was first seen
by Dr Max Mayer, ‘Mythhistorica,’ _Hermes_ XXXVII.
[791] Ar. _Hist. Anim._ IX. 18, p. 617 _a_ 9.
[792] P. I. 5. 3 and I. 41. 6; see Dr Frazer ad loc.
[793] P. I. 41. 9.
[794] Lyc. _Alc._ 359. In connection with Lycophron’s account it is
curious to find that in the earliest known representation of the rape of
Cassandra in vase-paintings (_J.H.S._ 1884, Pl. XL.) behind the figure
of Athene stands a large human-headed bird, but this may be a mere
coincidence.
[795] O. Benndorf, _Griechische und Sicilische Vasenbilder_, pl. 51. 1.
[796] Soph. _Phil._ 1327.
[797] Herod. VIII. 41.
[798] Collignon et Couve, _Cat._ 1942. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._, Anzeiger,
1896, p. 36.
[799] Since the above was written I learn that Mr Evans has discovered at
Cnossos the figure of a goddess with a snake in either hand and a snake
or snakes coiled about her head. She may prove to be the prototype of
Athene, of the Erinys and of many another form of Earth-goddess.
[800] Coll. Faina. _Röm. Mitt._ 1897, XII. pl. 12. Another instance of a
winged Athene occurs on the fine vase published by Mr A. de Ridder, _Cat.
Bibl. Nat._ No. 269, p. 173, fig. 23. Athene flies over the sea carrying
the dead body of a hero. Here she performs the office of Eos or of a
Death-Siren or Harpy.
[801] Aesch. _Eum._ 407.
[802] _Il._ XVIII. 382.
[803] From a photograph. The slab is now in the Museum at Naples.
[804] E. Petersen, _Röm. Mittheil._ 1899, pl. VII. p. 154.
[805] Some further instances of the rising of an Earth-goddess greeted by
Erotes will be discussed in Chapter XII., and see p. 570.
[806] Hom. _Od._ VIII. 270.
[807] _Hom. Hymn_ VI. 2, trans. by Mr Gilbert Murray.
[808] At Sekyon, though we are not expressly told of a bath of Aphrodite,
she had a maiden-priestess who was called Loutrophoros, see P. II. 10. 4.
The Orphic Hymn to Aphrodite (LV. 19) joins together the notions of bath
and birth: Αἰγύπτου κατέχεις ἱερῆς γονιμώδεα λουτρά.
[809] P. II. 38. 2.
[810] Reproduced from a photograph. The relief is published and fully
discussed by Dr Petersen, _Röm. Mittheilungen_, 1892, Taf. II. p. 32. The
relief with two other slabs manifestly belonging to the same structure
came to light on a Sunday during the summer of 1887, during the absence
of the official inspector, in the piece of ground formerly belonging to
the Villa Ludovisi and now bounded by the Vie Boncompagni, Abruzzi e
Piemonte. It is said to have been found in an upright position, but as no
other monuments came to light, though the ground was examined to a depth
of 50 metres, the reliefs were probably not _in situ_. Dr Petersen thinks
they formed the three sides of a throne of Aphrodite. They may, however,
have formed part of the decoration of the mouth of a well. That they
were in some way connected with Aphrodite is practically certain from
the design on the two other reliefs (not figured here). These represent
respectively a nude woman playing on the double flutes, who, from the
analogy of similar representations on vase-paintings, is certainly a
hetaira, and a woman draped and veiled bringing incense who is probably a
bride. The various interpretations and restorations of the monument are
given by Dr Helbig, _Führer Rom_ II. p. 128, and _Antike Denkmäler d. K.
Arch. Inst._ vol. II. Pl. 6 and 7, p. 3.
[811] P. V. 11. 8.
[812] Since the above was written I see that M. Joubin (_La Sculpture
Grecque entre les guerres médiques et l’époque de Périclès_, p. 204)
has anticipated me in using the Genoa vase as evidence to show that the
uprising woman in the Ludovisi relief is Aphrodite. But unfortunately
M. Joubin fails to see that Aphrodite is also Kore; he says, ‘D’autres
archéologues avaient identifié le personnage figuré à mi-corps avec
Korè ou Ge; mais la découverte du vase de Gènes coupe court toutes
ces interprétations.’ This is to my mind to miss the real religious
significance of the figure; but M. Joubin is, of course, mainly concerned
with artistic criticism.
[813] Brit. Mus. _Cat._ D 2. The best reproduction of this beautiful vase
is plate XV. of _White Athenian Vases in Brit. Mus._
[814] Lucret. I. 1.
[815] As long ago as 1857, H. D. Müller in his remarkable book
_Mythologie der Griechischen Stämme_, pp. 249-255, saw that Zeus and
Hera belonged to stocks racially distinct, and that in the compulsory
marriage of Hera to Zeus is reflected the subjugation of a primitive race
to Achaean invaders. In discussing the American excavations at Argos I
followed his leading, see ‘Primitive Hera-Worship,’ _Cl. Review_, Dec.
1892, p. 474, and 1893, p. 44.
[816] Athen. § 672.
[817] Strab. § 637.
[818] P. VIII. 22. 2. The sources for the cult of Hera are well collected
by Mr Farnell in his _Cults of the Greek States_, p. 211, but with Mr
Farnell’s main thesis ‘that her association with Zeus is a primitive
factor in the Greek worship of Hera’ I am still as he then notes (p. 199)
completely at issue.
[819] Again acutely observed by H. D. Müller, _Mythologie d. Gr. Stämme_,
pp. 254, 255, where the identity of Dione and Juno is noted.
[820] These reliefs are now in the Museum at Sofia: there were discovered
in all ninety-two of the same type. _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XXI. 1897, p.
130, fig. 12; p. 138, fig. 17.
[821] The survival of the type of the ‘Three Sisters’ in mediaeval days
has been well traced by Miss Eckenstein, _Woman under Monasticism_, p. 40
ff.
[822] Since the above was written Mr A. B. Cook has with great kindness
and generosity allowed me to read in proof his article on ‘Zeus, Jupiter
and the Oak,’ shortly to be published in the _Classical Review_. Mr Cook
believes that the worship of Zeus was indigenous in Greece and that Zeus,
Poseidon and Hades are three forms of one primaeval god. His contention
is supported by an immense mass of evidence. I am at present unconvinced,
but space forbids my entering on the controversy here.
[823] Diog. Laert. _Vit. Epim._ XI.
[824] Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1866, pl. 3. The ‘patriarchal couple’ are, I incline to
think, rightly explained by Dr Svoronos (_Journal d’Archéol. et Num._
1901, p. 503) as Asklepios and Hygieia, but as for my purpose it is not
necessary to name them, and as the evidence is too detailed to be resumed
here, I prefer not to go beyond the inscription.
[825] I follow Prof. Ridgeway in holding that Apollo and his sister
Artemis belong to the immigrant Achaean stock, see p. 31, note 1.
[826] Heydemann, _Cat._ 108. Raoul Rochette, _Mon. Inéd._ pl. 37.
[827] Eur. _Ion_ 5.
[828] The evidence for this I have collected elsewhere, see ‘Delphika,’
B. The Omphalos, _J.H.S._ 1899, XIX. 225.
[829] _A. Mitt._ 1887, Taf. XII.
[830] Plut. _de defect. orac._ 1.
[831] P. VI. 20. 7.
[832] P. VIII. 4. 9.
[833] P. III. 26. 5
[834] P. III. 15. 3.
[835] Theocr. _Id._ XVIII. 38.
[836] _Inv. C.A._ 617. Published by M. L. Couve, _Revue Archéologique_,
1898, p. 213, figs. 1 and 2, and discussed by Dr Blinkenberg, 1898, p.
398.
[837] P. III. 18. 15.
[838] Dr S. Wide, ‘Mykenische Götterbilder und Idole,’ _A. Mitt._ 1901,
p. 247, Pl. XII.
[839] P. II. 13. 3.
[840] P. VIII. 35. 8.
[841] For the bear-service of Artemis and the bear dedicated to her, see
_Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 403.
[842] The materials for the study of hero-worship are well collected
in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, s.v. Heroes, and for English readers there is
an excellent survey in Mr W. H. D. Rouse’s _Greek Votive Offerings_,
c. I. In the pages that follow I confine myself for the most part
to such aspects of hero-worship as affect my main argument, and to
certain evidence from art which seems to me to have been neglected,
or misunderstood. I must also note that, advisedly, I only deal with
the ‘Making of a God’ in so far as the god developes out of the hero.
The most important and far more difficult question of the relation
between totemism and god-making, a problem for the solution of which
Greek tradition provides but scanty material, I leave for the present
untouched. It can only be decided by much wider anthropological
investigation than is within my scope.
[843] _A. Mitt._ 1877, pl. XXII.
[844] For the ‘Timocles’ relief and for the whole class in general,
see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 590, where I have discussed the
influence of the typography of these hero-reliefs on Attic gravestones.
[845] H. Jumod, _Les Barongas_, p. 396, and see ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX.
1899, p. 216.
[846] Mr F. M. Cornford kindly points out to me that the _bearded_ snake
is not unknown to Greek literature. He is one of the many θαύματα that
meet us in the life of Apollonius of Tyana, see Philostr. _Vit. Apoll._
III. 7 and 8. These snakes belong to the wonder land of India.
[847] Published and discussed, ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 229,
figs. 9 and 10.
[848] _Cat._ 2458. _J.H.S._ 1899, p. 227, figs. 7 and 8. I have here
discussed and rejected a possible mythological interpretation.
[849] Herod. IV. 172.
[850] Aesch. _Choeph._ 105.
[851] P. VI. 20. 3.
[852] Verg. _Aen._ V. 95.
[853] A. Conze, _Reise in der Insel Lesbos_, Pl. IV. fig. 5, p. 11.
[854] Ael. _Hist. An._ I. 51.
[855] Plut. _Vit. Cleom._ 39.
[856] Phot. s.v. ἥρως ποικίλος. After Christian days the notion started
by the Olympian religion that the snake was bad was strengthened by
association with the ‘old serpent’ of Semitic mythology. Mr R. C.
Bosanquet kindly drew my attention to a curious survival of the belief
that a bad soul takes the form of a snake in the account of the life and
miracles of the fifth century saint, St Marcellus (_Boll. Acta Sanctorum_
1-3, vol. LXIII. of the whole series, pp. 259 and 267). It was related
that a certain matron of noble family, but bad character, died and
was buried with great pomp. ‘Ergo ad consumendum ejus cadaver coepit
serpens immanissimus frequentare, et, ut dicam clarius, mulieri, cujus
membra bestia devorabat, ipse draco factus est sepultura.’ St Marcellus
subdued the snake by striking it thrice with his staff and putting
his prayer-book on its head. To the present day among the Greeks an
unbaptized child, who is not yet quite human (Χριστιανός), is sometimes
spoken of as a snake-monster (δράκος) and is apt to disappear in snake
form. For the δράκος see Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_, p. 261.
[857] Herod. II. 51 θεοὺς ὅτι κόσμῳ θέντες. Herodotus according to the
fashion of his day derives θεοί from the root θε, to put in order.
[858] Prof. Ridgeway, _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 339. Aristotle
distinctly states that the region round Dodona was ‘ancient Greece,’
see Ar. _Meteor._ I. 12. 9 αὕτη δὲ (ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἡ ἀρχαία) ἐστὶν ἡ περὶ τὴν
Δωδώνην καὶ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ... ᾤκουν γὰρ οἱ Σελλοὶ ἐνταῦθα καὶ οἱ καλούμενοι
τότε μὲν Γραικοὶ νῦν δέ Ἕλληνες, see Prof. Bury, _J.H.S._ XV. p. 217.
[859] Hesych. s.v. ἥρως· δυνατός, ἰσχυρός, γενναῖος, σεμνός.
[860] Hom. _Od._ I. 29.
[861] I owe this explanation of ἀμύμων entirely to Mr Gilbert Murray.
[862] Hom. _Od._ XXIV. 80.
[863] _Il._ I. 423.
[864] _Od._ XII. 261.
[865] _Od._ XIX. 109.
[866] _Il._ VI. 171.
[867] Aesch. _Choeph._ 1586. Prof. Ridgeway, _Early Age of Greece_, vol.
I. p. 97, has pointed out that Agamemnon and Menelaos were new-comers,
and that Helen was of the indigenous stock. I venture to suggest that
Aigisthos and Clytaemnestra belong also to the ‘Pelasgian’ stratum.
[868] Hom. _Od._ III. 267.
[869] P. II. 16. 7.
[870] Hom. _Od._ XI. 235.
[871] Hes. frg. ap. Schol. Pind. _Pyth._ IV. 253.
[872] Verg. _Aen._ VI. 585. Hygin. _Fab._ 61. Salmoneus, not Athamas,
is I think represented on the Chicago vase (fig. 8) as holding the
thunderbolt of Zeus; the vase has been rightly explained by Mr A. B.
Cook, _Cl. Rev._ July 1903, p. 276. It will later (Chap. XI.) be shown
that the canonical Hades was peopled by these heroes of an early racial
stratum.
[873] _Od._ XI. 576.
[874] Strab. IX. 3 § 423.
[875] _Od._ VII. 323.
[876] P. X. 4. 10.
[877] P. V. 13. 3.
[878] Pind. _Ol._ I. 90 schol. ad loc.
[879] Schol. ad hyp. _Nem._ Ὁ ἀγὼν (τῶν Νεμέων) ἐπιτάφιος ἐπὶ Ἀρχεμόρῳ
... ὕστερον δὲ νικήσας Ἡρακλῆς ... ἐπεμελήθη τοῦ ἀγῶνος τὰ πολλὰ
ἀνορθωσάμενος καὶ Διὸς εἶναι ἱερὸν ἐνομοθέτησε.
[880] P. III. 19. 3.
[881] Ar. _Av._ 1482, schol. ad loc. Athenaeus (XI. 4 § 461) gives the
same account of the character of heroes: χαλεποὺς γὰρ καὶ πλήκτας τοὺς
ἥρωας νομίζουσι.
[882] Hesych. s.v. κρείττονας.
[883] _West African Studies_, p. 132.
[884] Ar. _Tagenist._ frg. 1.
[885] _Cat._ 1407, from a photograph. For permission to publish this
relief and those in figs. 102, 105, 106, my grateful thanks are due to Mr
Kabbadios, Ephor of Antiquities at Athens.
[886] _Cat._ 1377, from a photograph.
[887] For the whole subject of ἐγκοίμησις see L. Deubner, _De Incubatione
capitula duo_.
[888] Eur. _Iph. in T._ 1261.
[889] P. I. 34. 5.
[890] _A. Mitt._ 1893, p. 250. The introduction of the healer of
Epidauros may have been connected with the great plague at Athens.
[891] A. Koerte, ‘Bezirk eines Heilgottes,’ _A. Mitt._ 1893, p. 237, and
1896, p. 311.
[892] Koerte, _op. cit._ Μνησιπτολέμη ὑπὲρ Δικαιοφάνους Ἀσκληπιῷ Ἀμύνῳ
ἀνέθηκε.
[893] Koerte, _op. cit._ ἄνδρες δίκαιοι γε[γόν]ασι περὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν
ὀργεώνων τοῦ Ἀμύνου καὶ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ τοῦ Δεξίονος ἐπαινέσαι κτλ.
[894] _Etym. Mag._ s.v. Δεξίων. It seems possible that by the οἰκία in
which Sophocles received Asklepios is meant the Amyneion.
[895] Istr. frg. 51.
[896] Koerte, _op. cit._ ἐπὶ ἱερέως Σοφοκλέους τοῦ Φιλώτου.
[897] Cf. P. VIII. 8. 4, II. 10. 3, III. 23. 7.
[898] Prof. Ridgeway, _The Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 640.
[899] Usener, _Die Sinflutsagen_, p. 58, draws attention to the
hypocoristic form Ἡρύκαλος, see Hesych. s.v. τὸν Ἡρακλέα Σώφρων
ὑποκοριστικῶς, and supposes an old Greek diminutive καλος = Lat. _culus_,
homunculus, Herculus.
[900] See p. 12.
[901] Diod. Sic. IV. 40 τὴν Ἥραν ἀναβᾶσαν ἐπὶ κλίνην καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα
προσλαβομένην πρὸς τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῶν ἐνδυμάτων ἀφεῖναι πρὸς τὴν γῆν
μιμουμένην τὴν ἀληθινὴν γένεσιν· ὅπερ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν ποιεῖν τοὺς βαρβάρους
ὅταν θετὸν υἱὸν ποιεῖσθαι βούλωνται.
[902] Rosch. _Lex._ s.v. Herakles, ‘Apotheose,’ p. 2239.
[903] Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχ. 1890, Pl. VII.
[904] Schol. ad Ar. _Nub._ 508 ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ ἱερὸν ἐστὶ Τροφωνίου ὅπου
ὄφις ἦν ὁ μαντευόμενος ᾧ οἱ κατοικοῦντες πλακοῦντας ἔβαλλον μέλιτι
δεδευομένους. The women in the fourth Mime of Herondas (_v._ 90) offer a
pelanos to the snake of Asklepios.
[905] Berl. _Cat._ 3155. _Jahrb. d. Inst._, Anzeiger, 1890, p. 89.
[906] Plat. _Legg._ 717 A. The Olympian gods do not here concern us,
but it may be worth noting that the gods who keep the state τοὺς τὴν
πόλιν ἔχοντας θεούς, who are classed with the Olympians as of the first
rank, seem to correspond with the ἀστυνόμοι and ἀγοραῖοι of Aeschylus
(_Ag._ 90) who take rank with the οὐράνιοι. Some gods wherever found
were Olympian, e.g. Zeus and Apollo; others though not Pan-Hellenically
recognised took rank as such locally, e.g. Demeter.
[907] Hes. _Erg._ 109.
[908] There are several instances in the National Museum at Athens and
‘Hero-Feasts’ have been carved on sarcophagi which are still in the
courtyard of the local museum at Paros.
[909] _Inv._ 55, see Dr Wiegand, ‘Antike Sculpturen in Samos,’ _A. Mitt._
1900, p. 176.
[910] _Inv._ 60.
[911] See Dr Wiegand, _op. cit._ p. 180.
[912] See Dr Verrall, ‘Death and the Horse,’ _J.H.S._, XVIII. 1898, p. 1.
[913] Roscher, s.v. Heros, p. 2559, No. 5. A better reproduction
in phototype has been published by Dr Chr. Blinkenberg, ‘Et Attisk
Votivrelief,’ _Festskrift til J. L. Ussing_, Kopenhagen, 1900. I follow
Dr Ussing’s view (kindly translated for me by Dr Martin Nilsson).
[914] P. I. 22. 1-3, see Dr Frazer ad loc., and _Myth. and Mon. Anc.
Athens_, p. 328.
[915] Eur. _Hipp._ 26 ff., trans. Mr Gilbert Murray. For Aphrodite
Endemos, _Love-at-Home_, see Dr Verrall, _Cl. Rev._, Dec. 1901, p. 449.
Dr Svoronos makes the interesting suggestion that the sanctuary founded
by Phaedra may have been on the site later occupied by the temple of Nike
Apteros, and that the Wingless Victory may have been a title rather of
Aphrodite than the Athene. See _Journal International d’Archéologie_,
1901, p. 459.
[916] _Cat._ 95, published and fully discussed by Prof. Furtwängler, ‘Ein
sogenanntes Todtenmahlrelief mit Inschrift,’ _Sitzungsberichte d. k. Bay.
Ak. d. Wissenschaften_, Philos.-Philolog. Klasse 1897, p. 401.
[917] Hesych. s.v.
[918] Plat. _Legg._ VI. 784 D.
[919] Both reliefs are reproduced from photographs kindly given me by the
German Archaeological Institute. The relief to Zeus Philios was found
near the Hill of the Nymphs at Athens (_C.I.A._ II. 1330), that to the
Agathos Daimon at Thespiae (_C.I.A._ I. 1815).
[920] νὴ τὸν Φίλιον was a popular oath, cf. Ar. _Acharn._ 730. The
omission of the proper name is significant.
[921] Diod. Sinop. frg. ap. Athen. VI. 2396. Meineke, _F.C.G._ III. p.
543.
[922] Cat. 1500. Both designs in figs. 110 and 111 are reproduced from
photographs.
[923] The most recent account of this much discussed relief is by Dr
Studniczka, ‘Ueber das Schauspielerrelief aus dem Peiraeus,’ in _Mélanges
Perrot_, p. 307. The relief was first published _A. Mittheilungen_ 1882,
Taf. 14, p. 389; see also _Hermes_ 1887, p. 336. _A. Mitt._ 1888, p. 221.
Reisch, _Weihgeschenke_, p. 23. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1896, p. 104. _A.
Mitt._ 1896, p. 362.
[924] Dr Studniczka (op. cit. supra) has made a very close examination
of the objects held, and attempts, I do not think successfully, to
deduce therefrom the dramatic characters impersonated. The object held
by the last figure to the left as well as his face is obliterated. It is
sufficient for our purpose that it is clear from the middle figure they
are _actors_.
[925] From a photograph. There are similar reliefs not quite so well
preserved in the Louvre and in the British Museum (_Cat._ 176). A
complete list of those extant is given by Hauser, _Die Neu-attischen
Reliefs_, Anhang, p. 189. The earliest specimen, more nearly approaching
the ‘Hero-Relief,’ and so marked by the presence of a snake, is published
_Arch. Zeit._ 1882, Taf. XIV., and I have already discussed it, _Myth.
and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. xlv, fig. 7.
[926] Herod. V. 67. I owe this important reference to the article _Heros_
in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, p. 2492, but Dr Deneken calls no attention to its
significance in relation to Dionysos.
[927] _J.H.S._ V. p. 116. Prof. Percy Gardner explains the coin as
belonging to Asklepios: my suggestion is made with the utmost diffidence
as differing from so great an authority on numismatics.
[928] Mr A. G. Bather in an interesting article on ‘The Problem of the
Bacchae’ (_J.H.S._ XIV. 1894, p. 263) concludes that the myths of the
introduction of Dionysos ‘do not find their origin in any introduction of
the god from without, but in the yearly inbringing of the new statue.’
[929] Berlin, _Cat._ 1704. _Mon. d. Inst._ 1873 vol. IX. Pl. LV. W.
Helbig, _Annali_ 1873, p. 106. The curious inscriptions do not here
concern us.
[930] _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie D, Taf. 1 and 2. The vase is now in
the Municipal Museum at Corneto.
[931] _Il._ VI. 129.
[932] Soph. _Ant._ 955.
[933] Ar. _Thesm._ 135, schol. ad loc.
[934] Naples. Heydemann, Cat. 3237. _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, pp.
260, 261, figs. 11 and 12.
[935] Herod. VII. 110.
[936] Strabo VII. § 318.
[937] Strabo frg. VII.
[938] Paulinus Nol. _carm. xxx. de reditu Niket. Episc. in Daciam_.
Nam simul terris animisque duri
et sua Bessi nive duriores
nunc oves facti duce te gregantur
pacis in aulam.
quasque cervices dare servituti
semper a bello indomiti negarant
nunc iugo veri domini subactas
sternere gaudent.
nunc magis dives pretio laboris
Bessus exultat, quod humi manuque
ante quaerebat, modo mente caeli
colligit aurum.
...
mos ubi quondam fuerat ferarum,
nunc ibi ritus viget angelorum
et latet justus quibus ipse latro
vixit in antris.
For this and many other valuable references about the Bessi, I am
indebted to Dr Tomaschek’s article ‘Ueber Brumalia und Rosalia,’
_Sitzungsber. d. K. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, Phil.-Hist. Kl., Wien 1868,
p. 351.
[939] Thucyd. II. 96.
[940] Plin. _N.H._ IV. 18. 11. 40.
[941] Eur. _Bacch._ 13.
[942] Eur. _Bacch._ 65.
[943] _Ib._ 152.
[944] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2.
[945] Eur. _Bacch._ 565.
[946] To Euripides in the _Bacchae_ Dionysos is the god of the grape. The
vine probably came from Asia, though about this experts do not seem to
be agreed, see Schrader, _Real-lexicon_; but Dionysos, as will later be
shown, is earlier than the coming of the vine.
[947] Eur. _Bacch._ 519.
[948] _Ib._ 530.
[949] B.M. Cat. E 695. _Mon. d. Inst._ 1833 tav. L.
[950] Strabo X. 3 § 470.
[951] Strabo frg. 25.
[952] For the orientalism of the Theban character and legends, see Mr D.
G. Hogarth, _Philip and Alexander_, p. 34.
[953] Herod. V. 7.
[954] Sappho, frg. 66.
[955] _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie II. Taf. iii., iv. An even earlier
source is the Corinthian vase published by Dr Löschke, _A. Mitt._ 1894,
p. 524, Taf. viii.
[956] _Od._ VII. 265.
[957] Soph. _Oed. Tyr._ 209.
[958] Eur. _Bacch._ 1356.
[959] _Ib._ 302.
[960] Polyaen. _Strat._ I. 1.
[961] This remarkable frieze is in the local museum at Delphi and is not
as yet completely published.
[962] Herod. V. 3.
[963] Soph. frg. 782 ap. Strab. XV. 687.
[964] Eur. _Bacch._ 556.
[965] Diod. III. 4.
[966] _Ib._ 65.
[967] Diod. IV. 3.
[968] This was first, I believe, observed by Dr Head (_Hist. Num._ p.
176). In discussing the coinage of Lete in Macedonia he says: ‘The coin
types all refer to the orgiastic rites practised in the worship of the
mountain Bacchus, which originated in the country of the Satrae or
Satyrs’ (Herod. VII. 111).
[969] Prof. Ridgeway (_Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 343) identifies
the Orreskii of the coins with the Orestae of Strabo (§ 434). He thinks
the slight difference in form is due to a copyist’s mistake of τ for κ.
[970] Head, _Hist. Num._ p. 176.
[971] Nonnus, _Dionys._ XIII. 43
καὶ λασίων Σατύρων Κενταυρίδος αἷμα γενέθλης.
[972] _Il._ I. 262
κάρτιστοι μὲν ἔσαν καὶ καρτίστοις ἐμάχοντο
φηρσὶν ὀρεσκῴοισι.
[973] _Il._ II. 711
ὅτε φῆρας ἐτίσατο λαχνήεντας
τοὺς δ’ ἐκ Πηλίου ὦσε καὶ Αἰθίκεσσι πέλασσεν.
[974] _Od._ XXI. 303 ἐξ οὗ Κενταύροισι καὶ ἀνδράσι νεῖκος ἐτύχθη.
[975] Boston, _Inv._ No. 6508. _American Journal of Archaeology_
1900, pl. VI. p. 441. The vase belongs to the class usually called
‘proto-Corinthian.’ Mr J. C. Hopkins prefers to call it ‘Argive.’
[976] _J.H.S._ vol. I. p. 130, fig. 1, published and discussed with other
art representations by Mr Sidney Colvin.
[977] It is, it would seem, a mere chance that we have not what might
be called a ‘fish Centaur.’ On an early black-figured vase (_R.
Mitt._ II. 1887, Taf. viii.) we have a series of men represented as
completely human, not with the body ending in fish tails, but with an
extra fish tail added to the complete human body. These are the natural
monster-forms of a people dwelling on the sea-coast.
[978] P. V. 19. 9.
[979] Pind. _Pyth._ III. 5.
[980] B.M. _Cat._ B 620. _J.H.S._ vol. I. pl. ii. p. 132.
[981] _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 177.
[982] An analogous case to the Satyrs and Centaurs has already been noted
(p. 172), i.e. the Keres, regarded as Telchines, and of monstrous forms;
and still more clear is the case of the Kyklopes (p. 190), barbarous
monsters yet builders and craftsmen.
[983] Pind. frg. 44.
[984] _J.H.S._ I. Pl. ii. Engelmann, _Bilder-Atlas_, 110.
[985] The animal form assumed by Dionysos was (as will later be shown,
p. 432) that of a bull. Had his own worshippers invented the monstrous
Satyrs, they would probably have chosen the bull shape. With the horse
Dionysos, unlike his attendants, has no affinities.
[986] Würzburg, No. 354. _Mon. d. Inst._ X. 8 a. _Myth. and Mon. Ancient
Athens_, p. lxxix.
[987] The literature of this controversy is fully given and discussed by
Dr K. Wernicke, ‘Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,’ _Hermes_ XXXII. 1897, p. 29.
[988] Since the above was written I see with great pleasure that Dr
Emil Reisch in his article ‘Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen Tragödie’
(_Festschrift Theodor Gomperz_ 1902, p. 459) reasserts the old view that
the horse-demons of the vases are Satyrs.
[989] Hes. frg. CXXIX.
[990] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2. For many references as to the Maenads I am
indebted to the articles by Dr A. Rapp, ‘Die Maenade in gr. Cultus in der
Kunst und Poesie,’ _Rhein. Mus._ 1872, pp. 1 and 562, and for references
to the Thyiades to Dr Weniger’s _Das Collegium der Thyiaden_.
[991] Plut. _de Superstit._ X.
Μαινάδα Θυιάδα Φοιβάδα Λυσσάδα.
[992] Eur. _Bacch._ 977.
[993] Aesch. _Eum._ 22.
[994] Aesch. _Eum._ 19.
[995] P. X. 19. 3.
[996] Hermitage, _Cat._ 1807.
[997] Aesch. _Eum._ 1.
[998] See Dr Verrall, _Euripides the Rationalist_, p. 223. The same
theological euphemism is observable in the Hymn to Dionysos recently
discovered at Delphi and which will be discussed later (p. 417). Here
there is a manifest attempt to fuse the worship of Apollo and Dionysos.
Dionysos even adopts the characteristic Apolline title of Paean.
[999] P. X. 4. 2.
[1000] P. X. 6. 2.
[1001] P. X. 32. 7.
[1002] _De Is. et Os._ 35. Herodotus (VII. 178) mentions an altar of the
winds at Delphi in a place called Thyia, which was the temenos of the
heroine, who may herself have been a raging wind. The same precinct,
we know from an inscription found at Delphi, was called Thyiai. See E.
Bourguet, _Mélanges Perrot_, p. 25.
[1003] Plut. _de prin. frig._ XVIII.
[1004] Plut. _de mul. virt._ XIII.
[1005] Eur. _Bacch._ 683.
[1006] Plut. _de Ei apud Delph._ XX. 1 Φοῖβον δὲ δή που τὸ καθαρὸν
καὶ ἁγνὸν οἱ παλαιοὶ πᾶν ὠνόμαζον ὡς ἔτι Θεσσαλοὶ τοὺς ἱερέας ἐν
ταῖς ἀποφράσιν ἡμέραις αὐτοὺς ἐφ’ ἑαυτῶν ἔξω διατρίβοντας οἶμαι
φοιβονομεῖσθαι, see _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 241.
[1007] Aesch. _Eum._ 6.
[1008] On a curious ‘Tyrrhenian’ amphora (Gerhard, _Auserlesene
Vasenbilder_ 220), the scene of the slaying of Troilos is represented.
This took place according to tradition in the Thymbraean sanctuary. The
sanctuary is indicated by a regular omphalos covered by a fillet and
against it is inscribed βωμός.
[1009] Aesch. _Ag._ 1275.
[1010] Eur. _Hec._ 827
ἡ Φοιβὰς ἣν καλοῦσι Κασσάνδραν Φρύγες.
[1011] Eur. _Bacch._ 664
βάκχας ποτνιάδας εἰσιδών, αἳ τῆσδε γῆς
οἴστροισι λευκὸν κῶλον ἐξηκόντισαν.
Mr Murray’s translation preserves the twofold connotation of the word,
purity and inspired madness.
[1012] Phot. _Bibl._ V. 533ᵇ ὅτι τὸ ποτνιᾶσθαι κυριώτερον ἐπὶ γυναῖκας
τάττεταί φησιν ὅταν κακόν τι πάσχῃ καὶ θήλειαν ἱκετεύῃ θεόν. ποτνιώμενον
δὲ ἄνδρα ἄν τις εἴπῃ ἁμαρτάνει.
[1013] Diod. IV. 3.
[1014] _Oed. Col._ 670, trans. by Mr D. S. MacColl.
[1015] First published by Kondolleon, _Ath. Mitt._ XV. (1890) p. 330,
discussed by E. Maass, _Hermes_ XXVI. (1891) p. 178, and S. Reinach,
_Rev. des Études grecques_ III. (1890) p. 349, and O. Kern, _Beiträge zur
Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie und Religion_, Berlin 1895.
[1016] ἀφίδρυμα Διονύσου.
[1017]
ὄφρα λάβητε
Μαινάδας αἱ γενεῆς Εἰνοῦς ἀπὸ Καδμηείης.
αἳ δ’ ὑμῖν δώσουσι καὶ ὄργια καὶ νόμιμ’ ἐσθλά.
[1018] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2.
[1019] Munich. Jahn, _Cat._ 382. _Greek Vase Paintings_, J. E. Harrison
and D. S. MacColl, pl. XV. Baumeister, _Ab._ 928.
[1020] _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 220, fig. 6.
[1021] Head, _Hist. Num._ p. 461, fig. 287.
[1022] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XII. Epimenides is as it were a historical
Orpheus. Coming from Crete, he, like Orpheus (p. 460), modified Dionysiac
ritual.
[1023] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XXI.
[1024] Eur. _Bacch._ 485.
[1025] _Oed. Col._ 674, see p. 369.
[1026] _De Isid. et Os._ XXXV. καὶ θύουσιν οἱ Ὅσιοι θυσίαν ἀπόρρητον ἐν
τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ὅταν αἱ Θυιάδες ἐγείρωσι τὸν Λικνίτην.
[1027] The verb θυίω is used of the excited beating of the heart under
strong emotion, e.g. Ap. Rhod. III. 754
πυκνὰ δέ οἱ κραδίη στηθέων ἔντοσθεν ἔθυιεν.
[1028] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XII. τῆς δὲ Ἡρωΐδος τὰ πλεῖστα μυστικὸν ἔχει λόγον
ὃν ἴσασιν αἱ Θυιάδες, ἐκ δὲ τῶν δρωμένων φανερῶς Σεμέλης ἄν τις ἀναγωγὴν
εἰκάσειε.
[1029] Eur. _Bacch._ 375
τὸν Βρόμιον
τὸν Σεμέλας.
_v._ 580
ὁ Σεμέλας,
ὁ Διὸς παῖς.
_v._ 278
ὁ Σεμέλης γόνος.
[1030] Ramsay, _Journal of Asiatic Soc._ XV. 1883, pp. 120 ff., and
Latischew, _Für vergleichende Sprachforschung_, vol. XXVIII. pp. 381 ff.
The inscriptions are explained and discussed in relation to Semele by
Dr Paul Kretschmer, ‘Semele und Dionysos,’ in _Aus der Anomia_ (Berlin
1890), and to him I owe entirely the view adopted in the text.
[1031] P. VI. 20. 9.
[1032] I regret to be obliged to reproduce the publication of Tischbein
(_Greek Vases_ I. 39). As regards style it is obviously inadequate. The
vase has been examined by Mr Cecil Smith (_Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, p.
120, note 17) and the reproduction of Tischbein is pronounced by him to
be as regards subject-matter substantially correct.
[1033] B.M. _Cat._ vol. III. E 182, cf. C. Robert, _Archäologische
Mährchen_ 161. Dr Robert explains the vase as the birth of Dionysos
from the well-nymph Dirce, but vase-paintings offer no analogy to the
representation of a well-nymph as a figure rising from the ground.
[1034] Cf. _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. xxxix.
[1035] Heydemann, _Cat. St Angelo Coll._ 172. Gerhard, _Ges. Abh._
Taf. LXVIII. The authenticity of the inscriptions has been questioned.
I examined them last year in the Naples Museum and see no ground for
suspicion.
[1036] An inscription of the 5th century B.C. recently discovered shows
that at Thebes there was an actual sanctuary of Earth. It runs as
follows: ἱαρὸν Γᾶς Μακαίρας Τελεσσφόρο. The titles μάκαιρα and τελεσφόρος
are applied to Ge in the Orphic Hymn (xxvi. 1 and 10). See _Bull. de
Corr. Hell._ 1901, p. 363.
[1037] Soph. _Ant._ 1139.
[1038] Eur. _Hipp._ 555.
[1039] Eur. _Bacch._ 1.
[1040] Such places were, if we may trust the _Etymologicon Magnum_,
called ἐνηλύσια, which at least in popular etymology was believed to
mean ‘Places of Advent.’ They are thus defined: ἐνηλύσια λέγεται εἰς ἃ
κεραυνὸς εἰσβέβηκεν ἃ καὶ ἀνατίθεται Διῒ καταιβάτῃ καὶ λέγεται ἄδυτα καὶ
ἄβατα.
[1041] P. IX. 16. 7.
[1042] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XXXVIII.
[1043] Lydus, _de mens._ IV. 96.
[1044] Eur. _Bacch._ 594.
[1045] Eur. _Bacch._ 1082.
[1046] Aristot. περὶ θαυμ. 122.
[1047] Pind. _Pyth._ III. 77 and schol. ad loc.
[1048] I have collected and discussed some instances of these in my
article ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 238.
[1049] P. VIII. 31. 4, and at Gythium, P. III. 22. 1.
[1050] Porph. _Vit. Pyth._ XVII.
[1051] Dr Kretschmer (_Aus der Anomia_ p. 23) has shown that in all
probability the second half of the name Dionysos (-νυσος) means ‘son’ or
‘young man’: it is the cognate of Lat. _nurus_ and of Gr. νύμφη, which
in the compound κακόνυμφος (Eur. _Alc._ 206, 990) appears in masculine
form. On the fragment of an early black-figured vase signed by Sophilos,
three nymphs appear with the inscription Νῦσαι which seems equivalent
to κόραι or νύμφαι or παρθένοι (_A. Mitt._ XIV. Taf. i.). Aristophanes
seems to have vaguely felt or imagined some connection between the last
half of the word and Nysa, the birthplace of the god, in his Νυσήιον Διὸς
Διόνυσον (_Ran._ 215) echoed by Apollonius Rhodius in Διὸς Νυσήιον υἷα
(_Arg._ IV. 1132). Dionysos then is practically either Διόσκουρος, a term
of wide application, or possibly child of the tribe of Dioi (see p. 372).
Dr Kretschmer further points out that the fluctuation in inscriptions
between ι and ε (Δεόνυσος and Διόνυσος) is best accounted for by Thracian
origin, as the Thracians appear to have had a vowel which was not exactly
either, and was indifferently rendered in Greek by both. Probably then,
though not certainly, Dionysos brought his name with him from the North.
[1052] _Jahrbuch des Inst._ 1891, Taf. I. Sufficient fragments of the
vase remain to show that the scene represented was the presentation of
Dionysos to the Olympians.
[1053] Eur. _Bacch._ 535.
[1054] Eur. _Bacch._ 416.
[1055] Ar. _Ran._ 331.
[1056] Preller (3rd ed. p. 665) goes so far as to say ‘Βρόμιος scheint
nur poetisches Beiwort zu sein.’
[1057] Pind. frg. 45
τὸν Βρόμιον τὸν Ἐριβόαν τε καλέομεν.
[1058] Pind. _Ol._ II. 27
ζώει μὲν ἐν Ὀλυμπίοις ἀποθανοῦσα βρόμῳ
κεραυνοῦ τανυέθειρα Σεμέλα.
[1059] Strabo X. p. 470.
[1060] _Anthol. Pal._ IX. 368
Εἰς οἶνον ἀπὸ κριθῆς.
Τίς; πόθεν εἶς Διόνυσε; μὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀληθέα Βάκχον
οὔ σ’ ἐπιγιγνώσκω· τὸν Διὸς οἶδα μόνον.
κεῖνος νέκταρ ὄδωδε, σὺ δὲ τράγον· ἦ ῥά σε Κελτοὶ
τῇ πενίῃ βοτρύων τεῦξαν ἀπ’ ἀσταχύων.
τῷ σε χρὴ καλέειν Δημήτριον, οὐ Διόνυσον,
πυρογενῆ μᾶλλον καὶ βρόμον οὐ Βρόμιον.
The epigram is discussed and the play on πυριγενῆ, πυρογενῆ, βρόμος and
Βρόμιος rightly observed by Hehn (_Kulturpflanzen_, 6th ed. p. 147),
and to his book and Schrader’s _Reallexicon_ I am indebted for many
references. Hehn misses the point of τράγος but it was noted long ago by
Couring in the _Thesaurus_ of Stephanos (2342 B) s.v. τράγος. He remarks
apropos of the epigram: ‘non hircum sed ex olyra et tritico confectum
panem.’ See also Dr W. Headlam, _Cl. Rev._ 1901, p. 23.
[1061] Mr Francis Darwin kindly tells me that τράγος is said to be a
kind of wheat known now as _triticum amylaeum_. It is akin to spelt,
_triticum spelta_, the ancient ζεία. βρόμος is some form of oats, in
modern Greek βρώμη. It is of interest to note that in the 4th century
B.C. βρόμος was an important cereal accounted as more wholesome than
barley. This is clear from the words of the physician Dieuches: γίνεται
δὲ ἄλφιτον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ βρόμου. φρύγεται δὲ σὺν τῷ ἀχύρῳ πᾶν. ἀποπήσσεταί
τε καὶ τρίβεται καὶ ἐρύκεται καθάπερ καὶ τὸ κρίθινον ἄλφιτον. τοῦτο τὸ
ἄλφιτον κρεῖττον καὶ ἀφυσώτερόν ἐστι τοῦ κριθίνου (_xxi. veter. et clar.
medic. Graec. var. opusc._ ed. F. de Matthaei, Mosquae 1808, p. 39; see
Hehn, _Kulturpfl._ 7th edit. p. 553). By the time of Galen it seems to
have fallen into comparative disuse, displaced probably by the richer
cereals. He says (_de aliment. facult._ I. 14): τροφὴ δ’ ἐστὶν ὑποζυγίων
οὐκ ἀνθρώπων, εἰ μή ποτε ἄρα λιμώττοντες ἐσχάτως ἀναγκασθεῖεν, ἐκ τούτου
τοῦ σπέρματος. The modern history of oats presents a close analogy.
Displaced in the south by the richer wheat it remains the staple food of
the northern Scot, and is the food of cattle only in the south.
[1062] H. Weil, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XIX. p. 401
[Δεῦρ’ ἄνα Δ]ιθύραμβε, Βάκχ’,
ε[ὔϊε θυρσῆ]ρες, Βραϊ-
τά, Βρόμι(ε), ἠρινα[ῖς ἱκοῦ
ταῖσδ(ε)] ἱεραῖς ἐν ὥραις.
Dr Weil suggests “faut-il le rattacher à Ϝραίω = ῥαίω et l’expliquer
‘celui qui frappe et qui brise’?”
[1063] Ducange s.v. braisum: grana ad conficiendam braisum cerevisiam
praeparata.
[1064] Dem. _de Cor._ 313.
[1065] Theophr. _Char._ LXXVII.
[1066] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. Arnob. _c. gent._ V. p. 170.
[1067] Diod. IV. 4.
[1068] Strab. X. 3 § 471.
[1069] Ar. _Av._ 875
καὶ φρυγίλῳ Σαβαζίῳ καὶ στρουθῷ μεγάλῃ
μητρὶ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων.
[1070] Ar. _Lys._ 388.
[1071] Ar. _Vesp._ 5-12. The word βουκολεῖς (_v._ 6) points to the
βουκόλοι, priests or attendants of the bull-Dionysos.
[1072] Ammian. Marcell. 26. 8. 2: est autem sabaia ex ordeo vel frumento
in liquorem conversis paupertinus in Illyrico potus. O. Schrader,
_Reallexikon_ p. 89, points out that the derivation of Sabazios from
_sabaia_ is possible, if the view of Kretschmer (_Einleitung_ p. 195)
be accepted that Sabazios represents an earlier _Savadios_; he compares
the old Gallic divinity Braciaca ‘God of Malt.’ Mr A. B. Cook kindly
drew my attention to the remark of De Vit in his edition of Forcellini’s
_Lexicon_, s.v. sabaia: ‘unde etiam _zabaion_ vulgo apud nostrates’
(Venetos?).
[1073] Hieron. _Com._ 7 _in Is._ cap. 19: quod genus est potionis ex
frugibus aquaque confectum et vulgo in Dalmatiae Pannoniaeque provinciis
gentili barbaroque sermone appellatur _sabaium_.
[1074] This was first observed by Grimm (_Geschichte d. d. Sprache_ p.
66), see Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_, 7th edit. p. 550, but Hehn’s explanation
of the custom does not seem satisfactory. Our custom of calling inferior
varieties of plants by _dog_-names, e.g. Dog-Rose, Dog-Violet, seems
analogous.
[1075] For the group of words denoting ‘dregs’ e.g. O.P. _dragios_, with
which τρυγῳδία is connected, see Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities_ p.
322, and Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_ p. 159.
[1076] For the literature of this protracted controversy see U. v.
Wilamowitz, Eur. _Her._ I. p. 32; A. Körte, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1893,
VIII. p. 61; Löschke, _A. Mitt._ XV. 1894, p. 518; K. Wernicke, _Hermes_
1897, p. 290; Bethe, _Proleg._ p. 48. My own view was first suggested in
the _Classical Rev._ July 1902, p. 331.
[1077] Aesch. frg. 190 ap. Plut. _Mor._ p. 86 τοῦ δὲ σατύρου τὸ πῦρ ὡς
πρῶτον ὤφθη βουλομένου φιλῆσαι καὶ περιλαβεῖν ὁ Προμηθεύς
τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύγε.
[1078] Porph. _de antr. nymph._ 7.
[1079] Plat. _Symp._ § 203.
[1080] Plut. _Symp._ IV. 6.
[1081] Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie d. alten Egypter_, p. 647.
[1082] Xen. _Anab._ IV. 5. 26 ἐνῆσαν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ αἱ κριθαὶ ἰσοχειλεῖς.
[1083] Lasicius, _De Diis Sarmagitarum_, p. 44.
[1084] Archil. frg. ap. Athen. X. 67 § 447. Bergk 32
ὥσπερ παρ’ αὐλῷ βρῦτον ἢ Θρῆιξ ἀνὴρ
ἢ Φρὺξ ἔβρυζε.
[1085] Aesch. frg. 123 ap. Athen. loc. cit.
[1086] Diod. V. 26.
[1087] In the north as to-day the Beer-god retained his supremacy. It
is interesting to note that the British saint, St Brigida, re-performed
the miracle of Cana with the characteristically northern modification
that she turned the water into excellent beer: _Christi autem ancilla
videns quia tunc illico non poterat invenire cerevisiam, aquam ad balneum
portatam benedixerit et in optimam cerevisiam conversa est a Deo et
abundanter sitientibus propinata est_. _Acta SS. Febr._ I. Vita IV. S.
Brigidae cap. IV. quoted by Hehn, _op. cit._ p. 149. In the Egyptian
_Book of the Dead_ (Chap. CX.) the desire of the soul is for cakes and
_ale_.
[1088] Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_, 7th edit. p. 154.
[1089] Eur. _Hipp._ 141.
[1090] Plut. _de Is. et Osir._ LXIX. Φρύγες δὲ τὸν θεὸν οἰόμενοι
χειμῶνος καθεύδειν, θέρους δ’ ἐγρηγορέναι, τότε μὲν κατευνασμούς, τότε
δ’ ἀνεγέρσεις βακχεύοντες αὐτῷ τελοῦσι. Παφλαγόνες δὲ καταδεῖσθαι καὶ
καθείργνυσθαι χειμῶνος, ἦρος δὲ κινεῖσθαι καὶ ἀναλύεσθαι φάσκουσι. The
earlier portion of this passage deals with the analogous cult of Demeter
(p. 128) already discussed.
[1091] Berlin, _Cat._ 2290. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie A, Taf. VI.
[1092] Plut. _Quaest. R._ CXII.
[1093] Pliny _N.H._ XVI. 62.
[1094] Eur. _Bacch._ 55.
[1095] _Annali d. Inst._ 1862, Tav. d’agg. C.
[1096] Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1900, p. 322.
[1097] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV. ὅτι δ’ οὐ μόνον τοῦ οἴνου Διόνυσον
ἀλλὰ καὶ πάσης ὑγρᾶς φύσεως Ἕλληνες ἡγοῦνται κύριον καὶ ἀρχηγὸν ἀρκεῖ
Πίνδαρος μάρτυς εἶναι λέγων·
Δενδρέων δὲ νόμον Διόνυσος πολυγηθής αὐξάνοι
ἁγνὸν φέγγος ὀπώρας.
[1098] Plut. _Symp._ IX. 14. 4.
[1099] Eur. _Bacch._ 274.
[1100] The doctrine of Teiresias was wide-spread in Greece by the time
of Diodorus. He says (IV. 3): καθόλου δὲ μυθολογοῦσι τῶν θεῶν μεγίστης
ἀποδοχῆς τυγχάνειν παρ’ ἀνθρώποις τοὺς ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις ὑπερβαλομένους
κατὰ τὴν εὕρεσιν τῶν ἀγαθῶν Διόνυσόν τε καὶ Δήμητρα, τὸν μὲν τοῦ
προσηνεστάτου ποτοῦ γενόμενον εὑρέτην, τὴν δὲ τῆς ξηρᾶς τροφῆς τὴν
κρατίστην παραδοῦσαν τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων.
[1101] _Myth. and Mon. Anc._ Athens, pp. 44-50.
[1102] B.M. _Cat._ B 264. Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Taf. 38.
[1103] Eur. _Bacch._ 99.
[1104] Eur. _Bacch._ 918.
[1105] Eur. _Bacch._ 1017
φάνηθι ταῦρος ἢ πολύκρανος ἰδεῖν
δράκων ἢ πυριφλέγων ὁρᾶσθαι λέων.
[1106] Schol. ad Lyc. _Al._ 1237 κερατοφοροῦσι γὰρ καὶ αὗται κατὰ μίμησιν
Διονύσου, ταυρόκρανος γὰρ φαντάζεται καὶ ζωγραφεῖται.
[1107] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV.
[1108] Athen. § 425 C.
[1109] Soph. _Trach._ 9.
[1110] Soph. frg. 548.
[1111] _Archäologische Zeitung_ XVI. (1883), Taf. 11. This vase is now in
the Louvre.
[1112] Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Taf. 47.
[1113] Eur. _Bacch._ 519.
[1114] Plato _Legg._ III. 700 B ἄλλο εἶδος ᾠδῆς Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι,
διθύραμβος λεγόμενος.
[1115] Pind. _Ol._ XIII. 18
ταὶ Διωνύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν
σὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
[1116] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XXXVI.
Ἐλθεῖν ἥρω Διόνυσε
Ἀλείων ἐς ναόν,
ἁγνὸν σὺν χαρίτεσσιν
ἐς ναὸν τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ θύων.
Ἄξιε ταῦρε, ἄξιε ταῦρε.
[1117]
[Δεῦρ’ ἄνα Δ]ιθύραμβε, Βάκχ’,
ε[ὔιε θυρσῆ]ρες, Βραϊ-
τά, Βρόμι(ε), ἠρινα[ῖς ἱκοῦ
ταῖσδ(ε)] ἱεραῖς ἐν ὥραις.
Εὐοῖ ὦ ἰὸ [Βάκχ’ ὦ ἰὲ Παιὰ]ν
[ὃ]ν Θήβαις ποτ’ ἐν εὐίαις
Ζη[νὶ γείνατο] καλλίπαις Θυώνα.
πάντες δ’ [ἀστέρες ἀγχ]όρευ-
σαν, πάντες δὲ βροτοὶ χ[άρη-
σαν σαῖς], Βάκχιε, γένναις.
I have followed throughout Dr H. Weil’s version.
[1118] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV.
[1119] Plut. _de Ei ap. Delph._ IX.
[1120] The suggestion that follows as to the connection of the word
Dithyramb with Thriae is only given tentatively. It is also possible that
the word Dithyramb may be of foreign origin. Epiphanius (_Adv. Haeres._
vol. I. bk iii. p. 1093 D) tells of a goddess in Egypt, worshipped with
orgiastic rites under the name Τίθραμβος. She was akin to Hecate (ἄλλοι
δὲ τῇ Τιθράμβῳ Ἑκάτην ἑρμηνευομένην). Τίθραμβος may have come with other
orgiastic elements from Crete to Thrace (see p. 460).
[1121] Suidas s.v. λέγουσι γὰρ θρίασιν τὴν τῶν ποιητῶν μανίαν.
[1122] Philoch. frg. 125 ap. Zenob. _prov. cent._ V. 75 Φιλόχορός φησιν
ὅτι νύμφαι κατεῖχον τὸν Παρνασσὸν τροφοὶ Ἀπόλλωνος τρεῖς καλούμεναι
Θριαί, ἀφ’ ὧν αἱ μαντικαὶ ψῆφοι θριαὶ καλοῦνται.
[1123] _Hom. Hymn. ad Merc._ 551-563. I accept Hermann’s reading Θριαί
for Μοῖραι, cf. Gemoll ad loc.
[1124] For a full account of ‘the Bee in Greek Mythology’ see Mr A. B.
Cook, _J.H.S._ XV. 1895, p. 1.
[1125] Eur. _Hipp._ 555.
[1126] θρίαμβος translated by the Romans into the plain prose of
‘triumph’ seems to have remained to the Greeks a poetical word
consecrated to poetical usage. Conon says indeed of Tereus in telling the
story of Philomela: τέμνει τὴν αὐτῆς γλῶσσαν δεδιὼς τὸν ἐκ λόγων θρίαμβον
(_Narrat._ XXXI.), but the story and the usage of the word seem borrowed
from some poetical source. Sir Richard Jebb kindly draws my attention
to the fact that in our earliest literary mention of the _thriambos_
(Kratinos, Koch frg. 36) it is apparently sung by a female singer:
ὅτε σὺ τοὺς καλοὺς θριάμβους ἀναρύτουσ’ ἀπηχθάνου.
[1127] See Mr Gilbert Murray, _Euripides_ p. lxvii.
[1128] Eur. _Bacch._ 699.
[1129] _Ib._ 862.
[1130] _Ib._ 723.
[1131] Nietzsche has drawn in this respect a contrast, beautiful and
profoundly true, between the religion and art of Apollo and Dionysos.
Apollo, careful to remain his splendid self, projects an image, a
dream, and calls it _god_. It is illusion (_Schein_), its watchword is
limitation (_Maass_), Know thyself, Nothing too much. Dionysos breaks
all bonds; his motto is the limitless (_Uebermaass_), Excess, Ecstasy.
_Das Individuum mit allen seinen Grenzen und Maassen ging hier in der
Selbstvergessenheit der dionysischen Zustände unter, und vergass die
apollinischen Satzungen_ (Nietzsche, _Die Geburt der Tragödie_, p. 37).
[1132] Ath. XI. 31 § 427.
[1133] Plat. _Legg._ p. 775.
[1134] _Ib._ p. 637.
[1135] Ath. XI. 4 § 461.
[1136] Ath. XI. 51 § 476.
[1137] Plut. _De adul. et amic._ VII.
[1138] Diod. IV. 3.
[1139] _Boston Museum Annual Report_, 1901, p. 60, No. 20. P. Hartung,
_Strena Helbigiana_, p. 111.
[1140] Bacchyl. _Paean_, Bergk 13, trans. by Mr D. S. MacColl.
[1141] Brit. Mus. _Cat._ E 439, pl. XV. On the reverse a Satyr plays the
flute to his master’s dancing.
[1142] Bibliothèque Nationale, _Cat._ 576. P. Hartwig, _Meisterschalen_
XXXIII. 1.
[1143] Athens, Nat. Mus. _Inv._ 3442. _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XIX. 1895,
p. 94.
[1144] Eur. _Bacch._ 135.
[1145] Eur. _Bacch._ 409.
[1146] Herod. II. 81 ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι
καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι.
[1147] Eur. _Hipp._ 954
Ὀρφέα τ’ ἄνακτ’ ἔχων
βάκχευε.
[1148] Apollod. I. 3. 2, 3.
[1149] Diod. III. 65 πολλὰ μεταθεῖναι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὀργίοις.
[1150] E. Maass, _Orpheus_. To Dr Maass’s learned book I owe much, but I
am reluctantly compelled to differ from his main contention.
[1151] Conon, _Narr._ XLV. φιλόμουσον τὸ Θρᾴκων καὶ Μακεδόνων γένος.
[1152] Strabo X. 3 § 722.
[1153] Strabo VII. 7 § 315.
[1154] Eur. _Bacch._ 560.
[1155] Eur. _Alc._ 579.
[1156] In the Church of S. Apollinare in Classe. See Kurth, _Mosaiken von
der christlich. Era_, Taf. XXVII.
[1157] Berlin Mus. _Cat._ 3172; _Progr. Winckelmannsfeste_, Berlin, No.
50, Taf. II.; Roscher, _Lexicon_, vol. III. p. 1179.
[1158] Herod. VII. 75.
[1159] Diod. IV. 25.
[1160] These wanderings by sea may perhaps be reflected in the voyage of
the Argonauts.
[1161] Roscher, _Lexicon_, vol. III. p. 1181, fig. 5. The vase was
formerly in the Dutuit collection.
[1162] Plat. _Symp._ 179 C. Phanocles (ap. Stob. _serm._ LXIV.) makes
Orpheus suffer for his introduction of paiderastia, the introduction of
which is attributed by Aristotle (_Pol._ II. 10) to the _Cretan_ Minos.
[1163] Prokl. ad Plat. _Polit._ p. 398 Ὀρφεὺς ἅτε τῶν Διονύσου τελετῶν
ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος τὰ ὅμοια παθεῖν λέγεται τῷ σφετέρῳ θεῷ.
[1164] Eratosth. _Catast._ XXIV. Since the above was written M. Salomon
Reinach’s interesting paper ‘La Mort d’Orphée’ (_Rev. Arch._ 1902, p.
242) has appeared. He sees in Orpheus a fox-totem of the Bassarids.
But the traits of Orpheus recorded by tradition seem to me exclusively
human. I am more inclined to see in his dismemberment the echo of some
tradition of ‘secondary burial,’ such as is known to have been practised
in primitive Egypt and, significantly, in Crete, at Palaiokastro. See
_J.H.S._ 1902, p. 386.
[1165] Hypoth. ad _Orph. Lith._
[1166] Soph. frg. 523.
[1167] Soph. frg. 1017. The attribution to Sophocles is doubtful.
[1168] Evidence of the use of οἱ σοφοί to indicate the Orphics has been
collected by Dr J. Adam in his edition of the _Republic_, Vol. II. p. 378.
[1169] Museo Gregoriano II. 60. 1; Roscher, _Lexicon_ III. p. 1187, fig.
12.
[1170] _J.H.S._ 1888, pl. I. On another vase in the British Museum (Cat.
E 301) a Maenad pursuing Orpheus is tattooed on the right arm and both
insteps with a ladder-like pattern.
[1171] Plut. _de ser. num. vind._ XII. οὐδὲ γὰρ Θρᾷκας ἐπαινοῦμεν ὅτι
στίζουσιν ἄχρι νῦν τιμωροῦντες Ὀρφεῖ τὰς αὑτῶν γυναῖκας, and Phanocles
ap. Stob. _Florileg._ p. 399 _v._ 13 says:
ποινὰς δ’ Ὀρφῆϊ κταμένῳ στίζουσι γυναῖκας
εἰς ἔτι νῦν κείνης εἵνεκεν ἀμπλακίης.
[1172] _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 398.
[1173] Soph. _Ant._ 962.
[1174] Plut. _Symp._ VIII. Proem.
[1175] Philostr. _Her._ V. § 704 ἡ κεφαλὴ γὰρ μετὰ τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἔργον
ἐς Λέσβον κατασχοῦσα ῥῆγμα τῆς Λέσβου ᾤκισε καὶ ἐν κοίλῃ τῇ γῇ ἐχρησμῴδει.
[1176] Philostr. _Her._ V. § 704.
[1177] Lucian _adv. indoct._ 11.
[1178] _Antiq. Hist. Mir._ V.
[1179] Minervini, _Bull. Arch. Nap._ vol. VI. 1857, Tav. IV.; Roscher,
_Lexicon_ III. p. 1178, fig. 3. The vase was last seen by Prof.
Furtwängler in the Barone collection; where it now is I am unable to say.
On the reverse of the vase (not figured here) a Muse is handing a lyre to
a woman.
[1180] Plut. _de defect. orac._ XLV.
[1181] The scholiast on the _Plutus_ of Aristophanes _v._ 39, commenting
on the words ἔλακεν ἐκ στεμμάτων, says that persons who consulted an
oracle made their inquiries of the god in writing. They wrote on a tablet
(ἐν πυκτίῳ) placed in the shrine for that purpose and wreathing it with
garlands gave it to the divining priest. But this information has an
apocryphal air.
[1182] Eur. _Alc._ 962.
[1183] Schol. ad Eur. _Alc._ 968 ὁ δὲ φυσικὸς Ἡράκλειτος ... γράφων οὕτως
‘τὸ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου κατεσκεύασται ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐπὶ τοῦ καλουμένου
Αἵμου, ὅπου δή τινας ἐν σανίσιν ἀναγραφὰς εἶναί φασιν.’
[1184] According to Diodorus, Linos and Orpheus both used ‘Pelasgic’
letters, and in them Linos wrote the deeds of Dionysos. τόνδ’ οὖν Λίνον
φασὶ τοῖς Πελασγικοῖς γράμμασι συνταξάμενον τὰς τοῦ πρώτου Διονύσου
πράξεις καὶ τὰς ἄλλας μυθολογίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν. ὁμοίως δὲ
τούτοις χρήσασθαι τοῖς Πελασγικοῖς γράμμασι τὸν Ὀρφέα.