Heretofore the essential element in questioning candidates as to people’s
sovereignty has been a State Referendum League, in order that the
business and professional interests shall be represented. But in January
a new departure occurred in Pennsylvania. The Pennsylvania Referendum
League changed its form of organization to the REFERENDUM PARTY OF
PENNSYLVANIA. The platform is as follows:
The Referendum Party urges the following legislative action as
the only certain peaceable means of forever eradicating the
gigantic evils that have gradually crept into our system of
government:
1. The calling of a constitutional convention to revise the
state constitution.
2. Granting to the people the right to veto unjust laws or
ordinances by direct vote; this right to be exercised only if a
vote is demanded on any law or ordinance, by petition signed by
two percentum of the voters of the state or locality affected.
3. Granting to the people the right to enact, by direct
majority vote, needed laws which their Legislature fails or
refuses to enact.
This is known as the Referendum System. Wherever it has been
in operation it has effectually stamped out bribery, graft,
bossism and ring rule, and has made “government by the people
and for the people” a practical reality instead of a mere
theory.
The Referendum Party invites the co-operation of all who favor
this action.
The members of the preliminary committee on organization are:
Clarence V. Tiers, Chairman, Pittsburg, Pa.,
Clement V. Horn, Wilkinsburg, Pa.,
H. F. Lea, Bellevue, Pa.,
H. W. Noren, Allegheny, Pa.,
Walter Becker, Allegheny, Pa.,
John C. Innes, Pittsburg, Pa.,
George D. Porter, Philadelphia, Pa.,
John E. Joos, Allegheny, Pa.,
Nathaniel Green, Swissvale, Pa.,
J. Ludwig Koethen, Jr., Pittsburg, Pa.,
Hon. W. F. Hill, (Master State Grange) Chambersburg, Pa.,
James Wm. Newlin, (Member of Constitutional Convention 1873)
Philadelphia, Pa.
Reformers will watch with great interest this new experiment in third
party politics. By limiting the demand to a constitutional convention
and the initiative and referendum, and proposing to endorse such of the
reliable candidates as pledge for the people’s sovereignty, the program
is largely that of a Referendum League, plus the possibility of making
an independent nomination. But a league can circulate nomination papers;
in fact, every league impliedly stands ready to do so, if necessary. One
thing is clear; that the _Pennsylvania situation was such that the change
to a Referendum Party put life and vigor into the referendum movement_.
Not only were hundreds of enthusiastic offers of support sent in, it is
said, and from every quarter of the state, but leaders in the minority
party and in the Lincoln party were brought to a point where they found
it desirable to take immediate notice of the organization.
One reason for this is that the granges in the state, large in number and
strong in membership, and organized labor, have not only declared for the
initiative and referendum, but are systematically questioning candidates
and publishing their replies. All that is needed to give great political
power to these voters is an organization that stands ready to nominate
referendum candidates. The mere existence of such an organization will
accomplish most of its purposes. In this connection the experience of Jo
A. Parker, in Kentucky, described above, should be borne in mind; also
the fact that the People’s Party Conference of 1902 at Louisville almost
adopted the program which Mr. Parker applied in Kentucky the following
year. But in states where the minority party is under progressive
leadership it is probable that a State Referendum League is the best
possible instrument.
Isn’t it clear that the thing for the People’s Party to do is to complete
at once the establishment of the initiative and referendum in America by
going at it through the Kentucky or Pennsylvania program? Or that the
workers in a state should organize an Initiative and Referendum League?
If we review the foregoing pages several things become clear:
1. That machine rule can be terminated and the people’s sovereignty
re-established without waiting to change the written constitution. All
that is required is a majority vote in the city council, legislature
or congress. By this means an advisory-vote system can be established
and then the candidates for public office can be pledged to obey the
will of their constituents when expressed by referendum vote. This is
merely the re-establishment of a direct vote system for instructing
representatives—a system as old as representative government itself. The
President of the United States is selected through an advisory vote by
the people and public questions are also being determined by advisory
vote; for example, municipal ownership of street railways in Chicago.
2. The basis of machine rule is an evasion of vital issues by both the
leading parties. This power can be terminated at once by the systematic
questioning of candidates as to vital issues, provided an organization
or candidate stands ready to take the case to the people. Another way
of stating the reason for questioning candidates is that the people are
entitled to know how the candidates will vote if elected.
3. A third party organization can question candidates and declare that
unless there is within each district a clear-cut written pledge by a
reputable candidate, it will place one in nomination.
Or the program can be to place on the third-party ticket some of the old
line party candidates, except in those states where fusion is prohibited
by law.
4. The People’s Party during its palmy days was a leading factor in
popularizing the initiative and referendum, and in securing its adoption,
and today, by centering its effort on the termination of machine rule
through the establishment of the initiative and referendum, it can at
once complete the rehabilitation of the American system of government.
Not only can the remaining states be redeemed within the next two years,
but it is thoroughly practicable to exert in national affairs this year
an influence that shall result in a pledged majority in the national
House and Senate—the pledges to be for the advisory initiative and
advisory referendum. The entire body of organized labor is centering its
efforts in this direction, the referendum leagues are demanding it, and
all that is needed to secure immediate victory is a political party that
stands ready to put up candidates. The mere existence of such a party
will win the day. How best can the desired end be attained?
[Illustration: A Basket And A Fortune