BY GEORGE H. SHIBLEY

_President of the People’s Sovereignty League and Editor of the

Referendum News._

Underneath the existing political and legislative evils in this country

there is found a common cause—the rule of the few through machine

politics. The powers of sovereignty are exercised by the few. Proof of

this is the fact that the evils complained of are banished, or are in

process of disappearing, wherever the people have established their

sovereignty—have established the right to a direct vote on public

questions. This system is the initiative and referendum. It is exercised

in combination with representatives, and the system as a whole is termed

Guarded Representative Government—the people’s sovereignty is guarded.

This improved system of representative government is an evolutionary

product, and being such it will gradually extend throughout the world. A

practical question is: How best can its spread be promoted? To arrive at

an answer, one must study the methods whereby the improved systems came

into being.

We find that the forerunners were third parties and non-partisan

organizations. The first declaration by a political party in this country

was the Socialist Labor Party in 1889. Next came a declaration by the

Knights of Labor in 1891. The same year there appeared “The Referendum in

America,” by Ellis Paxton Oberholtzer, Ph.D. The next year J. W. Sullivan

published his book, “Direct Legislation.” During the year the National

Direct Legislation League was organized. There was also published,

during 1892, “Direct Legislation by the People,” by Nathan Cree of

Chicago.

On July 4th of the same year, 1892, the newly organized People’s Party

commended “to the favorable consideration of the people and the reform

press the legislative system known as the initiative and referendum.”

And state conventions of the People’s Party and the allied parties also

paid considerable attention to the initiative and referendum. During the

Autumn the American Federation of Labor gave its emphatic endorsement

to the initiative and referendum by commending “to affiliated bodies

the careful consideration of this principle and the inauguration of an

agitation for its incorporation into the laws of the respective states.”

The same year the National Grange adopted a resolution recommending to

the state and subordinate granges the Swiss legislation method known as

the referendum and the initiative.

The following year the People’s Party, wherever it was in power,

endeavored to submit to the people a constitutional amendment for the

initiative and referendum, but as a two-thirds vote was required there

was a temporary failure.

In 1896 the People’s Party at its national convention came out strongly

for the initiative and referendum, as also did the National Party

convention, composed of 299 delegates who seceded from the Prohibition

convention. The Socialist Labor Party also reaffirmed its people’s

sovereignty plank of 1892.

The first legislation in this country for the initiative and referendum

was by the People’s Party in Nebraska, 1897. The voters in municipalities

were empowered to petition for the adoption of the initiative and

referendum system for local affairs, and the system was to be adopted

if approved by a majority of those who should vote upon the question.

Hon. John W. Yeiser was chiefly instrumental in securing the law, and he

endeavored to secure its adoption in Omaha, but without success.

The same year, 1897, the People’s Party representatives in the South

Dakota Legislature combined with the Silver Republicans and Democrats to

submit a constitutional amendment for the initiative and referendum. Most

of the Republicans in the Legislature fell in line and voted with the

promoters of the reform. At the next election, 1898, the voters adopted

the system. Afterward the Republican party, which then had a majority

in each house, enacted the statute to put it in operation. Since then

two sessions of the Legislature have been held and the effects of the

referendum (the people’s veto) have been splendid. The following words

are credited to the Republican Governor, Hon. Charles Herried, by a

member of the Toronto Parliament:

“Since this referendum law has been a part of our constitution we

have had no chartermongers or railway speculators, no wildcat schemes

submitted to our Legislature. Formerly our time was occupied by

speculative schemes of one kind or another, but since the referendum has

been a part of the constitution these people do not press their schemes

on the Legislature, and hence there is no necessity for having recourse

to the referendum.”

The initiative in South Dakota was crippled by inserting a “joker”! The

system provides that five per cent. of the voters may propose bills to

the Legislature, “which measures the Legislature shall _enact_ and submit

to a vote of the electors of the state.”

The year (1898) that the voters of South Dakota balloted upon the

question of adopting the improved system of representative government,

the People’s Party, Silver Republicans and Democrats in Utah submitted

to the voters of the state the question of adopting a constitutional

amendment for the referendum and initiative. At the next election the

voters adopted the system; but the Republican party gained control of the

Legislature and refused to enact a statute for putting the constitutional

amendment into operation. Two years later the same thing occurred.

The same year that the Fusionist Legislature in Utah submitted the

amendment a similar thing was done by a Republican legislature in

Oregon. A proposal for an amendment in Oregon has to pass two successive

legislatures; therefore the question was a live issue in the next

campaign—1900. The People’s Party, the Democratic and the Republican

state platforms each pledged that, should the party be placed in power in

the Legislature, it would permit the voters to ballot upon the question.

The Republican party secured a majority in the Legislature and submitted

the question. In the next campaign, 1902, the question was again a live

issue, for it was to be balloted upon by the voters; and again all the

parties declared for the improved system and advised the voters of the

state to adopt it, as also did the Granges and Organized Labor, likewise

both the United States senators and the Republican governor, and nearly

all the prominent men in political life in Oregon, together with most of

the newspapers in the state. All advised the adoption of the system, and

the vote of the people was 11 to 1 for the system.

Governor Geer’s advice to the voter was: “If the referendum amendment is

adopted by the people and made use of after adoption, it will be helpful

all around as a restraining influence over careless legislatures. Even

if not often brought into requisition, the fact that it is a part of the

state Constitution, ready to be used as a check against ill-advised

legislation at any time, will justify its adoption. It may not be needed

now any more than it was 100 years ago, but there have often been times

in the past when even ‘Our Fathers’ could have been wisely checked by

this wholesome reservation of the rights of the people.”

In Nevada, at the legislative session of 1901, the Fusionist party had

a majority in the Legislature and voted to submit to the people the

question of adopting the referendum. The next Legislature gave its

consent and submitted a constitutional amendment for the initiative.

At the following election the voters adopted the referendum, but the

Legislature elected was Republican and it refused to consent to the

submission of the constitutional amendment for the initiative.

The same year in Illinois, 1901, a Republican Legislature and governor

established the advisory initiative in municipalities and in state

affairs. Through this system the voters in Chicago have voted three times

for municipal ownership of street railways and the instructions are being

obeyed.

The Republican senators from Illinois, Cullom and Hopkins, are both on

record as favoring the initiative and referendum.

Since 1901 the progress of the initiative and referendum has been through

the systematic questioning of candidates by non-partisan organizations.

The start in this direction came from the successful experiences of

Winnetka, Illinois. These experiences began in 1896 and continued from

year to year with unvarying success.

Watson's Magazine, Vol. IV, No. 2, April, 1906 · 第 14 / 78 题