CHAPTER XIX

“SERVANT OF THE KING’S MAJESTY”

Holbein’s entry into Henry VIII’s service—Painting of “Adam and

Eve”—Portraits of Henry VIII—The Whitehall fresco—Van Leemput’s copies

of it—The life-size cartoon of Henry VII and Henry VIII—Drawing at

Munich—Portraits of the King at Belvoir Castle, Petworth, St.

Bartholomew’s Hospital, Chatsworth, Warwick Castle, Hampton Court,

Windsor, Rome, and elsewhere—The portrait at Althorp—Portraits and

miniatures of Jane Seymour.

THE exact date of Holbein’s entry into the royal service is unknown.

Three records of the household expenditure of the King are in existence:

the Accounts of Bryan Tuke, Treasurer of the Chamber, which extend from

1st October, 20th Hen. VIII (1528) to May, 23rd Hen. VIII (1531), during

which period Holbein was out of England; the Privy Purse Expenses of the

King, from November 1529 to December 1532; and further Accounts of Tuke,

as Treasurer, from Lady Day, 29th Hen. VIII (1538) to Midsummer, 33rd

Hen. VIII (1541). Although Holbein was in England during the latter half

of 1532, his name does not occur in the Privy Purse expenses, as it

certainly would have done had he then been in the King’s employment.

Unfortunately, no accounts have been preserved for the period between

1533 and 1537, and so it is not until 1538 that we have definite proof

that the painter was in receipt of a regular salary from the royal

purse. The first entry referring to him is at Lady Day, 1538, when the

following occurs: “Item, for Hans Holben, paynter, vii_li._ x_s._” As

his salary of £30 a year, paid quarterly, was not as a rule paid in

advance, he must have already been in the royal service at least three

months earlier, that is in December 1537.

[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S ENTRY INTO ROYAL SERVICE]

The first actual reference to him as painter to the King is contained in

the letter of Nicolas Bourbon, already quoted, written early in 1536, in

which he speaks of him as the “royal painter,” and it is to be inferred

from it that Holbein already held that position in 1535, when the poet

was in England and made his acquaintance. The circular miniature of Jane

Seymour by Hilliard in the Windsor Collection, apparently copied from an

original by Holbein, is inscribed “ANŌ DNĪ 1536 ÆTATIS SVÆ 27”; and the

great painting of Henry VII, Henry VIII, Elizabeth of York, and Jane

Seymour, with which Holbein covered one of the walls of the Privy

Chamber at Whitehall, was done in 1537. None of the earlier portraits of

Henry or of his two first queens, usually ascribed to Holbein, are

authentic works of his, which affords some proof that he did not enter

the royal service until after Jane Seymour had been crowned Queen in

1536, or, if Bourbon is to be believed, that at least he did not do so

until towards the end of Anne Boleyn’s life. The small portrait of Henry

VIII on the frontispiece of Coverdale’s Bible, printed in 1535, bears

little real likeness to the King, and may well have been designed by

Holbein without any sitting from him; though, on the other hand, it may

also be taken as some indication that he was already the King’s servant

in that year. It is safer, however, to assume, as the evidence for an

earlier year is so scant, that he received his first pay from the royal

purse in the autumn of 1536.

It is extraordinary, and indeed almost inexplicable, that Holbein was at

work for so long a time in England before he received royal recognition.

That this did not happen during his first sojourn in London is

surprising enough, but that on his return he should remain for three or

four years busily employed in painting portraits of people about Henry’s

court, some of which the King must have seen, is still more difficult of

explanation. Henry entered into keen but friendly rivalry with Francis I

in his patronage of art, and was anxious at all times to induce good

foreign artists to settle in England; and yet here was a painter of

gifts which placed him high above his fellows, who, apparently, went

quite unrecognised. This is the more remarkable when it is remembered

that the King was well acquainted with, and had expressed his delight

in, at least one work of Holbein done during his first English

visit—“The Battle of Spurs,” which decorated the back of the arch of the

temporary Banquet Hall at Greenwich. It is hardly possible that it was

owing to any disinclination on Holbein’s own part, however anxious he

may have been to retain his rights as a citizen of Basel. He could have

entered Henry’s service for a year or two without renouncing his

burghership, or becoming a naturalised English subject, and that he did

obtain the post in the end seems to indicate that the obstacle, whatever

it may have been, was not one of his own making. It was, on the other

hand, an honour to which he would aspire, and the possibility of holding

some such position must have been one of the reasons which induced him

to visit this country, as it was with all the foreign artists and

craftsmen who made London their temporary home. A satisfactory

explanation of this mystery is hard to find, and unless further evidence

is discovered, it must remain unsolved.

That there is some possibility that Holbein was indirectly employed by

the Crown even earlier than 1535 is suggested by an interesting

memorandum dealing with goldsmiths’ work published in the Calendars of

Letters and Papers. The paper is undated, but is placed by the editor

under the year 1534. It is an account rendered to the King’s Secretary,

Thomas Cromwell, by the Dutchman Cornelis Hayes, one of the leading

foreign goldsmiths in London during Henry’s reign, who was constantly

employed by the King and the court. The articles supplied were

apparently for the royal service, the chief among them being an

elaborately decorated silver cradle, which may possibly have been for

the use of the Princess Elizabeth, who was born on the 7th September

1533. The document runs as follows:

“Parcels delivered to Mr. Secretary by me, Cornelys Hayes, goldsmith. A

silver cradle, price 16_li._ For making a silver plate, altering the

images, making the roses underneath the cradle, the roses about the

pillars, and new burnishing, 13_s._ 4_d._ For the stones that were set

in gold in the cradle, 15_s._; for fringes, the gold about the cushions,

tassels, white satin, cloth of gold, lining, sypars, and swadyl-bands,

13_s._ 6_d._ Total, 18_li._ 1_s._ 10_d._ The silver that went to the

dressing of the Adam and Eve, the making of all the apples, the gilding

of the foot and setting of the currall (coral), 33_s._ 4_d._ To Hance,

painter, for painting the same Adam and Eve, 20_s._”[200] Other items

are included in the account which need not be quoted.

Footnote 200:

_C.L.P._, vol. vii. 1668.

The “Hance, painter,” who supplied this picture of “Adam and Eve,” was

undoubtedly Holbein, who was acquainted with Hayes, as we learn from

Bourbon’s letter, and for whom he almost certainly provided designs for

jewellery.[201] The document is not very clear, and on a first reading

it would appear that the “Adam and Eve” formed part of the decoration of

the cradle; but it is more probable that it had nothing to do with it,

but was a separate piece of work, either a picture or a carving in wood,

honestone, or alabaster, which Holbein was employed to colour; possibly

the latter, as the fee paid, twenty shillings, was a small one for an

original painting from his brush. Whether picture or carving, it was

evidently set in a very elaborate silver frame, decorated with silver

apples in relief, as appropriate to the subject it contained, and with

coral inset. No trace of this work remains, but the possibility that

Holbein’s share in it was a small picture recalls that earlier “Adam and

Eve” of the first Basel years, which, as already noted,[202] bears a

considerable resemblance to the heads in the picture of the same subject

by Mabuse in Hampton Court.

Footnote 201:

The same paper contains an item for “the garnishing of two books with

silver-gilt, 66 oz. at 6_s._,” which recalls Holbein’s designs in the

British Museum for work of a similar kind. The velvet for covering

them was supplied by William Lock, the leading London mercer, at a

cost of 43_s._ 9_d._

Footnote 202:

See Vol. i. p. 56.

[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF HENRY VIII]

Among the numerous portraits of Henry VIII to be met with in so many of

the great houses of this country and in several European museums, which,

in almost all cases, are attributed by their owners to Holbein, only

three[203] can be ascribed to him with any certainty. These are the

large cartoon for the left-hand half of the Whitehall wall-painting,

belonging to the Duke of Devonshire; the beautiful little panel portrait

in Earl Spencer’s collection at Althorp; and the crayon study in the

Munich Gallery. The greater number of the remaining portraits of him,

most of them based on the Whitehall likeness, are merely inferior

copies, and copies of copies, “shop” pieces supplied to order by Henry’s

painters for presentation to foreign potentates and ambassadors, and to

his own statesmen and courtiers as a reward for faithful service. Less

frequently one is met with which is a good and original work by some

painter of lower rank than Holbein, and such portraits, in their turn,

have been multiplied by assistants in order to meet the constant demand

for the King’s likeness.

Footnote 203:

A fourth work, the portrait in the National Gallery, Rome, is,

however, considered by Dr. Ganz and other critics to be an original

work by Holbein.

The great Whitehall fresco was painted in 1537, and was the first work

of importance which Holbein undertook for the Crown. It achieved immense

popularity, and for one hundred and fifty years or so every foreign

visitor of distinction was taken to see it, while all artists who had an

opportunity of examining it spoke loudly in its praises. It covered one

of the walls in the Privy Chamber at Whitehall, and was painted on

either side and over the top of a window, or, more probably, the

fireplace, and consisted of four great figures, Henry VIII and his

father, Henry VII, on one side, and his mother, Elizabeth of York, and

his third wife, Jane Seymour, on the other, arranged within an

elaborately designed architectural setting. This great work, which added

so much to Holbein’s fame among his contemporaries, was destroyed in the

fire at Whitehall in January 1698; but happily, owing to the foresight

of Charles II, we still possess, in the small copy of it by the Flemish

artist Remigius van Leemput, in Hampton Court[204] (No. 601 (308)), a

very valuable record of the composition of the work. The copy is

evidently a very faithful one, and though, of course, it lacks all the

greatness of style, the vividness of character, and the beauty of colour

of the original—for Remée was a poor artist—it reproduces the

composition with some exactitude, and so is invaluable to students of

the master. This copy was made by Van Leemput in 1667, the probable

reason being that the fresco was then beginning to show signs of decay,

and that Charles was anxious to retain an accurate record of it before

it was ruined. Patin, who visited England about 1670, and saw both the

painting and the copy, said that the latter was ordered by the King

“pour en estendre la posterité s’il faut ainsi dire, et n’abandonner pas

une si belle chose à la fortune des temps.”[205] Walpole says that

Remée, as he was familiarly called here, received £150 for his

work,[206] which was a very large fee for those days, and shows how

highly the King valued the original.

Footnote 204:

Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 179, from Vertue’s engraving.

Footnote 205:

Patin, _Relations historiques_, Basel, 1673, p. 211 _et seq._

Footnote 206:

Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 82.

Footnote 207:

“Zo wel getroffen, dat het den beschouwer met verbaastheid aandoet.”

[Sidenote: THE WHITEHALL WALL-PAINTING]

The wall-painting itself was still in perfect condition when Van Mander

saw it in 1604. He was deeply impressed by this “over-heerlijk Portret”

of Henry, which, he wrote, was so true to life that it filled the

spectator with dismay.[207] “The King, as he stood there, majestic in

his splendour, was so life-like, that the spectator felt abashed,

annihilated, in his presence.” Earlier travellers who saw it and praised

it were Johann Fischart, in 1576,[208] and Hentzner, who visited England

in 1598; while Duke Johann Ernst of Saxony, who was here in 1613, was

also taken to see it; it is noted in the records of his journey, “upon

this his Royal Highness was conducted into the King’s apartment; it was

small but hung with beautiful tapestries on all sides. In this room were

the full-length portraits of Henrici VIII, and his father, Henrici VII.

They were regarded as special works of art, and similar works are said

not to be seen throughout England.” Both Pepys and Evelyn mention it in

their diaries. The latter, under the date 11th February 1656, says he

was glad to find, on revisiting Whitehall for the first time for many

years, that “they had not much defac’d that rare piece of Hen. VII, &c.,

don on the walles of the King’s privy chamber.” This entry proves that

ten or eleven years before Charles II ordered the copy to be made the

fresco was beginning to show signs of decay. It narrowly escaped

destruction in the earlier fire at Whitehall in 1691, but the

conflagration of 1698 was a much more serious one. It burnt down the

entire Palace, with the exception of the Banqueting House and a few

buildings adjoining it. More than a thousand apartments perished in the

flames, and a number of pictures in the Matted Gallery and elsewhere,

mentioned by Evelyn, were destroyed. “This terrible conflagration, which

broke out about four in the afternoon and lasted upwards of seventeen

hours, originated through the neglect and carelessness of a laundress, a

Dutch woman, who had left some linen to dry in front of a fire, in the

lodging of a certain Colonel Stanley. She and twelve other persons, so

it is reported, perished in the flames.”[209]

Footnote 208:

Quoted by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxxviii.

Footnote 209:

Dr. Sheppard, _The Old Royal Palace of Whitehall_, 1901, pp. 385-6.

According to Scharf, _Old London_, p. 322, the fresco was destroyed in

the fire of 1691.

By the aid of the large cartoon and Van Leemput’s copy a very good idea

of the general effect and composition of the picture can be obtained. It

is divided into two stages. On the spectator’s left hand stands Henry

VIII, turned fully to the front, with arms akimbo, and legs stretched

widely apart, and opposite him, on the other side of the picture, is

Jane Seymour. Behind and above the King, and to the right of him, on a

raised step or low platform, stands his father, Henry VII, and in a

corresponding position on the other side, his mother, Elizabeth of York.

Henry was very proud of his legs, and Holbein has depicted him in his

favourite attitude. He holds a glove in his right hand, and with the

left the cord of his dagger, gold hilted, with a gold and blue velvet

sheath. His gold-brown doublet is richly jewelled, and his red surcoat

is trimmed with fur and elaborately brocaded with gold thread; a heavy

jewelled chain crosses his shoulders, and from another hangs a pendant.

His flat black bonnet is ornamented with pearls, devices in gold, and

white feathers. The figure is rather larger than life-size, but looks

colossal. His shoulders appear enormous, partly owing to the dress, and

partly, no doubt, through some exaggeration on the artist’s part to

flatter the vanity of his royal sitter. Henry VII is shown in simpler

costume; with his right hand he holds together the folds of his long

ermine-trimmed gown, his left elbow resting on the marble pedestal which

Van Leemput has placed in the centre in lieu of the window or

chimney-piece which occupied the same position in the wall itself. He

holds his gloves in his left hand, and has the Garter collar across his

breast. Unlike his son, he is beardless, and his long hair falls to his

shoulders. Jane Seymour is wearing a dress of tawny gold, full ermine

sleeves, and several necklaces of pearls. Her hands are clasped in front

of her, and a small white dog is lying on the long skirt of her gown.

Behind her, Elizabeth of York stands with her arms crossed, and holding

up her dress with her right hand. The floor is covered with a Turkey

carpet, and the background consists of richly-decorated pilasters and

capitals, niches, and a frieze, in various coloured marbles, in the

Renaissance style of which Holbein made such brilliant use. In the

frieze on either side are figures supporting a shield. The shield shown

in the cartoon bears the initials H and J; the other, no doubt, gave the

date. In Van Leemput’s copy the initials have been changed to “AN^o.

Dō.” with “1537” in the corresponding panel, while the centre of the

picture is filled with a high marble pedestal, with two cushions on the

top, and on the front of it a long Latin inscription in praise of the

two monarchs. Below this is inscribed: “Prototypvm Magnitvdinis Ipso

Opere Tectorio Fecit Holbenivs Ivbente Henrico VIII,” and a little

below, on a plinth: “Ectypvm A Remigio Van Leempvt Breviora Tabella

Describi Volvit Carolus II. M.B.F.E.H.R. A°. DNI. M.DCLXVII.”

[Illustration:

VOL. II., PLATE 18

HENRY VII AND HENRY VIII

_Cartoon_

Duke of Devonshire’s collection

UNTIL RECENTLY AT HARDWICK HALL, NOW AT CHATSWORTH

]

[Sidenote: CARTOON OF HENRY VII & HENRY VIII]

Van Leemput’s inferiority as an artist is shown most clearly in his

rendering of the faces. In that of Henry VIII, in particular, the

drawing is weak and lacking in character, and as a likeness it bears no

close resemblance to the many portraits still existing which were copied

or adapted from the fresco. It must be regarded, therefore, as a not

very reliable record of the facial appearance of the four sitters as

Holbein painted them.

The pedestal was, no doubt, Van Leemput’s own invention, and the Latin

verses must have been specially written for the purpose of his copy. As

already pointed out, the wall on which the fresco was painted contained

either a window or a fireplace. Charles Patin describes it as “sur le

pignon de la croisée”; but it has been suggested that “croisée” is a

typographical error for “cheminée.” Patin, however, was not a very

careful observer, for he speaks of the subject as “de la main d’Holbein,

le portrait d’Henry huit et des Princes ses enfants.”[210] In this,

nevertheless, he may not be so completely wrong as at first sight

appears. In 1897 Mr. Ernest Law, the historian of Hampton Court Palace,

discovered another copy of the great wall-painting, also by Van Leemput,

and of the same size and scale as the Hampton Court example, but with

one important difference. In the middle foreground the copyist has

placed a standing figure of Edward VI. This interesting little picture

belongs to Lord Leconfield, and is in one of the private bedrooms at

Petworth, Sussex. Patin may have seen this copy, and afterwards may have

confused it with the wall-painting; or again, he may have confused the

fresco with the picture of Henry VIII and his family, by an unknown

artist of the school of Holbein, now in Hampton Court, No. 340 (510),

but probably in Patin’s day hanging in Whitehall.[211]

Footnote 210:

Patin, _Relations historiques_, Basel, 1673, p. 211 _et seq._

Footnote 211:

It is hardly possible that the figure of Edward VI was added to the

wall-painting itself after the death of Holbein, or otherwise it would

appear in both Van Leemput’s copies. It was, no doubt, taken from some

independent portrait of the young king then hanging in Whitehall.

The life-size cartoon of Henry VIII and his father, belonging to the

Duke of Devonshire, until recently at Hardwick Hall (Pl. 18),[212] is,

though only a working drawing, a superb example of Holbein’s mastery of

composition on a monumental scale. It is the original design for the

left-hand part of the Whitehall fresco, and along its outlines the

prickings are still visible by means of which the design was pounced on

the wall. It provides evidence that Van Leemput’s copy was a faithful

one, for, with one important exception, the two agree in all points. The

exception is in the position of the King’s head. In the cartoon it is

about three-quarters to the right, but in the copy it has been turned so

that the monarch is looking directly at the spectator. Woltmann is, no

doubt, right when he suggests that the change was made by the express

wish of Henry himself while the wall-painting was in progress.[213] He

desired to be shown full-fronted to the world, for he was proud of his

appearance, more particularly of his calves, as more than one

contemporary anecdote shows. In his younger days, at the beginning of

his reign, he was the most commanding figure at the English court,

praised by all for his good looks, and celebrated for his great bodily

strength and for his proficiency in all manly sports and exercises. He

is thus described by the Venetian ambassador Pasqualigo in 1515; “His

Majesty is the handsomest potentate I ever set eyes on; above the usual

height, with an extremely fine calf to his leg; his complexion very fair

and bright, with auburn hair combed straight and short in the French

fashion; and a round face so very beautiful, that it would become a

pretty woman, his throat being rather long and thick.”[214]

Footnote 212:

Now (1913) at Chatsworth. Woltmann, 167. Reproduced by Davies, p. 168;

Ganz _Holbein_, p. 180; _Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition_, 1909,

_Catalogue_, Pl. i.

Footnote 213:

Woltmann, i. 421.

Footnote 214:

_C.L.P._, vol. ii. pt. i. 411.

When Holbein painted him he was forty-six years old, and his face had

coarsened and had lost all its youthful freshness and good looks, but

his figure was still erect and kingly, and retained much of its earlier

vigour. In the cartoon he stands boldly and firmly on his legs, active

and alert, though massive in build, and made still broader in appearance

by his rich apparel, heavily padded about the shoulders. It is in the

face that his age and the habits of his life are beginning to leave ugly

indications, though this is not to be gathered from the cartoon, in

which his features, badly rubbed, are now barely discernible. This,

however, may not be entirely due to the accidents of time, for as the

cartoon was made for the purpose of transferring the leading lines of

the composition to the wall, Holbein possibly only indicated the main

outlines, leaving the more careful modelling to be done on the wall

itself. Sadly damaged as the cartoon is, a mere fragment of the first

conception of a great masterpiece, it nevertheless remains a remarkable

and precious work of art, doubly valuable in that it not only shows us

Holbein’s methods of work, but is also the only record from his own hand

we possess to-day in this country of the most important and celebrated

painting he produced while in England. The whole composition is drawn in

with the point of the brush, in the manner, as Mr. S. Arthur Strong

points out, at once broad and minute, of which Holbein seems to have

been the solitary master. In this crowd of particulars almost everyone

else would have lost sight of the whole, and given us a map instead of a

view.[215] Mr. Roger E. Fry speaks of it as one of Holbein’s greatest

creations. “It has all the grandeur of style, the lucidity and ease of

arrangement of the greatest monumental design of Italy, together with a

particularity and minuteness which would seem incompatible with those

greater qualities of style had they not been thus wonderfully united. In

all the decorative details, too, this great work gives us a measure of

Holbein’s impeccable taste at a time when taste was by no means as

universal as it had been in earlier centuries.”[216]

Footnote 215:

S. Arthur Strong, _Reproductions of Drawings by the Old Masters at

Chatsworth_, 1902; republished in _Critical Studies and Fragments_,

1905, p. 132.

Footnote 216:

_Burlington Magazine_, vol. xv., May 1909, p. 74.

[Sidenote: DRAWING OF THE KING AT MUNICH]

This cartoon was in 1590 in the possession of John, Lord Lumley, at

Lumley Castle, and is entered in the inventory of the pictures as “The

Statuary of King Henry the Eight and his father Kinge Henry the Seventh

Joyned together, doone in white and black by Haunce Holbyn.” It passed

subsequently into the collection of the Duke of Devonshire, and has been

preserved ever since at Hardwick Hall.[217]

Footnote 217:

See p. 97, note 3.

When it was decided to change the position of the face, it became

necessary for the King to give the painter another sitting, and the

full-face drawing now in the Munich Gallery[218] is, no doubt, the very

study Holbein made for the purpose. This is not only evident from its

agreement with Van Leemput’s copy, but also from its dimensions. It is

life-size, and thus considerably bigger than any other preliminary

portrait-study by Holbein which has survived. It is in black and red

chalks, on paper prepared with body-colour in the manner practised by

the painter at that period. The study is of the face alone, part of the

hat, the collar, and a small portion of fur on the shoulders being

roughly indicated. The short, scanty beard and the still scantier

whiskers do not conceal the shape of the massive, almost square face,

with its thin eyebrows, fat, heavy cheeks, which from their size make

the mouth look small. He gazes in front of him, his eyes unconscious of

the spectator, as though the thoughts of the sitter were entirely given

to himself. The modelling is masterly, and is obtained by the simplest

means; but the sketch, simple as it appears to be, produces a wonderful

effect of perfect truth to life. Here is the King exactly as he was, as

none other but Holbein could have drawn him. He has given not only an

absolutely faithful rendering of the face itself, but has laid bare much

of the complex character which lurked behind it, and the drawing must

always remain both one of the artist’s very finest portrait-studies and

also a living document of the utmost value in the history of Tudor

England. How this drawing came to be in Munich is not known. It was

discovered among a number of other drawings, put aside as of no

particular value, by Herr J. H. von Hefner-Alteneck when he was keeper

of the Print Room. It does not appear to have ever formed a part of the

Windsor series of drawings.

Footnote 218:

Woltmann, 221. Reproduced by Davies, p. 166; Knackfuss, fig. 125; A.

F. Pollard, _Henry VIII_, p. 220.

The Whitehall painting became the prototype of nine-tenths of the very

numerous portraits of Henry which were produced during his reign and for

some little time afterwards. With one possible exception, these works

are not from Holbein’s own hand; they were all the work of the less

important artists attached to the English court. These, again, are of

very varying degrees of skill, some being but coarse and common

productions, while others have considerable artistic merits. There is

great probability that some of the best of them were from the workshop

of Gerard and Lucas Hornebolt, more particularly those half-lengths of

which the portrait in Warwick Castle is perhaps the finest example. All,

however, had their real origin in the Whitehall painting; in every one

of them the King is shown full-face, and in the same characteristic

attitude.

[Sidenote: OTHER PORTRAITS OF THE KING]

Interesting as the subject is, the scope of this book does not permit

any attempt to describe, or even to compile a list of, all the portraits

of Henry VIII still remaining in England. A few of the principal ones

may be mentioned briefly. Several of them are full-lengths. Among these

one of the most interesting is in Belvoir Castle.[219] It was purchased

by the fourth Duke of Rutland at Lord Torrington’s sale in 1787 for

£211. Except in some minor details of the dress, it follows the

Whitehall painting very closely. The King is wearing “white hose, with

the Garter on his left leg; a gold chain round his neck with the letter

H, with a pendant circular gold case without any device; another gold

chain or collar across the shoulder over the surcoat is mounted in

jewels set in gold-and-enamel. The whole of the dress and ornaments is

most elaborately painted and gilded, and in excellent effect of light

and colour, being in an absolutely perfect state of preservation.”[220]

The copyist has made the face younger and more handsome, and much more

lacking in expression than the Munich sketch. The background is a

curtain with an elaborate design in panels, each one surmounted by a

crown. Dr. Waagen thought it to be a genuine work by Holbein. “Although

painted on canvas,” he says, “the picture is of such truth, delicacy,

and transparency, that I consider it an original.” A similar

whole-length on wood, belonging to the Seymour family, is described by

Dr. Woltmann, who regarded it as an excellently painted contemporary

copy, which very possibly came into the possession of that family

through their connection with Jane Seymour.[221] There is a far finer

example at Petworth, much more transparent and delicate in its tones,

which Wornum describes as “really magnificent.”[222] This work is by no

means an exact copy; it differs in various details, more particularly in

the dress, which is of silver brocade with a blue mantle lined with

ermine. It is possibly the work of a Fleming. The background is

architectural. There is another full-length version at St. Bartholomew’s

Hospital, with a further variation of the background and the floor.

Other repetitions are at Chatsworth,[223] Trinity College, Cambridge,

and in the possession of Viscount Dillon at Ditchley, Enstone.[224]

Footnote 219:

Reproduced in _The Connoisseur_, vol. vi. No. 22, June 1903,

frontispiece.

Footnote 220:

_The Connoisseur_, vol. vi. No. 22, June 1903, p. 68 (quotation from

Radford’s catalogue of the collection).

Footnote 221:

Woltmann, ii. 20.

Footnote 222:

Wornum, p. 308.

Footnote 223:

Described by Mr. S. Arthur Strong as “one of the best of the royal

effigies that are all probably based in common upon the Hardwick

cartoon. The artist, whoever he was, had a manner of his own, and was

more than a mere copyist. The cold grey scheme of colour is a contrast

to the depth and richness at which Holbein aimed, and is more akin to

what we afterwards appreciate as characteristic in Honthorst and

Mytens.”—_Critical Studies and Fragments_, p. 91. The figure is

evidently copied directly from the wall-painting. The position and the

details of the dress agree exactly with the Hardwick cartoon. It is

reproduced by Dr. Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 181.

Footnote 224:

Reproduced by A. F. Pollard, _Henry VIII_, p. 150.

The half-length and three-quarter-length versions, of which the

portraits at Rome and in Warwick Castle are, perhaps, the most

important, are still more numerous. In these the King is shown in the

same position, and apparently several years older, the cheeks fatter and

more shapeless, and with greyer beard, while in a number of them,

instead of holding his dagger, he has a stick in his left hand. The

Warwick picture, which is life-size, to the knees, and full-front, was

considered by Dr. Waagen to be a genuine work by Holbein of about the

date 1530, but more recent criticism has shown him to be wrong in both

these assertions. “The square face is so fat,” he says, “that the

several parts are quite indistinct. There is in these features a brutal

egotism, an obstinacy, and a harshness of feeling, such as I have never

yet seen in any human countenance. In the eyes, too, there is the

suspicious watchfulness of a wild beast, so that I became quite

uncomfortable from looking at it a long time; for the picture, a

masterpiece of Holbein, is as true in the smallest details as if the

king himself stood before you. In the very splendid dress much gold is

employed. The under-sleeves are of gold, with brown shadows; the hands

most strikingly true to nature; in the left he has a cane, and in the

right a pair of gloves; on his head a small cap. The background is

bright green. The want of simplicity of the forms, the little rounding

of the whole, notwithstanding the wonderful modelling of all the

details, the brownish red local tone of the flesh, the grey of the

shadows, and the very light general effect, show this picture to be a

transition from the second to the third manner of Holbein, and that it

may have been painted about 1530.”[225]

Footnote 225:

Waagen, _Treasures of Art in Great Britain_, iii. p. 215.

It is, however, impossible that the portrait can have been painted in

that year, when Henry was not forty. He appears to be at least fifteen

years older than this. The head and hands are good, but the style of

painting has little in common with that of Holbein, while the details of

the dress lack the beauty, delicacy, and truth of draughtsmanship which

are to be found in his work. There is a portrait in the collection of

the Marquis of Bute, which, according to Dr. Waagen, is “exactly like

the picture by Holbein at Warwick Castle, only less finished.”[226] When

he saw it, as far back as 1854, it was ascribed to “Gerard Horebout,”

and there is every probability that this attribution is the correct one,

for it is not to be expected that the almost forgotten name of Hornebolt

would have been substituted for the much better known one of Holbein,

and the fact that the former name has clung to the picture for so long

is strong evidence in favour of the contention that Hornebolt was the

painter of it. For this reason the Warwick portrait, and others like it,

are now tentatively attributed by most modern writers to the workshop of

Gerard and Luke Hornebolt.

Footnote 226:

_Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 482.

[Illustration:

VOL. II., PLATE 19

HENRY VIII

NATIONAL GALLERY, ROME

]

[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HENRY VIII AT ROME]

The portrait in the National Gallery, Rome (Pl. 19),[227] which was

formerly in the Corsini Collection, is a three-quarter length, and is

inscribed across the plain background, on either side of the head, “ANNO

· ÆTATIS · SVÆ · XLIX,” and was, therefore, painted in 1539 or 1540. In

dress and position it closely follows Van Leemput’s copy, and the

Windsor and other versions, in which the left hand holds the

dagger-cord. With the exception of the substitution of brown fur for

ermine, and different embroidery on the upper sleeves, the Rome and the

Windsor portraits are in exact agreement as to the costume. The face in

the Rome portrait is decidedly younger than in the Warwick and Windsor

versions, as the date would indicate, so that it is possibly one of the

earliest of the contemporary copies, taken directly from the

wall-painting under Holbein’s own supervision. It is undoubtedly the

best of the later portraits of the King, the face being full of

character finely rendered, and it is regarded by a number of modern

critics, including Dr. Ganz, as a work from Holbein’s own brush.

Footnote 227:

Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 125.

An important example of this type of the portraits of Henry VIII is the

three-quarter length belonging to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, London,

which was last exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909 (No.

23). The dress is very similar to the Warwick portrait. The King is

grasping in his left hand a black staff mounted in gold. The background

is dark, and on it is inscribed: “ANNO [~D][~N]I 1544. ÆTATIS SVÆ 55,”

which is incorrect, as Henry did not enter his fifty-fifth year until

1545.[228] The portrait in Windsor Castle,[229] which, as Mr. Ernest Law

points out, is the only contemporary likeness of Henry in the whole of

the royal collections which has anything of an Holbeinesque character,

was evidently copied from the Whitehall fresco. In the attitude and in

the details of the dress it follows the original with considerable

closeness, though slight differences are to be noted, as in the position

of the right hand, which is here placed over the sword-belt, instead of

below it as in Van Leemput’s copy. Its agreement with the Rome portrait

has been already pointed out. The face, however, more closely resembles

the Warwick portrait. Mr. Ernest Law suggests that it was executed

several years later than the Holbein prototype, by some pupil or

imitator, such as Guillim Stretes, after the master’s death,[230] the

general attitude, pose, dress, and accessories of the original being

carefully adhered to, but the features modified, and the beard shown as

thinner and turning grey, to suit his added years, though in outline

they still closely resemble Holbein’s drawing at Munich. The size of the

panel is 3 ft. 3¾ in. high × 2 ft. 5½ in. wide. It may be the picture

which was No. 866 in James II’s catalogue: “King Henry VIII at

half-length, with gloves in his right hand”; though this description

suits equally well the smaller portrait (18 in. × 16 in.) at Hampton

Court, No. 606.

Footnote 228:

There is another version of this portrait with the black staff in the

left hand at Chatsworth, in which, Mr. S. Arthur Strong says, “the

drawing of the features is masterly, and the detail is minute and

searching without being petty; but here again the effect is flat, and

we feel that Holbein himself would have better conveyed the sense of

roundness and depth.... On the whole, there is a French rather than a

German look about this picture, which suggests the possibility that it

may have been painted at the time of the Field of the Cloth of

Gold.”—_Critical Studies and Fragments_, p. 91, and Pl. ix. i.

Footnote 229:

Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., Pl. v.; Davies, p. 165;

Knackfuss, fig. 126; Pollard, _Henry VIII_, frontispiece (in colour);

Cust, _Royal Collection of Paintings, Windsor Castle_, Pl. 49; Ganz,

_Holbein_, p. 222.

Footnote 230:

_Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 13.

Another good version of this portrait, with the left hand on the

dagger-cord, is the half-length belonging to the Earl of Yarborough,

while an excellent example of the Warwick Castle type, with a cane

substituted for the dagger, was lent by Lord Sackville to the Burlington

Fine Arts Club in 1909 (No. 21).

There is also an excellent portrait of the Warwick type in the

collection of the Duke of Manchester at Kimbolton Castle.[231] It is on

panel, 35 in. × 25 in., and closely resembles the picture in the

National Portrait Gallery (No. 496) (35⅛ in. × 26¼ in.), which is

attributed to Luke Hornebolt.[232] The latter had at one time a coat of

arms on the frame indicating that it belonged at some period to the

Nassau family. It may have been taken over to Holland at the time of the

marriage of Princess Mary, daughter of Charles I, to William of Orange,

in 1641. There are three other portraits of the King in the National

Portrait Gallery, while other versions or old copies exist at Castle

Howard, and at Serlby, the seat of Viscount Galway. The latter (35 in. ×

27 in.) has an inscription on the background giving the King’s titles

and the date 1547, the year of his death. Another (36 in. × 30 in.), at

one time in the collection of Mr. Henry Willett, and now in the Brighton

Art Gallery, is said to have been taken from a wainscot in King’s Walden

House, Herts, formerly the residence of Anne Boleyn.

Footnote 231:

Tudor Exhibition, 1890, No. 97, and reproduced in the Catalogue, p.

48.

Footnote 232:

Reproduced in Mr. Cust’s illustrated Catalogue of _National Portrait

Gallery_, vol. i. p. 23.

[Sidenote: “HENRY VIII WITH A SCROLL”]

All these portraits, whether by the Hornebolts or less important

copyists attached to Henry’s court, are based on Holbein’s Whitehall

painting. There is, however, one other representation of Henry VIII, of

about the date of Holbein’s first entry into the royal service, which is

of a very different character, and was not painted under the influence

of the great German. This is the fine picture at Hampton Court (No. 563

(313)), generally known as “King Henry VIII with a Scroll.”[233] He is

seen at half-length, with head turned slightly to the right, but eyes to

the front. He has reddish hair, and a small thin beard and moustache,

and his eyes are dark grey. He wears a doublet of cloth of gold, cut

square across the chest, covered with strings of pearls, and slashed

with rows of white puffs, above which his white frilled shirt is seen.

Over this is a sable-furred cloak. His black cap has a medallion, with

figures of the Virgin and Infant Christ in enamel, and a white jewelled

feather. In front of him is a table or ledge with a crimson cushion, on

which his right hand is placed, and a scroll of white paper, one end of

which he holds between the thumb and forefinger of his left. On it is

inscribed a sentence from the Gospel of St. Mark in Roman lettering:

“Marci—16. Ite in Mũdvm Vniversṽ et predicate Evangelivm omni creatvræ.”

The background is a rich green. It is on panel, 2 ft. 4 in. high × 1 ft.

10 in. wide.

Footnote 233:

Reproduced by Law, _Royal Gallery at Hampton Court_, p. 204.

The probable authorship of this painting has given rise to much

discussion and difference of opinion. It has been attributed at

different times to Holbein, Janet, Joos van Cleve, and Girolamo da

Treviso, and even to Toto or Penni. Dr. Woltmann considered it to be the

work of a Frenchman, whereas Mr. Wornum was inclined to attribute it to

an Italian hand, possibly Da Treviso. The one thing certain about it is

that it is not by Holbein. There is an equal difference of opinion as to

the date. The King has so youthful a look, as compared with the Hardwick

cartoon and the Munich drawing, that some writers hold that he cannot

have been more than thirty-eight—certainly not more than forty—when it

was painted. This would make the date about 1529, in which year Holbein

was in Switzerland. On the other hand, there are two facts which point

to a later date—the arrangement of the hair and beard, and the text on

the scroll, which, taken together, make it highly probable that the

portrait was painted in 1536. It was on the 8th of May 1535 that Henry,

in imitation of Francis I, ordered all about his court to cut their hair

short and to grow their beards—“the King commanded all about his court

to poll their heads; and to give them example he caused his own head to

be polled, and from thenceforth his beard to be knotted and no more

shaven.”[234] In the picture both hair and beard are treated in the new

fashion. Again, on October 4th of the same year the printing of

Coverdale’s English version of the whole Bible, for which Holbein

designed the title-page, was finished, and in 1536 Henry ordered a copy

of it to be laid in the choir of every church, “for every man that will

to look and read therein; and shall discourage no man from reading any

part of the Bible, but rather comfort, exhort, and admonish every man to

read the same.” To this the text on the scroll which Henry holds in the

portrait clearly refers; and further evidence is supplied by the Bible

frontispiece, in which the King is shown under a canopy, with a sword in

his right hand, and a clasped Bible in his left, which he is handing to

his kneeling bishops. One of the little pictures which form the border

of the title-page, in which our Saviour is exhorting His disciples to

preach the Word throughout the world, has the same text (Mark xvi. 15)

inscribed below it. The evidence, therefore, is very strongly in favour

of the assumption that the portrait was painted to commemorate Henry’s

share in the publication of Coverdale’s English version of the Bible.

Against these two arguments in favour of the date 1536, the compilers of

the catalogue of the Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition point out that

the King does not look more than thirty, which would place the portrait

at about the date of the meeting with Francis I at the Field of the

Cloth of Gold in 1520. “The portrait of Eleonora of Spain, wife of

Francis I, also at Hampton Court,” they say, “is evidently by the same

hand; and the smaller portrait of Francis I, also at Hampton Court, is

either by, or a copy after, the same painter. These circumstances would

point to a possible French origin, and lend some colour to the

ascription of the portrait either to “Sotto” Cleef, who worked in France

before coming to England, or to Jean Clouet—more probably the latter,

who may very well have been in attendance on Francis I at the Field of

the Cloth of Gold.”[235] It is difficult, however, to follow these

writers in their conclusion that the portrait of Eleonora, almost

certainly by the elder Clouet, and the portrait of Henry VIII are by the

same hand, while the fact that in all the earlier portraits of the King

he is shown with long hair, cut straight across the forehead, and no

beard, makes it still more difficult to accept the date as that of the

meeting of the two monarchs in France, unless much stronger evidence as

to its French origin be forthcoming. It is not safe to go farther than

to ascribe it to a Franco-Flemish origin. It should be noted in passing

that a small point in favour of those who see in it a work by an Italian

hand lies in the scroll or cartellino, a feature not often met with in

French or English portraits of that time.

Footnote 234:

Stow’s _Annales_.

Footnote 235:

_Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition Catalogue_, p.bv 81.

[Sidenote: “HENRY VIII WITH A SCROLL”]

On the back of the panel is branded Charles I’s cypher, and there is

also a slip of paper on which is inscribed in contemporary handwriting,

“Changed with my Lord Arundel, 1624.” In Charles’ catalogue, compiled in

1639, it is entered as “King Henry VIII when he was young, with a white

scroll of parchment in his hand; the picture being to the shoulders;

half a figure so big as the life, in a carved gilded frame. Length 4 ft.

0. A Whitehall piece, said to be done by Jennet or Sotto Cleve.” It is

possibly the picture in the Commonwealth inventory—“King Henry y^e

8^{th} by Gennett,” which was “sold to M^{r.} Baggeley y^e 23^{rd} Oct.

1651 for £25.” It may also be the “Table with the picture of King Henry

VIII, then being young,” in Edward VI’s catalogue. An early and

interesting copy of this picture, on canvas, 28¾ in. × 22¼ in., is in

the possession of the Merchant Taylors’ Company, which was in the Tudor

Exhibition, 1890 (No. 120), and the Burlington Club Exhibition, 1909

(No. 24). In the catalogue of the former exhibition it was attributed to

Paris Bordone. It was presented to the Company in 1616 by Mr. John

Vernon. There is a third version of the picture in the Marquis of

Exeter’s collection at Burleigh House, in which the same Latin verse is

inscribed on the scroll. Dr. Waagen says that “it is very carefully

painted in a brownish tone.”[236]

Footnote 236:

Waagen, _Treasures of Art_, &c., iii. p. 407.

In addition to the Hardwick cartoon and the Munich drawing there is a

third portrait of Henry existing which can be attributed almost

certainly to Holbein’s hand. This is the beautiful little panel in Lord

Spencer’s collection at Althorp (_frontispiece_),[237] which measures

only 10½ in. × 7½ in. It is a half-length, three-quarters to the right.

No hair is visible under the cap or beside the ears; the hairs of the

close-cropped fair beard and moustache are drawn with minute care. The

eyes are clear blue-grey. He wears a black cap trimmed with jewels and

loops of pearls and a white feather falling to the left. His gown of

cloth of gold is lined with brown fur, over a light grey doublet cut low

at the neck, embroidered with an elaborate pattern in black, trimmed

with jewels and slashed and puffed with white. The white shirt has a

high collar fitting close round the neck, embroidered with a rich design

in gold, and with a very small frill. On his breast is a round jewel

suspended by a chain of spiral black and gold beads and H’s. The hands

are shown in part, the left at his side, and the right holding a glove.

The background is a plain bright blue.

Footnote 237:

Woltmann, 1. Reproduced (in colour) by the Medici Society;

_Masterpieces of Holbein_ (Gowan’s Art Books, No. 13), p. 7;

_Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition Catalogue_, Pl. x.; Ganz,

_Holbein_, p. 120.

[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HENRY VIII AT ALTHORP]

It is a miniature painting of unusual size, and is drawn with

extraordinary delicacy and truth, and there is an exquisite finish in

all the details of the dress and ornaments, and a harmony in the colour,

which no other painter then practising at the English court but Holbein

was capable of producing. The first impression it gives is that, in

spite of its beauty and brilliance, it yet displays certain differences

from Holbein’s usual style which renders its attribution to him not

absolutely certain; but repeated examination modifies this first

impression, and it becomes impossible not to agree with such critics as

Dr. Woltmann, Mr. Lionel Cust, and Dr. Ganz, who are emphatically of

opinion that Holbein was the author of it. It is impossible, again, to

find any other painter who could have produced so vivid and striking a

portrait of the King, and so accomplished a work of art. Mr. Roger E.

Fry describes it as one of Holbein’s most miraculous pieces of

craftsmanship. “It is little more in scale than a large miniature, and

Holbein has treated it with all the skill in minute delineation which he

alone possessed, and that without losing for a moment unity of tone and

breadth of feeling; but, wonderful as it is, it gives one scarcely any

idea of an actual character. Holbein seems never to have read anything

behind the expansive mask of his royal patron; whether he abstained out

of discretion or failed from want of interest one can but guess.”[238]

After examining the Munich head, however, it is difficult to agree with

Mr. Fry’s opinion that Holbein saw nothing of Henry’s real character.

The Althorp panel is almost identical in position and dress with the

original cartoon for the Whitehall wall-painting, and it is probable

that Holbein intended to use it as his model for the latter. It must

have been painted in 1537, before the wall-painting itself was begun, or

at least before the change in the position of the King’s head was

decided upon. It may be the portrait which in the inventory of Henry

VIII’s pictures, made at his death, was joined to that of Queen Jane

Seymour in a diptych—“Item, a table like a booke, with the picture of

Kynge Henry theight and Quene Jane”; though, if so, the corresponding

portrait of Jane Seymour is lost, for the one of that queen in the

Vienna Gallery is much larger than Lord Spencer’s portrait. The latter

was at South Kensington in 1862 (No. 2651), and again in 1865 (No.

2028), and at the Burlington Fine Arts Club, 1909 (No. 38).

Footnote 238:

_Burlington Magazine_, vol. xv., May 1909, p. 74.

There is an excellent contemporary copy of it in the National Portrait

Gallery (No. 157),[239] 10¾ in. × 7½ in., on copper, which was purchased

in 1863, and was formerly in the collection of Mr. Barrett, of Lee

Priory, Kent. When in his possession it was engraved in line for

Singer’s edition of Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_, 1825. The background

is now very dark, but in the engraving it is shown to be a curtain. This

is the chief point of difference between it and Lord Spencer’s panel.

There is also a somewhat weak copy of it among the miniatures in the

Duke of Buccleuch’s collection, which, like the original, has no

inscription. It has suffered extensive repairs at some time or other,

and the eyes are now a bright chestnut colour, evidently due to the

ignorance of the restorer. Other miniatures of Henry VIII, attributed to

Holbein, are dealt with in a succeeding chapter.[240]

Footnote 239:

Reproduced in the illustrated Catalogue, National Portrait Gallery,

vol. i. p. 23.

Footnote 240:

See pp. 233-236.

[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF QUEEN JANE SEYMOUR]

Jane Seymour was the first of Henry’s queens to be painted by Holbein.

The various portraits of Katherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn still

existing are not by him, and it is evident that the artist did not enter

the royal service until after Anne’s execution on 19th May 1536, and

Henry’s very precipitate marriage with Jane Seymour on the following

day. Portraits of both these ladies are usually ascribed to Holbein by

their owners, according to the prevailing fashion of earlier days, when

everything dating from Tudor times was unhesitatingly given to him.

Shortly before Holbein’s return to England in 1532, Katherine of Aragon

had permanently retired from court, and in the seclusion of The Moor,

deserted by the King, her thoughts fully occupied with her impending

divorce, it is not likely that she would have any desire to sit for her

portrait, or to command Holbein to visit her for that purpose. There is

more probability that Anne Boleyn may have been painted by him, but as

no such portrait has been discovered, it must be taken for granted that

he did not. The head among the Windsor drawings, inscribed “Anna Bollein

Queen,”[241] has been wrongly named, and bears no likeness to the few

portraits which may be said with some degree of certainty to represent

her. Much information respecting the portraits of these two queens will

be found in the papers read by Mr. John Gough Nichols and Sir George

Scharf before the Society of Antiquaries in 1863 and published in

_Archæologia_.[242]

Footnote 241:

Woltmann, 323; Wornum, ii. 18; Holmes, i. 25. Reproduced by Davies, p.

214, and elsewhere.

Footnote 242:

Vol. xl. pt. i. pp. 71-88.

There is no evidence to show that Holbein painted either Katherine’s

daughter, Mary, or Anne’s daughter, Elizabeth, though here again

portraits of them exist which in less critical days were said to be by

him. The drawing in the Windsor Collection inscribed “The Lady Mary

after Queen,”[243] has no claim to represent Queen Mary, nor is there

any known portrait of her which bears any likeness to Holbein’s style of

painting. The Princess Elizabeth was ten years old at the time of the

painter’s death, whereas the youngest portrait of her extant is the very

interesting one at the age of about fifteen or sixteen in the Royal

Collection,[244] which was included in Charles I’s catalogue as “A

Whitehall piece of Holben,” and said to represent “Queen Elizabeth when

she was young, to the waist.” This is probably a work of Franco-Flemish

origin, and has nothing to do with Holbein, who, if he had painted her,

must have shown her as a little girl. Mr. Nichols, in his paper

mentioned above, states that “there can be little doubt that Holbein

drew the King’s natural son, Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and

Suffolk, who lived until the 22nd July 1536,” but no such portrait or

drawing of him can be discovered. There is, however, among the Windsor

heads, a drawing of his wife, Mary,[245] daughter of Thomas, third Duke

of Norfolk, and sister of Henry, Earl of Surrey, both of whom sat to

Holbein. It is a fine drawing, but very badly rubbed. She is represented

full-face, with the eyes cast down, and wearing a close-fitting white

cap or hood, and a large flat black hat with a big ostrich feather. The

dress is powdered with the letter R, which in some cases seems to be

formed of pearls, while the letter M also occurs twice. This fashion of

wearing an initial letter, usually as a pendant ornament, was by no

means unusual at that period, and occurs in more than one of Holbein’s

portraits. The drawing of the Duchess is inscribed “The Lady of

Richmond.”

Footnote 243:

Woltmann, 331; Wornum, ii. 39; Holmes, ii. 15. Reproduced by Davies,

p. 216.

Footnote 244:

Reproduced by Cust, _Royal Collection of Paintings, Windsor Castle_,

Pl. 48.

Footnote 245:

Woltmann, 324; Wornum, ii. 17; Holmes, ii. 23.

It is not until we come to the portrait of Queen Jane Seymour in the

Imperial Gallery, Vienna (No. 1481) (Pl. 20),[246] that we are on

certain ground. This is a genuine work of Holbein of very fine quality.

She is shown almost to the knees, the body and head turned slightly to

the left, and her hands clasped in front of her. She is dressed in red

velvet, with hanging sleeves covered with gold embroidery, and

under-sleeves of lilac-grey watered silk with an elaborate pattern,

worked with seed pearls, and slashed and puffed with white. The cuffs

have a deep border of wonderfully painted black Spanish work. She wears

two heavy necklaces, of jewels and pearls, and a band of similar

ornament along the edge of her square-cut bodice, and an ornament at the

breast composed of the initials I.H.S. and three pendant pearls. Her

head-dress is of the angular English pattern. The inner cap, which

completely hides her hair, is of brown silk with a black stripe, and the

jewelled band or framework is of the same pattern as the border of the

dress. The body of the head-dress is cloth of gold, with the customary

black fall. The background is of dark grey-blue without inscription. The

colour scheme is rich and harmonious, but delicate and pearly in tone,

and a considerable amount of gold has been used in the painting of the

jewels, and the gold tissue and embroidery of the cap. Once again the

extraordinarily fine painting of the hands has to be recorded; they are

full of expression and character. There is less expression in the face.

She has no great pretensions to beauty, and her complexion is pale, thus

agreeing with all contemporary accounts of her appearance. In a

singularly frank letter from Chapuys to Antoine Perrenot, dated London,

18th May 1536, which was intended for the Emperor’s ears, the Spanish

ambassador says: “She is sister to one Edward Semel, of middle stature,

and no great beauty, so fair that one would call her rather pale than

otherwise.... The said Semel is not a woman of great wit, but she may

have good understanding. It is said she inclines to be proud and

haughty. She bears great love and reverence to the Princess (_i.e._

Mary). I know not if honors will make her change hereafter.”[247] He

then proceeds to throw doubts upon the lady’s virtue, and to speak in

coarse innuendo of Henry’s matrimonial ventures. The panel, which is

probably the one which was in the Arundel Collection, measures 65 cm. by

48 cm., and is of the same size as the portrait of Dr. John Chamber;

they are the largest of Holbein’s works in the Vienna Gallery. This

portrait was evidently the one seen by Van Mander in Amsterdam in 1604.

He says: “There was, at Amsterdam, in the Warmoesstraat, a portrait of a

Queen of England, admirably executed, and very pretty and nice; she was

attired in silver brocade, which appears to be genuine silver with some

admixture, and it was depicted so transparently, curiously, and

exquisitely, that a white foil seemed to lie beneath.”[248]

Footnote 246:

Woltmann, 252. Reproduced by Davies, p. 170; Knackfuss, fig. 127;

Vienna Catalogue, p. 345; A. F. Pollard, _Henry VIII_, p. 232; Ganz,

_Holbein_, p. 119.

Footnote 247:

_C.L.P._, vol. x. 901.

Footnote 248:

Quoted by Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 398.

[Illustration:

VOL. II., PLATE 20

QUEEN JANE SEYMOUR

IMPERIAL GALLERY, VIENNA

]

[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF QUEEN JANE SEYMOUR]

The original study for this portrait is in the Windsor Collection.[249]

It is a fine drawing of very delicate draughtsmanship, and shows more of

the figure than most of the sketches in the series, the folded hands

being included. Several replicas of the picture still remain in England,

the two best of which, excellent contemporary copies, are in the Duke of

Bedford’s collection at Woburn Abbey, and in that of Lord Sackville at

Knole. The latter was in the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 44), and the

Burlington Fine Arts Club, 1909 (No. 46). Another version is in the

possession of the Duke of Northumberland. Hollar made an admirable

engraving from the Arundel version, a small circle dated 1648 (Parthey

1427); and there is at Windsor, as already noted, a miniature painted

from it by Nicholas Hilliard, which is inscribed “ANŌ DNĪ 1536 ÆTATIS

SVÆ 27.”[250] Hilliard, no doubt, found this inscription on the original

from which he worked, but nothing of the kind is now discernible either

on the picture in Vienna or Lord Sackville’s version. It may, however,

have been taken from one of the numerous miniatures of this Queen, dealt

with in a later chapter.[251] This inscription is valuable as giving the

probable date at which Holbein painted the Queen, and proves that he was

in the royal service as early as in the summer of 1536. Very probably

the portrait was afterwards used by him as the basis for the head and

position of Jane in the Whitehall wall-painting. There is an excellent

old copy of the portrait in the Hague Gallery (No. 278) which shows

slight differences.[252]

Footnote 249:

Woltmann, 325; Wornum, ii. 22; Holmes, i. 1. Reproduced by Davies, p.

170, and elsewhere.

Footnote 250:

See p. 91. Reproduced in _Burlington Magazine_, vol. viii., Jan. 1906,

Pl. ii. (9), in an article on “Nicholas Hilliard” by Sir Richard

Holmes.

Footnote 251:

See pp. 237-238.

Footnote 252:

Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 195.

In addition to this portrait, Holbein prepared a design for a large gold

cup, bearing the initials of Henry and Jane, and the latter’s motto,

evidently intended as a present from the King to his consort. The

finished drawing is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, and there is

another version of it in the British Museum. It is the most important of

Holbein’s designs for goldsmith’s work which has been preserved, and is

described in a later chapter.[253] Henry VIII appears to have been

genuinely devoted to his third wife, but his happiness was short-lived,

for she died on October 24, 1537, twelve days after the birth of her

son, Edward VI, her death being due to carelessness on the part of her

attendants.

Footnote 253:

See pp. 274-275.

Not a single dated portrait of the year 1537 remains, nor is there one

which can be ascribed with any certainty to this year. Possibly the

great Whitehall wall-painting and other works for the King occupied much

of Holbein’s time.

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Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 2 (of 2) · 第 4 / 16 章