Whereas the legislature of the State of Rhode Island has applied to
the President of the United States setting forth the existence of
a dangerous insurrection in that State, composed partly of deluded
citizens of the State, but chiefly of intruders of dangerous and
abandoned character coming from other States, and requiring the
immediate interposition of the constitutional power vested in him to be
exercised in such cases, I do issue this my proclamation, according to
law, hereby commanding all insurgents and all persons connected with
said insurrection to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective
abodes within twenty-four hours from the time when this proclamation
shall be made public in Rhode Island.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand.
Done at the city of Washington this ---- day of ---- A.D. 1842, and of
the Independence of the United States the sixty-sixth.
[L.S.] JOHN TYLER.
By the President:
DANL. WEBSTER,
_Secretary of State_.
WASHINGTON, _April 22, 1844_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit herewith, for your approval and ratification, a treaty which
I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas,
whereby the latter, on the conditions therein set forth, has transferred
and conveyed all its right of separate and independent sovereignty and
jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step I have
been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling
considerations of public policy and the general good, and in having
accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the Government will
have succeeded in reclaiming a territory which formerly constituted a
portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty
of cession of 1803 by France to the United States.
The country thus proposed to be annexed has been settled principally
by persons from the United States, who emigrated on the invitation
of both Spain and Mexico, and who carried with them into the wilderness
which they have partially reclaimed the laws, customs, and political
and domestic institutions of their native land. They are deeply
indoctrinated in all the principles of civil liberty, and will bring
along with them in the act of reassociation devotion to our Union and
a firm and inflexible resolution to assist in maintaining the public
liberty unimpaired--a consideration which, as it appears to me, is to be
regarded as of no small moment. The country itself thus obtained is of
incalculable value in an agricultural and commercial point of view. To a
soil of inexhaustible fertility it unites a genial and healthy climate,
and is destined at a day not distant to make large contributions to the
commerce of the world. Its territory is separated from the United States
in part by an imaginary line, and by the river Sabine for a distance
of 310 miles, and its productions are the same with those of many of
the contiguous States of the Union. Such is the country, such are its
inhabitants, and such its capacities to add to the general wealth of the
Union. As to the latter, it may be safely asserted that in the magnitude
of its productions it will equal in a short time, under the protecting
care of this Government, if it does not surpass, the combined production
of many of the States of the Confederacy. A new and powerful impulse
will thus be given to the navigating interest of the country, which will
be chiefly engrossed by our fellow-citizens of the Eastern and Middle
States, who have already attained a remarkable degree of prosperity by
the partial monopoly they have enjoyed of the carrying trade of the
Union, particularly the coastwise trade, which this new acquisition is
destined in time, and that not distant, to swell to a magnitude which
can not easily be computed, while the addition made to the boundaries
of the home market thus secured to their mining, manufacturing, and
mechanical skill and industry will be of a character the most commanding
and important. Such are some of the many advantages which will
accrue to the Eastern and Middle States by the ratification of the
treaty--advantages the extent of which it is impossible to estimate with
accuracy or properly to appreciate. Texas, being adapted to the culture
of cotton, sugar, and rice, and devoting most of her energies to the
raising of these productions, will open an extensive market to the
Western States in the important articles of beef, pork, horses, mules,
etc., as well as in breadstuffs. At the same time, the Southern and
Southeastern States will find in the fact of annexation protection and
security to their peace and tranquillity, as well against all domestic
as foreign efforts to disturb them, thus consecrating anew the union of
the States and holding out the promise of its perpetual duration. Thus,
at the same time that the tide of public prosperity is greatly swollen,
an appeal of what appears to the Executive to be of an imposing, if not
of a resistless, character is made to the interests of every portion of
the country. Agriculture, which would have a new and extensive market
opened for its produce; commerce, whose ships would be freighted with
the rich productions of an extensive and fertile region; and the
mechanical arts, in all their various ramifications, would seem to
unite in one universal demand for the ratification of the treaty. But
important as these considerations may appear, they are to be regarded
as but secondary to others. Texas, for reasons deemed sufficient by
herself, threw off her dependence on Mexico as far back as 1836, and
consummated her independence by the battle of San Jacinto in the same
year, since which period Mexico has attempted no serious invasion of her
territory, but the contest has assumed features of a mere border war,
characterized by acts revolting to humanity. In the year 1836 Texas
adopted her constitution, under which she has existed as a sovereign
power ever since, having been recognized as such by many of the
principal powers of the world; and contemporaneously with its adoption,
by a solemn vote of her people, embracing all her population but
ninety-three persons, declared her anxious desire to be admitted into
association with the United States as a portion of their territory.
This vote, thus solemnly taken, has never been reversed, and now by the
action of her constituted authorities, sustained as it is by popular
sentiment, she reaffirms her desire for annexation. This course has been
adopted by her without the employment of any sinister measures on the
part of this Government. No intrigue has been set on foot to accomplish
it. Texas herself wills it, and the Executive of the United States,
concurring with her, has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the
consummation of an act esteemed to be so desirable by both. It can
not be denied that Texas is greatly depressed in her energies by her
long-protracted war with Mexico. Under these circumstances it is but
natural that she should seek for safety and repose under the protection
of some stronger power, and it is equally so that her people should turn
to the United States, the land of their birth, in the first instance in
the pursuit of such protection. She has often before made known her
wishes, but her advances have to this time been repelled. The Executive
of the United States sees no longer any cause for pursuing such a
course. The hazard of now defeating her wishes may be of the most fatal
tendency. It might lead, and most probably would, to such an entire
alienation of sentiment and feeling as would inevitably induce her to
look elsewhere for aid, and force her either to enter into dangerous
alliances with other nations, who, looking with more wisdom to their
own interests, would, it is fairly to be presumed, readily adopt such
expedients; or she would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties
in trade and commerce in order to secure the necessary assistance.
Whatever step she might adopt looking to this object would prove
disastrous in the highest degree to the interests of the whole Union.
To say nothing of the impolicy of our permitting the carrying trade
and home market of such a country to pass out of our hands into those
of a commercial rival, the Government, in the first place, would be
certain to suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the introduction
of a system of smuggling upon an extensive scale, which an army of
custom-house officers could not prevent, and which would operate to
affect injuriously the interests of all the industrial classes of this
country. Hence would arise constant collisions between the inhabitants
of the two countries, which would evermore endanger their peace. A large
increase of the military force of the United States would inevitably
follow, thus devolving upon the people new and extraordinary burdens in
order not only to protect them from the danger of daily collision with
Texas herself, but to guard their border inhabitants against hostile
inroads, so easily excited on the part of the numerous and warlike
tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighborhood. Texas would
undoubtedly be unable for many years to come, if at any time, to resist
unaided and alone the military power of the United States; but it is not
extravagant to suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest from her
trade, secured to them by advantageous treaties, would be induced to
take part with her in any conflict with us, from the strongest
considerations of public policy. Such a state of things might subject
to devastation the territory of contiguous States, and would cost the
country in a single campaign more treasure, thrice told over, than is
stipulated to be paid and reimbursed by the treaty now proposed for
ratification. I will not permit myself to dwell on this view of the
subject. Consequences of a fatal character to the peace of the Union,
and even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be dwelt upon.
They will not, however, fail to occur to the mind of the Senate and of
the country. Nor do I indulge in any vague conjectures of the future.
The documents now transmitted along with the treaty lead to the
conclusion, as inevitable, that if the boon now tendered be rejected
Texas will seek for the friendship of others. In contemplating such a
contingency it can not be overlooked that the United States are already
almost surrounded by the possessions of European powers. The Canadas,
New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, the islands in the American seas, with
Texas trammeled by treaties of alliance or of a commercial character
differing in policy from that of the United States, would complete the
circle. Texas voluntarily steps forth, upon terms of perfect honor and
good faith to all nations, to ask to be annexed to the Union. As an
independent sovereignty her right to do this is unquestionable. In
doing so she gives no cause of umbrage to any other power; her people
desire it, and there is no slavish transfer of her sovereignty and
independence. She has for eight years maintained her independence
against all efforts to subdue her. She has been recognized as
independent by many of the most prominent of the family of nations,
and that recognition, so far as they are concerned, places her in
a position, without giving any just cause of umbrage to them, to
surrender her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure. The United
States, actuated evermore by a spirit of justice, has desired by the
stipulations of the treaty to render justice to all. They have made
provision for the payment of the public debt of Texas. We look to her
ample and fertile domain as the certain means of accomplishing this; but
this is a matter between the United States and Texas, and with which
other Governments have nothing to do. Our right to receive the rich
grant tendered by Texas is perfect, and this Government should not,
having due respect either to its own honor or its own interests, permit
its course of policy to be interrupted by the interference of other
powers, even if such interference were threatened. The question is one
purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain most carefully
from all that could interrupt the public peace, we claim the right to
exercise a due regard to our own. This Government can not consistently
with its honor permit any such interference. With equal, if not greater,
propriety might the United States demand of other governments to
surrender their numerous and valuable acquisitions made in past time at
numberless places on the surface of the globe, whereby they have added
to their power and enlarged their resources.
To Mexico the Executive is disposed to pursue a course conciliatory in
its character and at the same time to render her the most ample justice
by conventions and stipulations not inconsistent with the rights and
dignity of the Government. It is actuated by no spirit of unjust
aggrandizement, but looks only to its own security. It has made known to
Mexico at several periods its extreme anxiety to witness the termination
of hostilities between that country and Texas. Its wishes, however, have
been entirely disregarded. It has ever been ready to urge an adjustment
of the dispute upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It will be
ready at all times to hear and discuss any claims Mexico may think she
has on the justice of the United States and to adjust any that may be
deemed to be so on the most liberal terms. There is no desire on the
part of the Executive to wound her pride or affect injuriously her
interest, but at the same time it can not compromit by any delay in its
action the essential interests of the United States. Mexico has no right
to ask or expect this of us; we deal rightfully with Texas as an
independent power. The war which has been waged for eight years has
resulted only in the conviction with all others than herself that Texas
can not be reconquered. I can not but repeat the opinion expressed in my
message at the opening of Congress that it is time it had ceased. The
Executive, while it could not look upon its longer continuance without
the greatest uneasiness, has, nevertheless, for all past time preserved
a course of strict neutrality. It could not be ignorant of the fact of
the exhaustion which a war of so long a duration had produced. Least of
all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other powers to induce Mexico to
enter into terms of reconciliation with Texas, which, affecting the
domestic institutions of Texas, would operate most injuriously upon the
United States and might most seriously threaten the existence of this
happy Union. Nor could it be unacquainted with the fact that although
foreign governments might disavow all design to disturb the relations
which exist under the Constitution between these States, yet that one,
the most powerful amongst them, had not failed to declare its marked
and decided hostility to the chief feature in those relations and its
purpose on all suitable occasions to urge upon Mexico the adoption of
such a course in negotiating with Texas as to produce the obliteration
of that feature from her domestic policy as one of the conditions of her
recognition by Mexico as an independent state. The Executive was also
aware of the fact that formidable associations of persons, the subjects
of foreign powers, existed, who were directing their utmost efforts
to the accomplishment of this object. To these conclusions it was
inevitably brought by the documents now submitted to the Senate.
I repeat, the Executive saw Texas in a state of almost hopeless
exhaustion, and the question was narrowed down to the simple proposition
whether the United States should accept the boon of annexation upon fair
and even liberal terms, or, by refusing to do so, force Texas to seek
refuge in the arms of some other power, either through a treaty of
alliance, offensive and defensive, or the adoption of some other
expedient which might virtually make her tributary to such power and
dependent upon it for all future time. The Executive has full reason to
believe that such would have been the result without its interposition,
and that such will be the result in the event either of unnecessary
delay in the ratification or of the rejection of the proposed treaty.
In full view, then, of the highest public duty, and as a measure of
security against evils incalculably great, the Executive has entered
into the negotiation, the fruits of which are now submitted to the
Senate. Independent of the urgent reasons which existed for the step
it has taken, it might safely invoke the fact (which it confidently
believes) that there exists no civilized government on earth having a
voluntary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so replete
with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, and so necessary
to its peace and safety that would reject the offer. Nor are other
powers, Mexico inclusive, likely in any degree to be injuriously
affected by the ratification of the treaty. The prosperity of Texas
will be equally interesting to all; in the increase of the general
commerce of the world that prosperity will be secured by annexation.
But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It grows out of the
proposed enlargement of our territory. From this, I am free to confess,
I see no danger. The federative system is susceptible of the greatest
extension compatible with the ability of the representation of the most
distant State or Territory to reach the seat of Government in time to
participate in the functions of legislation and to make known the wants
of the constituent body. Our confederated Republic consisted originally
of thirteen members. It now consists of twice that number, while
applications are before Congress to permit other additions. This
addition of new States has served to strengthen rather than to weaken
the Union. New interests have sprung up, which require the united power
of all, through the action of the common Government, to protect and
defend upon the high seas and in foreign parts. Each State commits with
perfect security to that common Government those great interests growing
out of our relations with other nations of the world, and which equally
involve the good of all the States. Its domestic concerns are left to
its own exclusive management. But if there were any force in the
objection it would seem to require an immediate abandonment of
territorial possessions which lie in the distance and stretch to a
far-off sea, and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to
recommend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very doors and in our
immediate vicinity.
Under every view which I have been able to take of the subject, I think
that the interests of our common constituents, the people of all the
States, and a love of the Union left the Executive no other alternative
than to negotiate the treaty. The high and solemn duty of ratifying or
rejecting it is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution of the
United States.