JOHN TYLER.

[Footnote 83: Relating to the strength and expense of maintaining the

African Squadron under the late British treaty, the number of guns it

is expected to have afloat in the United States Navy during 1843, and

the estimated expense of the naval establishment for 1843.]

WASHINGTON, _December 30, 1842_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I communicate herewith to Congress copies of a correspondence which has

recently taken place between certain agents of the Government of the

Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands and the Secretary of State.

The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest,

which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are

making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent to

maintain regular and orderly civil government. They lie in the Pacific

Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become an

important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and

European vessels.

Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which prevail in

this quarter of the world, the Sandwich Islands are the stopping place

for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across the

Pacific Ocean. They are especially resorted to by the great number of

vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery

in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of

property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those

islands in the course of the year are stated probably with sufficient

accuracy in the letter of the agents.

Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Government of the islands

is as yet feeble, but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific,

and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people by the

introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means

of education, and the arts of civilized life.

It can not but be in conformity with the interest and wishes of the

Government and the people of the United States that this community, thus

existing in the midst of a vast expanse of ocean, should be respected

and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded; and this must

also be the true interest of all other commercial states. Far remote

from the dominions of European powers, its growth and prosperity as an

independent state may yet be in a high degree useful to all whose trade

is extended to those regions; while its near approach to this continent

and the intercourse which American vessels have with it, such vessels

constituting five-sixths of all which annually visit it, could not but

create dissatisfaction on the part of the United States at any attempt

by another power, should such attempt be threatened or feared, to take

possession of the islands, colonize them, and subvert the native

Government. Considering, therefore, that the United States possesses so

large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it is deemed not

unfit to make the declaration that their Government seeks, nevertheless,

no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the Hawaiian

Government, but is content with its independent existence and anxiously

wishes for its security and prosperity. Its forbearance in this respect

under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their citizens

with the islands would justify this Government, should events hereafter

arise to require it, in making a decided remonstrance against the

adoption of an opposite policy by any other power. Under the

circumstances I recommend to Congress to provide for a moderate

allowance to be made out of the Treasury to the consul residing there,

that in a Government so new and a country so remote American citizens

may have respectable authority to which to apply for redress in case of

injury to their persons and property, and to whom the Government of the

country may also make known any acts committed by American citizens of

which it may think it has a right to complain.

Events of considerable importance have recently transpired in China.

The military operations carried on against that Empire by the English

Government have been terminated by a treaty, according to the terms of

which four important ports hitherto shut against foreign commerce are

to be open to British merchants, viz, Amoy, Foo-Choo-Foo, Ningpo, and

Chinghai. It can not but be interesting to the mercantile interest of

the United States, whose intercourse with China at the single port

of Canton has already become so considerable, to ascertain whether

these other ports now open to British commerce are to remain shut,

nevertheless, against the commerce of the United States. The treaty

between the Chinese Government and the British commissioner provides

neither for the admission nor the exclusion of the ships of other

nations. It would seem, therefore, that it remains with every other

nation having commercial intercourse with China to seek to make proper

arrangements for itself with the Government of that Empire in this

respect.

The importations into the United States from China are known to be

large, having amounted in some years, as will be seen by the annexed

tables, to $9,000,000. The exports, too, from the United States to

China constitute an interesting and growing part of the commerce of the

country. It appears that in the year 1841, in the direct trade between

the two countries, the value of the exports from the United States

amounted to $715,000 in domestic produce and $485,000 in foreign

merchandise. But the whole amount of American produce which finally

reaches China and is there consumed is not comprised in these tables,

which show only the direct trade. Many vessels with American products on

board sail with a primary destination to other countries, but ultimately

dispose of more or less of their cargoes in the port of Canton.

The peculiarities of the Chinese Government and the Chinese character

are well known. An Empire supposed to contain 300,000,000 subjects,

fertile in various rich products of the earth, not without the knowledge

of letters and of many arts, and with large and expensive accommodations

for internal intercourse and traffic, has for ages sought to exclude the

visits of strangers and foreigners from its dominions, and has assumed

for itself a superiority over all other nations. Events appear likely to

break down and soften this spirit of nonintercourse and to bring China

ere long into the relations which usually subsist between civilized

states. She has agreed in the treaty with England that correspondence

between the agents of the two Governments shall be on equal terms--a

concession which it is hardly probable will hereafter be withheld from

other nations.

It is true that the cheapness of labor among the Chinese, their

ingenuity in its application, and the fixed character of their habits

and pursuits may discourage the hope of the opening of any great and

sudden demand for the fabrics of other countries. But experience proves

that the productions of western nations find a market to some extent

among the Chinese; that that market, so far as respects the productions

of the United States, although it has considerably varied in successive

seasons, has on the whole more than doubled within the last ten years;

and it can hardly be doubted that the opening of several new and

important ports connected with parts of the Empire heretofore seldom

visited by Europeans or Americans would exercise a favorable influence

upon the demand for such productions.

It is not understood that the immediate establishment of correspondent

embassies and missions or the permanent residence of diplomatic

functionaries with full powers of each country at the Court of the other

is contemplated between England and China, although, as has been already

observed, it has been stipulated that intercourse between the two

countries shall hereafter be on equal terms. An ambassador or envoy

extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary can only be accredited,

according to the usages of western nations, to the head or sovereign of

the state, and it may be doubtful whether the Court of Pekin is yet

prepared to conform to these usages so far as to receive a minister

plenipotentiary to reside near it.

Being of opinion, however, that the commercial interests of the United

States connected with China require at the present moment a degree of

attention and vigilance such as there is no agent of this Government

on the spot to bestow, I recommend to Congress to make appropriation

for the compensation of a commissioner to reside in China to exercise

a watchful care over the concerns of American citizens and for the

protection of their persons and property, empowered to hold intercourse

with the local authorities, and ready, under instructions from his

Government, should such instructions become necessary and proper

hereafter, to address himself to the high functionaries of the Empire,

or through them to the Emperor himself.

It will not escape the observation of Congress that in order to secure

the important object of any such measure a citizen of much intelligence

and weight of character should be employed on such agency, and that to

secure the services of such an individual a compensation should be made

corresponding with the magnitude and importance of the mission.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 4, part 2: John Tyler · 第 184 / 403 题