CHAPTER VI

THE WELL

Not until many months later did Malcolm learn the true cause of

Roshinara Begum's anxiety that he and his friends should hasten to

Meerut, and let it be known on the way that they came from Cawnpore. Yet

there were those in Bithoor that night who fully appreciated the

tremendous influence on the course of political events that the

direction of Winifred's flight might exercise. The girl herself little

dreamed she was such an important personage. But that is often the case

with those who are destined to make history. In this instance, the

balking of a Brahmin prince's passions was destined to change the whole

trend of affairs in northern India.

Nana Sahib escorted Mayne from Meerut to Cawnpore because the

safeguarding of the Judicial Commissioner of Oudh was a strong card to

play in that parlous game of empire. As he traveled south reports

reached him on every hand that nothing could now stop the spread of the

Mutiny, and, with greater certainty in his plans came a project that he

would not have dared to harbor even a week earlier.

Winifred, naturally a high-spirited and lively girl, soon recovered

from the fright of that fateful Sunday evening. She had seen little of

the tragedy enacted in Meerut; she knew less of its real horrors.

Notwithstanding the intense heat the open-air life of the march was

healthy, and, in many respects, agreeable. The Nana was a courteous and

considerate host. He took good care that his secret intelligence of

occurrences at Delhi and other stations should remain hidden from Mayne,

and, while his ambitions mounted each hour, he cast many a veiled glance

at the graceful beauty of the fair English girl who moved like a sylph

among the brown-skinned satyrs surrounding her.

Once the party had reached Bithoor the Nana's tone changed. Instead of

sending his European guests into Cawnpore, whence safe transit to

Calcutta was still practicable, he kept them in his palace, on the

pretext that the roads were disturbed. He contrived, at first, to

hoodwink Mr. Mayne by giving him genuine news of the wholesale outbreak

in the North-West, and by adding wholly false tidings of massacres at

Allahabad, Benares, and towns in Upper Bengal. At last, when Mayne

insisted on going into Cawnpore, the native threw aside pretense, said

he could not "allow" him to depart, and virtually made uncle and niece

prisoners.

But he treated them well. A clear-headed Brahmin, to whom intrigue was

the breath of life, was not likely to make the mistake of being too

precipitate in his actions. The wave of religious fanaticism sweeping

over the land might recede as rapidly as it had risen. Muslim and Hindu,

Pathan and Brahmin, hereditary foes who fraternized to-day, might be at

each other's throats to-morrow. So the Nana was a courteous jailer.

Beyond the loss of their liberty the captives had nothing to complain

of, and he met Mayne's vehement reproaches with unmoved good humor,

protesting all the while that he was acting for the best.

Winifred took fright, however. Her woman's intuition looked beneath the

mask. For her uncle's sake she kept her suspicions to herself, but she

suffered much in secret, and her distress might well have moved a man of

finer character to sympathy. Each time she met the Nana he treated her

with more apparent friendliness. She recoiled from his advances as she

might shrink from a venomous snake.

Fortunately there were others in Bithoor who understood the Brahmin's

motives, and saw therein the germ of failure for their own plans. Nana

Sahib was an exceedingly important factor in the success of the scheme

that meditated the re-establishment of the Mogul dynasty. Recognized by

the Mahrattas, the great warlike race of western India, as their leader,

looked on as the pivot of Hindu support to the Mohammedan monarchy, it

was absolutely essential that he should captain the rebel garrison of

Cawnpore in a triumphant march to Delhi. For that reason a marriage

distasteful to both had already been arranged between him and the

Roshinara Begum. For that reason he had traveled to many centers of

disaffection during the months of March and April, winning doubtful

Hindu princes to the side of Bahadur Shah, by his tact and ready

diplomacy. For that reason too, the native officers of the first

regiments in revolt at Cawnpore made him swear, even at the twelfth

hour, that he would lead them to Delhi.

His unforeseen infatuation for an Englishwoman might upset the

carefully-laid plot. Under other conditions a dose of poison would have

removed poor Winifred from the scene, but that simple expedient was not

to be thought of, as the Nana's vengeful disposition was sufficiently

well known to his associates to make them fear the outcome. Therefore

they left nothing to chance, and actually brought the Princess Roshinara

post haste from the north, believing that her presence would insure the

inconstant wooer's return with her at the right moment.

While the majority pulled in one way there was an active minority that

wished the Nana to set up an independent kingdom. His nephew and his

Mohammedan friend, Azim-ullah, were convinced that their faction would

lose all influence as soon as their chief was swallowed up in the

maelstrom of the imperial court. If Winifred supplied the spell that

kept the Nana at Bithoor, they were quite content that it should be

allowed to exercise its power.

Hence, Malcolm's arrival gave the Begum a chance that her quick wit

seized upon. Why not, she argued, connive at the Englishwoman's escape,

and let it become known that she had fled back to Meerut? When the Nana

returned from Cawnpore, flushed with wine and conquest, this should be

the first news that greeted him, and his amorous rage would go hand in

hand with the other considerations that urged his immediate departure

for the Mogul capital. That was not the device of a woman who loved--it

savored rather of the cool state-craft of a Lucrezia Borgia.

No more curious mixture of plot and counterplot than this minor chapter

of the Bithoor romance came to light during that disastrous upheaval in

India. Never did events of the utmost magnitude hinge on incidents so

trivial to the community at large. A truculent thief like Abdul Huq was

able to defeat the intent of a king's daughter, and a couple of alert

troopers, riding to a bluff overlooking the river, could report that

they saw the budgerow on which the sahib-log escaped drifting down

stream towards Cawnpore! Thus the intrigue miscarried twice. Winifred

was free; the clear inference to be drawn from the boat's course was

that her uncle and Malcolm would bring her straight to the protection of

their friends in the cantonment.

There was a scene of violence, nearly culminating in murder, when Nana

Sahib came to Bithoor at dawn. He met the scorn of Roshinara with a

furious insolence that stopped short of bloodshed only on account of the

prudence still governing most of his actions. Not yet was he drunk with

power. That madness was soon to obsess him. But he lent a willing ear to

the counsels of Rao Sahib and Azim-ullah. Soon after daybreak he

galloped to Kulianpur, on the road to Delhi, whither some thousands of

sepoys had already gone, and harangued them eloquently on the glory,

not to speak of the loot, they would acquire by attacking the accursed

English at Cawnpore.

They were easily swayed. Acclaiming the Nana as a prince worthy of

obedience they marched after him, and thus sealed the doom of many

hundreds of unhappy beings who thought until that moment they would be

spared the dreadful fate that had befallen other stations.

Oddly enough, the high-born Brahmin who now saw his hopes of regal power

in a fair way towards realization placed one act of soldierly courtesy

to his credit before he made his name a synonym for all that is base and

despicable in the conduct of warfare. He wrote a letter to Sir Hugh

Wheeler warning the gallant old general that he might expect to be

attacked forthwith. Perhaps it is straining a point to credit him with

any sense of fair play. The letter may have been a last flicker of

respect for the power of Britain, and inspired by a haunting fear of the

consequences if the Mutiny failed. It is probable he wished to provide

written proof of a plea that he was an unwilling agent in the clutch of

a mutinous army. However that may be, he wrote, and never did letter

carry more bitter disappointment to a Christian community.

Sir Hugh Wheeler having decided, most unfortunately as it happened,

against occupying the strongly-built magazine on the river bank as a

refuge, had constructed a flimsy entrenchment on a level plain close to

the native lines. He was sure the sepoys would revolt, but he believed

they would hurry off to Delhi, and he refused to give them an excuse for

rebellion by seizing the magazine. Towards the end of May he wrote to

Henry Lawrence at Lucknow for help, and Lawrence generously sent him

fifty men of the 32d and half a battery of guns, though even this small

force could ill be spared from the capital of Oudh. Sir Hugh made the

further mistake of crediting Nana Sahib's professions of loyalty. He

actually entrusted the Treasury to the protection of the Nana's

retainers, in spite of Lawrence's plainly-worded warning that the

Brahmin's recent movements placed him under grave suspicion.

Nevertheless, Wheeler acted with method. His judgment was clear, if

occasionally mistaken, and he had every reason to believe that the only

attacks he would be called on to repel would be made by the bazaar mob.

On the night of June 4th, the thousand men, women and children who had

gathered behind the four-foot mud wall that formed the entrenchment were

left unmolested by the mutineers. During the 5th they watched the

destruction of their bungalows, and knew that the rebels were plundering

the city, robbing rich native merchants quite as readily as they killed

any Europeans who were not under Wheeler's charge. Late that day came

Nana Sahib's letter. It was a bitter disappointment, but "the valiant

never taste death but once," and the Britons in Cawnpore resolved to

teach the mutineers that the men who had conquered them many times in

the field could repeat the lesson again and again.

About ten o'clock on the morning of the 6th, flames rising from houses

near at hand gave evidence of the approach of the rebels. Irregular

spurts of musketry heralded the appearance of confused masses of armed

men. A cannon-ball crashed through the mud wall and bounded across the

enclosure. A bugle sounded shrilly and the defenders ran to their posts.

The wailing of women and the cries of frightened children, helpless

creatures only half protected by two barracks situated in the southern

corner of the entrenchment, mingled with the din of the answering guns,

and in that fatal hour the siege of Cawnpore began.

In the tear-stained story of humanity there has never been aught to

surpass the thrilling record of Cawnpore. It contains every element of

heroism and tragedy. Four hundred English soldiers, seventy of whom were

invalids, with a few dozens of civilians and faithful sepoys--standing

behind a breast-high fortification that would not stop a bullet--exposed

to the fierce rays of an Indian sun--ill-fed, almost waterless, and

driven to numb despair by the sufferings of their loved ones--these men,

enduring all and daring all, held at bay four thousand well-armed,

well-housed, and well-fed troops for twenty-one days.

Not for a moment was the strain relaxed. Day and night the rebels poured

into the entrenchment a ceaseless hail of iron and lead. Cannon-balls,

solid and red-hot, shells with carefully arranged time fuses, and

bullets from those self-same cartridges that the superfine feelings of

Brahmin soldiers forbade them to touch, were hurled at the hapless

garrison from all quarters. In the first week every gunner in the place

was killed or wounded. Women and children were shot as though they were

in the front line of the defense. No corner was safe from the enemy's

fire. Every human being behind that absurdly inadequate wall was exposed

to constant and equal danger.

Here is an extract from Holmes's history:

"A private was walking with his wife when a single bullet

killed him, broke both her arms, and wounded an infant she was

carrying. An officer was talking with a comrade at the main

guard when a musket-ball struck him; and, as he was limping

painfully to the barracks to have his wound dressed, Lieutenant

Mowbray-Thomson of the 56th, who was supporting him, was struck

also, and both fell helplessly to the ground. Presently as

Thomson lay wofully sick of his wound, another officer came to

condole with him, and he too received a wound from which he

died before the end of the siege. Young Godfrey Wheeler, a son

of the General, was lying wounded in one of the barracks when

a round shot crashed through the walls of the room and carried

off his head in the sight of his mother and sisters. Little

children, straggling outside the wall, were deliberately shot

down."

On the night of June the 11th a red-hot cannon-ball set fire to one of

the barracks which was used as a hospital. The flames inspired the

enemy's gunners to fresh efforts and provided them with an excellent

target, yet the garrison dared all perils of gun-fire and falling

rafters and masonry, while they rescued the inmates. It is on record

that the gallant men of the 32d, when the flames had subsided, though a

heavy fusillade was still kept up by the rebels, were seen raking the

ashes in order to find their lost medals, the medals they had won in the

deadly fighting that preceded the fall of Sevastopol.

On the next day the sepoy army, though so boastful and vainglorious,

dared to make their first attempt to carry the entrenchment by assault.

By one bold charge they must have crushed the defenders, if by sheer

weight of numbers alone. They advanced, with fiendish yells and much

seeming confidence. But they could not face those stern warriors who

lined the shattered wall. After a short but fierce struggle they fled,

leaving the plain littered with corpses.

So the safer bombardment was renewed, its fury envenomed by the

conscious disparity of the besiegers when they tried to press home the

attack. Each day the garrison dwindled; each day the rebels received

fresh accessions of strength. Of the few guns mounted in the British

position, one had lost its muzzle, another was thrown from its carriage

and two were so battered by the enemy's artillery that they could not be

used. The hospital fire had destroyed all the surgical instruments and

medical stores, so the wounded had to lie waiting for death, while those

who still bore arms eked out existence on a daily dole of a handful of

flour and a few ounces of split peas.

Yet the men of Cawnpore fought on, while their wives and sisters and

daughters helped uncomplainingly, making up packets of ammunition,

loading rifles for the men to fire, and even giving their stockings to

the gunners to provide cases for grape-shot.

There was only one well inside the entrenchment. Knowing its paramount

importance, the rebels mounted guns in such wise that a constant fire

could be kept up throughout the night on that special point. Yet there

never was lacking a volunteer, either man or woman, to go to that well

and obtain the precious water. It remains to this day a mournful relic

of the siege, with its broken gear and shattered circular wall, while

the indentations made by such of the cannon-balls as failed to dislodge

the masonry are plain to be seen.

The sepoys spared none. Tiny children, tottering to the well in broad

daylight, were pelted with musketry. Conceivably that might be war. When

beleaguered people will not yield humanity must stand aside and weep.

There was a deed to come that was not war, but the black horror of

abomination, worthy of the excesses of a man-eating tiger, though shorn

of the tiger's excuse that he kills in order that he may live. The well

in the entrenchment was the Well of Life. There was another well in

Cawnpore destined to be the Well of Death.

If proof were needed of the extraordinary condition of India during the

early period of the Mutiny, it was given by an incident that occurred

soon after the first assault was beaten off. In broad daylight, while

the garrison were maintaining the unceasing duel of cannon and small

arms, they were astounded by the spectacle of a British officer

galloping across the plain. He was fired at by the sepoys, of course,

but horse and man escaped untouched and the low barrier was leaped

without effort. The newcomer was Lieutenant Bolton of the 7th Cavalry.

Sent out from Lucknow on district duty he was suddenly deserted by his

men, and he rode alone towards Cawnpore, the nearest British station.

Unhappily the story of that adventurous ride is lost for ever. Poor

Bolton supplied Cawnpore's last re-enforcement.

Sir Hugh Wheeler, ably seconded in the defense by Captain Moore of the

32d, sent out emissaries, Eurasians and natives, to seek aid from

Lucknow and Allahabad, the one about thirty-five, the other a hundred

miles distant. Lawrence wrote "with a breaking heart" that he could

spare no troops from Lucknow. The messengers never even reached

Allahabad.

On June 23 the Nana's hosts again nerved themselves for a desperate

attack, and again were they flung off from that tumble-down wall. Then,

all their valor fled, they fell back on a foul device. A white woman,

Mrs. Henry Jacobi, who had been taken prisoner early in the month,

crossed the plain holding a white flag. Wheeler and Moore and other

senior officers went to meet her. She carried a letter from Nana Sahib,

offering safe conduct to Allahabad for all the garrison "except those

who were connected with the acts of Lord Dalhousie."

Now Dalhousie resigned the vice-royalty in February, 1856. It was he who

had refused to continue to Nana Sahib the Peishwa's pension; assuredly

there was none in Cawnpore responsible for the acts of a former viceroy.

At any rate, whatsoever that curious reservation meant, the majority of

the staff were opposed to surrender. Unfortunately Captain Moore, whose

bravery was in the mouths of all, who, though wounded and ill, had been

"the life and soul of the defense," persuaded Sir Hugh Wheeler and the

others that an honorable capitulation was their sole resource. Succor

could not arrive, he argued, and they were in duty bound to save the

surviving civilians and the women and children.

So an armistice was agreed to on June 26, and representatives of both

sides met to discuss terms. It was arranged that the garrison should

evacuate their position, surrender their guns and treasure, retain their

rifles and a quantity of ammunition, and be provided with river

transport to Allahabad.

The Nana asked that the defenders should march out that night. Wheeler

refused.

"I shall renew the bombardment, and put every one of you to death in a

few days," threatened the Brahmin.

"Try it," said the Englishman. "I still have enough powder left to blow

both armies into the air."

But the Nana meant to have no more fighting on equal terms. He signed

the treaty, the guns were given up, and, on the night of June 26th,

peace reigned within the ruined entrenchment.

Next morning that glorious garrison quitted the shot-torn plain they had

hallowed by their deeds. And even the rebels pitied them. "As the wan

and ragged column filed along the road, the women and children in

bullock-carriages or on elephants, the wounded in palanquins, the

fighting men on foot, sepoys came clustering round the officers they had

betrayed, and talked in wonder and admiration of the surpassing heroism

of the defense."

Those men of the rank and file at least were soldiers. They knew nothing

of the awful project concocted by the Nana and his chief associates, Rao

Sahib, Tantia Topi, and Azim-ullah.

The procession made its way slowly towards the river, three quarters of

a mile to the east. No doubt there were joyful hearts even in that

sorrow-laden band. Men and women must have thought of far-off homes in

England, and hoped that God would spare them to see their beloved

country once more. Even the children, wide-eyed innocents, could not

fail to be thankful that the noise of the guns had ceased, while the

wounded were cheered by the belief that food and stores in plenty would

soon be available.

At the foot of a tree-clad ravine leading to the Ganges were stationed a

number of heavy native boats, with thatched roofs to shield the

occupants from the sun. They were partly drawn up on the mud at the

water's edge to render easy the work of embarkation. Without hurry or

confusion, the wounded, and the women and children, were placed on

board.

Then some one noticed that the thatch on one of the boats was smoking,

and it was found that glowing charcoal had been thrust into the straw.

About the same time it was discovered that the boats had neither oars,

nor rudders, nor supplies of food. Before the dread significance of

these things became clear, a bugle-call rang out. At once, both banks of

the river became alive with armed sepoys, and a murderous rifle-fire was

opened on the crowded boats. Guns, hidden among the trees, belched

red-hot shot and grape at them, and the smoldering straw of the thatched

roofs burst into flames.

Awakened to the unspeakable treachery of their foe, officers and men

rushed into the water and strove with might and main to shove the boats

into deep water. They failed, for the unwieldy craft had been hauled

purposely too high.

Here Ashe and Moore, and Bolton, hero of that lonely ride through the

enemy's country, fell. Here, too, men shot their own wives and children

rather than permit them to fall into the hands of the fiends who had

planned the massacre. Savage troopers urged their horses into the water

and slashed cowering women with their sabers. Infants were torn from

their mothers' arms, and tossed by sepoys from bayonet to bayonet. The

sick and wounded, lying helpless in the burning craft, died in the agony

of fire, and the few bold spirits who even in that ghastly hour tried to

beat off their cowardly assailants were surrounded and shot down by

overwhelming numbers.

One heavily-laden boat was dragged into the stream, and a few officers

and men clambered on board. The voyage they made would supply material

for an epic. They were followed along the banks and pursued by armed

craft on the river. They fought all day and throughout the night, and,

when the ungoverned boat ran ashore during a wild squall of wind and

rain at daybreak, the surviving soldiers, a sergeant and eleven men,

headed by Mowbray-Thomson of the 56th, and Delafosse of the 53d, sprang

out and charged some hundreds of sepoys and hostile villagers who had

gathered on the bank.

The craven-hearted gang yielded before the Englishmen's fierce

onslaught. The tiny band turned to fight their way back, and found that

the boat had drifted off again! Then they seized a Hindu temple on the

bank and held it until the sepoys piled burning timber against the rear

walls and threw bags of powder on the fire!

Fixing bayonets and leaving the sergeant dead in the doorway, they

charged again into the mass of the enemy. Six fell. The remainder

reached the river, threw aside their guns, and plunged boldly in. Two

were shot while swimming, and one man, unable to swim any distance,

coolly made his way ashore again and faced his murderers until he sank

beneath their blows.

Mowbray-Thomson, Delafosse, and Privates Murphy and Sullivan, swam six

miles with the stream, and were finally rescued and helped by a friendly

native.

Those four were all who came alive out of the Inferno of Cawnpore. The

boat, after clearing the shoal, was captured by the mutineers. Major

Vibart of the 2d Cavalry, who was so severely wounded that he could not

join in the earlier fighting, and some eighty helpless souls under his

command, were brought back to the city of death. There, by orders of the

Nana, the men were slain forthwith and the women and children were taken

to a building in which they found one hundred and twenty-five others,

who had been spared for the Brahmin's own terrible purposes from the

butchery at Massacre Ghat on the 27th.

Returning to Bithoor the Nana was proclaimed Peishwa amid the booming of

cannon and the plaudits of his retainers. He passed a week in drunken

revels and debauchery, and when, in ignorance of its fate, a small

company of European fugitives from Fategarh sought refuge at Cawnpore,

he amused himself by having all the men but three killed in his

presence. These three and the women and children who accompanied them,

were sent to a small house known as the Bibigarh, in which the whole of

the captives, now numbering two hundred and eleven, were imprisoned.

Many died, and they were happiest. The survivors were subjected to every

indignity, given the coarsest food, and forced to grind corn for their

conqueror, who, early in July, took up his abode in a large building at

Cawnpore overlooking the house in which the unhappy people were penned.

But the period of their earthly sufferings was drawing to a close. An

avenging army was moving swiftly up the Grand Trunk Road from Allahabad.

The Nana's nephew and two of his lieutenants, leading a large force

against the British, were badly defeated. On the 15th of July came the

alarming tidings that the Feringhis were only a day's march from the

city.

The Furies must have chosen that date. The Nana, the man who thought

himself fit to be a king, decided that Havelock would turn back if there

were no more English left in Cawnpore! So as a preliminary to the

greater tragedy, five men who had escaped death thus far--no one knows

whence two of them came--were brought forth and slaughtered at the feet

of the renowned Peishwa. Then a squad of sepoys were told to "shoot all

the women and children in the Bibigarh through the windows of the

house."

Poor wretches--they were afraid to refuse, yet their gorge rose at the

deed, and they fired at the ceiling!

Such weakness was annoying to the puissant Brahmin. He selected two

Mohammedan butchers, an Afghan, and two out-caste Hindus, to do his

bidding. Armed with long knives these five fiends entered the shambles.

Alas, how can the scene that followed be described!

Yet, not even then was the sacrifice complete. Some who were wounded but

not killed, a few children who crept under the garments of their dead

mothers, lived until the morning. Not all the native soldiers were so

lost to human sympathies that they did not shudder at the groans and

muffled cries that came all night from the house of sorrow. Some of them

have left records of sights and sounds too horrible to translate from

their Eastern tongue.

But the rumble of distant guns told the destroyer that his short-lived

hour of triumph was nearly sped. In a paroxysm of rage and fear, he gave

the final order, and the Well of Cawnpore thereby attained its ghastly

immortality. By his command all that piteous company of women and

children, the living and the dead together, were thrown into a deep well

that stood in the garden of Bibigarh--the House of the Woman.

It was thus that Nana Sahib strove to cloak his crime. Yet never did

foul murderer flaunt deed more glaringly in the face of Heaven. Fifty

years have passed, myriads of human beings have lived and died since the

well swallowed the Nana's victims, but the memory of those gracious

women, of those golden-haired children, of those dear little infants

born while the guns thundered around the entrenchment, shall endure

forever. The Nana sought oblivion and forgetfulness for his sin. He

earned the anger of the gods and the malediction of the world, then and

for all time.

The Red Year: A Story of the Indian Mutiny · 第 6 / 17 章