CHAPTER IX

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The aim of the foregoing pages was to give a correct description of the

Australian individual family.[958] The chief practical difficulties lay

in the methodological treatment of the evidence; in other words, in

making the fullest possible use of the material, without inadvertently

introducing conjectural elements. We established the necessity of our

task by pointing out the following facts: (1) The contradictions,

incompleteness and lack of precision in the descriptions of the

individual family, given by field ethnographers, who sometimes even

go so far as to deny the existence of this institution, such denials

being based not upon observation, but upon speculative inference. (2)

The discussion of the problem in question or of parts of it (marriage,

relationship, descent, etc.), as usually found in ethnographical and

sociological works, relates chiefly to the earlier stages of this

institution, and as a rule leaves out of sight a series of important

points, concerning its actual working, to draw attention to which was

in part the aim of the present investigations. Now, considering that

ethnological material, especially that from the Australian continent,

plays a very important rôle in all general speculations on the history

of marriage and the family--Australia being the best-known and the most

extensive country inhabited by a very primitive race--it seemed that a

careful examination of the facts of family life in Australia would be

useful. (3) In the third place it appeared that a minute investigation

in this direction might be interesting as an example of a correct

sociological definition of the individual family in a given society. To

give it, there had to be made a careful collection and classification

of material in order to show which facts play an important part in the

structure and functions of this institution.

[958] _See_ p. 290, note 1.

An over-hasty comparative survey of social phenomena, especially if

the writer is disposed to see everywhere analogies or even identities

without due criticism, too often exaggerates irrelevant features and

under-rates the most essential ones in a given area. To obtain an

adequate picture of any social institution, even if so well marked by

many physiological facts as is the individual family, it is necessary

to set forth those of its features which are characteristic in a given

society. Further, it appeared necessary to point out some facts, which

show that the institution of the individual family is deeply connected

with a whole series of customs, beliefs and fundamental phenomena of

Australian society; and that it thus appears deeply rooted in its

social conditions. In other words, that the individual family is the

object of a set of well-determined, categorical, collective ideas. This

modest task of a correct and detailed description, made on the basis of

sufficient ethnographical material, was the chief aim of the present

study.

A few words may be said in the first place about the practical

difficulties met with in dealing with the evidence, as foreseen and

discussed in the chapter on methodology. The views there set out were,

briefly, that it is impossible to use the statements in their crude

form, and that consequently they must be submitted to criticism;

and that it is necessary also to use caution and method in drawing

inferences from the evidence. The results seem to confirm these views.

So, for example, we often met with a great deal of inaccuracy--_e.

g._ in expressions like tribe, tribal, community, group, family--and

we had always to be cautious and to ascertain carefully their meaning

when dealing with the aboriginal mode of living. Sometimes we were able

to ascertain this real meaning; sometimes the statement was quite or

nearly useless owing to complete confusion. Furthermore, all qualifying

expressions referring to the treatment and behaviour of husband and

wife, expressions referring to sexual morality, etc., were in the

highest degree inexact. Throughout the whole study there was constant

necessity for dealing critically with the text of the evidence.

In the second place we had always to analyze the information and to ask

a series of definite questions of it. So, for example, in the sexual

side of family life we divided our problem into three main questions,

and these again into sub-headings. Again the relations between husband

and wife were viewed from the legal point (authority of husband), from

the psychological point (affection), and in their functional aspect

(behaviour and treatment). The relations between parents and children

were divided into several headings (affection, treatment, education,

etc.), and so forth. On some of such particular points it has been

possible to obtain quite definite answers. Where there was a hopeless

contradiction, it was carefully pointed out. In the same manner a

reliable but apparently singular statement was carefully noted, even

if it differed from all the rest of the information. In general the

chief methodic rule in utilizing the evidence was to arrange the whole

argument and inferences in the clearest possible manner. To this end

the number of the statements for and against any opinion was always

given; the compatibility of a given inference with the well-established

facts of Australian sociology was investigated; and the _experimentum

crucis_, so much recommended by Steinmetz, was applied wherever

possible. Attention also has been paid to the geographical point of

view. Wherever it has been possible to ascertain local differences in

customs, beliefs or institutions, or to show that such differences are

localized in more extensive areas, care was taken to point it out. It

is obviously an error to take "the Australian Aborigines" as an ethnic

unit. Nevertheless many general, fundamental features of family life

are undoubtedly common to all the tribes.

The individual family involves both the individual relations between

husband and wife, and between parents and children.[959] These

two relationships are obviously so intimately connected that the

individuality of one of them has as its consequence the individuality

of the other; each characteristic feature of one of them stands in a

functional relation to some characteristic feature of the other. Both

these relationships were studied and their mutual dependence in several

respects was indicated.

[959] In the more restricted sense used throughout this

book. Extended family, _Grossfamilie_, involves more remote

relationship.

A series of facts was adduced in order to prove that the individual

relationship between husband and wife is unquestionably affirmed in the

collective ideas of the natives. These facts, chiefly connected with

the modes of obtaining wives (also with burial and mourning), implied

even more detailed ideas: the affirmation that the husband has a series

of individual rights and duties in regard to his wife; in other words

that there is a mutual personal appropriation of husband and wife.

From some of the details as to the modes of obtaining wives the idea

of individual appropriation can be clearly gathered. The family

disposes of the female and benefits thereby; the disposal is effected

in infancy, so it appears that the majority of females are always

allotted. The individual appropriation is, so to say, a permanent

status, extending not only to the married women, but to all females

in the tribe. Only a man deeply in love, or impelled by some other

desperate reason, attempts to elope with a female or to capture one.

This always constitutes a crime, and is either punished or atoned for.

Nevertheless, elopement occurs pretty often and has its fixed forms

of legalization. This state of things obviously expresses the idea of

individual appropriation in the strongest and most certain manner.

Individual appropriation is further expressed in a whole system of ties

binding the families of the two contracting parties, and especially

binding the man to his (future or actual) parents-in-law. In this

latter case the ties consist in the first place of obligations, chiefly

gifts and the duty of supplying game. These obligations and the

widespread custom of exchange of females appear to be a rudimentary

form of marriage by purchase. Hence, again, a confirmation that

individual marital rights are well known and acknowledged. Marriage

by purchase implies a fair knowledge of individual appropriation,

and shows that it is highly valued in a given society. In Australia

the "bride money" is paid by an individual, not by a group. We find

evidence of a number of betrothal and marriage ceremonies which carry

in themselves binding powers. Such ceremonies mean that the underlying

ideas are deeply rooted in the society where the ceremonies are

found. In this case, the underlying ideas are that man and wife are

firmly bound to each other by the ceremony. All these facts appear

very important. Not only do they indicate that the ideas of the

legality or illegality of the marriage contract--those of personal

individual appropriation and of a high value attaching to marriage

rights--exist in Australia. But it is difficult to reconcile with them

the view that individual marriage is in Australia something new, a

kind of innovation; that it is considered by the natives as something

immoral, illicit, an encroachment of the individual on the rights of

the group; and as something unimportant, secondary, merely temporary.

On the contrary, as we find it existing, it bears the character of a

deeply-rooted institution. All these conclusions have also been drawn

independently from the general character and several details of the

mourning customs. So that the discussion of these customs afforded

another proof that marriage ties are considered very strong, and that

the institution of marriage is the object of definite collective ideas,

consequently is firmly established in the social organization. It has a

social sanction and appears fairly permanent.

These facts suffice formally to define the individual marriage and

individual rights of the husband to his wife. To give full context

to this definition, and to characterize it more in detail, we must,

on the one hand, investigate the general character of the behaviour

of the consorts towards each other, and the feelings to which this

behaviour points. On the other hand, an attempt must be made to

determine the collective ideas expressing this relationship in its

legal aspect. There have been, however, considerable difficulties in

determining the emotional side of the relation between husband and

wife. The results were rather negative; it appeared that we cannot

accept either the extreme view of absolute bad treatment and want of

affection, or the contrary opinion that the relations are of idyllic

character. In general--allowing for a natural variety of feelings--the

preponderance of feelings of attachment appears to be the rule. Much

clearer are the results reached concerning the husband's actual rights

over his wife. His authority is limited in some extreme cases only;

and it is difficult to say who would interfere with it and what would

be the legal form of such an interference. It may be said, therefore,

that the treatment of females in Australia is determined much more by

personal feelings than by legal norms, and that the latter only afford

protection to the woman in cases of extreme illtreatment. In accordance

with what has just been said as to personal feelings, it appears also

that the treatment of women was not so exceedingly rough as is usually

assumed.

The sexual rights of the husband must rather be understood in the sense

that the husband is a proprietor of his wife, who may and occasionally

must dispose of her; not in the sense of an inviolable exclusiveness

of sexual access. The idea of chastity is absent. And consequently

jealousy is not in existence in the sense in which we use that word in

our society. But it exists in the form of ideas and feelings affirming

the husband's definite right of control over his wife. And the natives

highly disapprove of any transgression without the husband's consent

and the sanction of custom. All sexual licence is regulated and subject

to strict rules. Consequently the ideas on what is right or wrong in

sexual matters are fairly well defined. In other words, there is a

more or less defined code of sexual morality, which has also its legal

aspect, as crimes against it are punished by society in a regulated

manner.

In reference to the problems of individual marriage and the individual

family, it may be said, however, that the individualistic character

of these institutions is not accentuated in the first place by the

exclusiveness of sexual rights. In connection with sexual problems an

excursus on the Pirrauru customs was made, in order to prove that the

relationship involved does not possess the character of marriage. For

it completely differs from marriage in nearly all the essential points

by which marriage in Australia is defined. And above all the Pirrauru

relation does not seem to involve the facts of family life in its true

sense.

In order to investigate the latter in detail on a broader basis, that

is including both the relations between parents and children and

between husband and wife, we entered into a discussion of the relation

of the family unit to the territorial distribution of the natives. It

was found that the mode of living points to a very complete isolation

of each family; some of the tribes live scattered in very small

groups--one to three families on an average. Other tribes live in much

larger groups, but these are by no means promiscuous and undivided

hordes. There are camp rules, which point to the isolation of the

family within the local group; and customary rules for the arrangement

of individuals within the family, round camp fires and at meals, etc.

These rules and the isolation of families are reported especially from

the South-Eastern tribes, where we may perhaps assume that the local

groups are more numerous. So that over the whole continent the lowest

unit of the tribal structure appears to be the individual family.

After a long digression on the concept of family kinship,[960] the

facts illustrating the relation between children and parents were

surveyed. It was found that the characteristic features of this

relationship are parental love and attachment of both father and mother

to their children. The close tie between mother and child is set up

by the fact of the first cares, suckling and carrying the child.

The father is, as a rule, also extremely fond of his children; his

relation to them is by no means characterized by any legal authority

or tyrannical power, but by his affection. The father as well as the

mother treat children of both sexes with extreme leniency, and give

them some rudiments of education. Attention was drawn to the fact

that the common attachment and extreme fondness of both parents for

their children must constitute a strong bond of union between husband

and wife. The family unit is nevertheless restricted to parents and

children under the age of puberty. For although the ties between

parents and children last throughout life, still after reaching

puberty the children enter into new relationships, which superimpose

themselves on the former ones. These new bonds result for the girl from

marriage, for the boy from his entering into the tribal secret society

(initiation and life in the bachelors' camp).

[960] As this chapter is of a more theoretical character,

it is omitted in this summary, where, on the whole, only

actual facts and results are dealt with. The reader is

referred to the conclusions and summaries of the said

chapter (pp. 198 and 232).

The discussion of the economic facts shows that the sexual division of

labour is considerably developed; that the man's and the woman's share

in the maintenance of the household is quite well defined and diverse.

Further we find that the woman's work is of first-rate importance for

the economic unity and subsistence of the household.

The careful survey of the facts has led to some conclusions which

may be pointed out. Thus, for example, we have been driven to the

conclusion that, in considering marriage, the importance of the sexual

facts ought not to be exaggerated. In the majority of tribes sexual

facts do not seem to play any part in the formation of bonds of

kinship. Ideas of consanguinity are absent in these tribes,[961] and

herewith the sexual relations between husband and wife lose their chief

influence upon the unity of the family. On the other hand, the sexual

rights of the husband, although very well determined, are so often

crossed by other customs that _exclusive_ access to a woman must not be

made a part of the sociological definition of marriage. The importance

of the economic features of family life, and of the common affection

for children, is much more in the foreground.

[961] Compare above, Chap. VI., esp. pp. 182, 209 _sqq._

and 226.

Stress has been laid throughout the investigation on the importance

of bearing in mind the connection of our special problem with the

general structure of society. As said above, each conclusion has been

submitted to a kind of test as to whether it stands in agreement or

in contradiction with well-established general facts. The main points

in which the dependence of the individual family upon social facts

has been traced were the connection of the individual family with the

territorial and tribal structure, the mode in which land ownership

in some cases distinguishes the family as a unit, the influence of

economic communism upon the economics of the individual family,

etc. But the manner in which society most directly influences any

institution lies in the various norms, moral, customary or legal, by

which society regulates different aspects of the given institution.

The importance of such social rules is emphatically affirmed by Prof.

Durkheim: "Une communauté de fait entre des consanguins qui se sont

arrangés pour vivre ensemble, mais sans qu'aucun d'eux soit tenu à

des obligations déterminées envers les autres et d'où chacun peut se

retirer à volonté, ne constitue pas une famille.... Pour qu'il y ait

famille, il n'est pas nécessaire qu'il y ait cohabitation et il n'est

pas suffisant qu'il y ait consanguinité. Mais il faut de plus ...

qu'il y ait des droits et des devoirs, sanctionnés par la société, et

qui unissent les members dont la famille est composée.... La famille

n'existe qu'autant qu'elle est une institution sociale, à la fois

juridique et morale, placée sous la sauvegarde de la collectivité

ambiante."[962] Although this opinion is certainly exaggerated,[963] it

quite rightly lays stress on the importance of the social regulation of

the individual family.[964]

[962] _A.S._, i. pp. 329, 330.

[963] Because "_cohabitation_," community of life, is one

of the _essential_ constituents of the family. Besides,

there cannot exist a "communauté de fait"; a social group

cannot exist without the sanction of the surrounding

society, and this creates obligations between the members

of the group.

[964] We obviously cannot agree with Prof. Durkheim when

he says further (_loc. cit._, p. 331), speaking of the

Australian family: "Ce sont des associations de fait,

non de droit. Elles dépendent du gré des particuliers,

se forment comme elles veulent, sans être tenues de

s'astreindre à aucune norme préalable." The Australian

family is not a casual but a legal association, for it does

not depend upon the whim of individuals; neither is it

formed when and how they choose. There are norms governing

its formation, duties and obligations while it lasts, and

even afterwards when it has been dissolved by a natural

cause, such as the death of the husband. All these norms,

duties and obligations are legal (compare the definition

of legal, p. 11), for non-compliance with them leads to

the interference of society; and they directly show that

society approves of this institution. The reasoning of

Prof. Durkheim--who enumerates four domestic rights and

obligations (vendette, law of inheritance, name and cult),

and says that those four functions are attached to the

_clan_--is open to very serious objections. In the first

place it is dubious whether those four duties constitute

the main body of primitive domestic law. The economic

functions, the duties and rules of cohabitation, the

various duties towards children, the mourning duties of

religious character--all these legal functions, which are

domestic rights and obligations even in our society, were

shown to exist in Australia. They belong to the family

and not to the clan. On the other hand, when revenge is

to be taken on members of another local group, then it

is the local group offended which carries it out. The

cases of intergroup justice are very few, for evil

magic is always looked for at a distance, and we have

hardly any information about justice within the local

group. (For all particulars compare Wheeler, chap. viii.

pp. 116 _sqq._) It is not the clan, but the local group

about which we know most in this respect. Inheritance,

owing to the unimportance of private property (compare

Wheeler, p. 36) plays a very subordinate rôle. From the six

instances collected by Wheeler (pp. 37, 38), three point

to inheritance according to class, three to inheritance

according to family. Land was not a clan property, as we

saw. There remains of Prof. Durkheim's legal customs the

name and the cult. Cult may be obviously as well a public

as a domestic institution; the name is not enough to show

that the clan was the only legal form of family.

The importance of such norms, and especially of the legal ones,

clearly appeared in the foregoing investigation. In order adequately

to discuss this matter, the exact sense in which the concepts of _law_

and _legal_ may be used was defined, and the legal organization in

Australia was sketched. Furthermore, in all the questions discussed

we have tried to ascertain whether there are any norms sanctioned by

society, and what form this social enforcement assumes in any given

case. And here it appears that nearly all sides of family life, far

from being left to follow their own course, are more or less subject to

definite norms of moral, customary or legal character. It was possible

to establish beyond doubt the legal aspect of marriage by analyzing the

modes of contracting marriage, and the duties of the widow, as shown

in the mourning ceremonies. The relation between husband and wife,

although characterized by a very extensive authority of the former, has

nevertheless its legal basis. For the husband's authority is limited to

a certain extent by exterior factors (tribal government, woman's kin)

and must conform to certain norms (he has the right to punish her for

certain crimes in a definite way); and he acquires his authority in a

legal way (by a legal marriage contract). Sexual matters in general,

and the sexual rights of the husband are well defined and regulated.

Customary (or legal) rules govern the mode of living of a family, the

distribution of food within the family, the sexual division of labour.

The relation between parents and children, and especially the paternal

authority, hardly presented any legal aspect. But on the whole it

appears perfectly legitimate and necessary to define the individual

family in Australia as a legal one, inasmuch as very many aspects

of this institution are subject to legal norms. And, it would be

completely erroneous to call, with Prof. Durkheim, these units "agrégat

de fait, sans liens de droit, désapprouvé même le plus souvent par la

loi et par l'opinion."[965]

[965] _A.S._, i. p. 330.

There is yet another point in Australian sociology most intimately

connected with the individual family. I mean the other forms of

kinship organization: the exogamy class, the totemic clan, possibly

also the other divisions reported by Mr. R. H. Mathews and Mrs. Parker

("blood" and "shed" divisions, etc.). And on this point the present

study is obviously incomplete, as it neither clearly fixes the line of

demarcation between the individual and the group kinship, nor solves

any of the difficulties and contradictions indicated at the outset. A

few words must be said here in order to avoid misunderstandings. If in

any society there exist two institutions of very close resemblance, as

in Australia, the individual family creating individual relationship

and the various kinship organizations creating group relationship, the

only way to understand their working is by describing minutely the

social functions of each of them. This has been done for the individual

family in the foregoing pages; it remains to be done for the kinship

groups.[966]

[966] The writer hopes to return to this subject on another

occasion. The material for the description of _social

functions_ of the exogamous class and totemic clan is

comparatively scanty, although so much has been written on

this subject.

Social institutions should in the first place be defined by their

social functions; if the functions--religious, magical, legal,

economic, etc.--of the totemic class, the exogamous class, and other

divisions be known and compared with the functions of the individual

family, each of these institutions will appear as occupying a definite

place in the social organization, and playing a determinate part in the

life of the community. And such a knowledge would afford a firm basis

for further speculations.

In the foregoing investigations we have omitted this side of the

problem partly in order to avoid increasing the bulk of the monograph,

but above all, that we might develop more clearly the features of the

institution described.

The individual family was shown to be a unit playing an important

part in the social life of the natives and well defined by a number

of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by

the sexual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and

especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children.

The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted

in the unity of the family. Moreover, it is expressed by a series of

facts connected with the modes in which marriage is brought about and

in the well-defined, although not always exclusive, sexual right the

husband acquires over his wife.

ADDENDA

Several points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few

works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst

reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I

read the book of Mr. Crawley (_Mystic Rose_) unfortunately after

the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more

complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology

underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their

religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual

danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence

the different systems of _taboo_; the sexual taboo being one of the

most important. To establish harmless relations between people of

different sexes requires a system of _breaking the taboo_.

The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in the _Mystic

Rose_ from this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion

this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because

it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing

upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a

phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological

aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network

of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting

in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be

comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It

follows as an important consequence that everything connected with

matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare

the passage above, p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with

reference to the Australians).

Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment

of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a

dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore

their study is essential for the understanding of this institution.

The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between

two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual

marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."

Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which

must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the

information on several points by the addition of statements from

Mr. Roth's _North Queensland Ethnography_ (_Bull._ 9 _sqq._), which

I have only recently been able to peruse.

Pp. 27-29. _Methodic presentation of evidence._ As in summing

up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view

or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration,

it is necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be a

_unit of information_ (or an _individual statement_). I consider

as independent statements: (1) Observations of different

ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on

different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the

differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly

necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has

no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence."

It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing

evidence.

P. 35 and Chap. VII. _passim_. _Mystic._ By this word I understand

belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.

P. 42. _The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes,

religious and magical._ Compare Crawley (_M.R._, p. 347).

P. 48. _Betrothal_ is prevalent all over the tribes of North

Queensland (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes

of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of

the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of

Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée

before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare

among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River

female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal

obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11,

12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe,

see above, p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is

described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§

13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected

with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes

betrothal is generally known (§ 14).

Pp. 50-52. _Marriage gifts._ In the Pennefather River tribes a man

is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms,

etc.) (_Bull._ 10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of

the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay

(_ibid._, § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby

River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§

12).

P. 52. _Publicity of marriage and betrothal_ is mentioned by Roth

among the natives of Pennefather River (_Bull._ 10, § 6) and

Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for

marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl)

common to all tribes (§ 5).

P. 52. _Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from

evidence._ To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies

are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities

I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples)

who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be

found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too

practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which

when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an

example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the

tribes of Central Australia (_Mystic Rose_, p. 318).

Pp. 52, 53. _Marriage ceremonies_ are reported by Roth with

reference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (_Bull._ 10,

"Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a

public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is

described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes

are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other

men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.

Pp. 56-58. _Legal aspect of marriage._ The different social

conditions enumerated by Roth (_Bull._ 10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a

valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage.

"Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized"

are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate

consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions

are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match,

or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite

sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).

P. 61. _Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies._ In the survey of

various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in

which the aspect of _breaking the taboo_, of securing immunity from

danger, dominates (_M.R._, pp. 322-370); then come those in which

the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting

the man and woman" are prominent (_loc. cit._, pp. 370-390). This

aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that

marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy

between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points

out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out

that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr.

Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and

rites possess an _individualistic_ character (_loc. cit._, pp. 320

_sqq._). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and

all their magical, religious (I would add _legal_) consequences

refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.

P. 63. _Polygyny._ Although this fact had no special theoretical

bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to

state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of

completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and

influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems

to be found in all tribes. _Cf._ Curr, _A.R._, i. pp. 106, 107, 110

_sqq._; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt, _T.R.S.V._, p. 115; Woods,

p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr,

_Recollections_, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151.

_Idem_, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson,

p. 110; Roth, _Bull._ 10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450;

Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 440, and

the references given there.

Pp. 63, 64. _Levirate._ _Cf._ Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 510, for

Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of

different theories concerning this custom.

Pp. 64-66. _Divorce_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._ 10, pp. 11, 12).

Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.

Pp. 82-84. _Marital affection._ Mutual attachment and love between

man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (_Bull._ 10, § 17).

It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriage

by elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian

savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess.

(Compare, for instance, above, p. 41, footnote 9).--Compare

Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 359, where Australian references are

given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356 _sqq._, where the problem in general

is discussed.

Pp. 84-88. _Mourning and burial._ In Roth, _Bull._ 9, pp. 366,

367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial

ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased

and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396

and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest

share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals

that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it

impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which

strongly confirm the views expressed above, in Chap. III. From the

description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New

South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow

has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned,

she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation

for several months (_Eth. Notes_, pp. 71, 72).

P. 93, footnote 4 and p. 107. _Incest._ Roth affirms that incest

is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes

(_Bull._ 10, pp. 2, 3).

Pp. 108-123. _Pirrauru not a group marriage._ Mr. A. Lang gives an

excellent criticism of the view that _Pirrauru_ is a survival of

ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view

that it is actual group marriage. Lang, _The Secret of the Totem_,

Chap. III.--A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley, _loc.

cit._, pp. 475-483.

Pp. 168 _sqq._ _Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the

social and psychological conditions of the given society._ "It is

only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation

of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society;

and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which

human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and

psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry

into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries

into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted

primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in

fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human

culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought

has had the usual effect of _a priori_ theory, and has checked

inquiry" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 1). The second phrase covers in

particular the views expounded above, pp. 185 _sqq._

P. 170. _Social factors of kinship._ "Habitual proximity and

contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in

thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 452).

P. 175. _Collective mind._ This expression does not postulate the

existence of any metaphysical entity--any mysterious spiritual

medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every

psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term

is an abbreviation for denoting the _ensemble_ of "collective

ideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed

such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at

the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For

sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a

special point of view, and, to emphasize _that_, the adjective

"collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192, footnote 1.

Pp. 179-182. _Absence of social consanguinity in primitive

societies._ "The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen

in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in

primitive culture" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 451).

P. 183. _The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any

special set of ideas._ "'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer

term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not

attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley, _loc.

cit._, p. 451).

Pp. 183, 184. _Couvade._ An extensive bibliography on this subject

is forthcoming in _Zeitschr. f. Ethnol._ Band 43. Heft iii. and

iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.

Pp. 260-262. _Young females monopolized by old men._ Besides the

statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by

Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the

West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general

(J. Matthew) (_loc. cit._, pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern

Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually

getting the pick" (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7).

Pp. 262 _sqq._ The _bachelors' camp_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._

10, p. 4).

Pp. 272, 273. _Relations between brothers and sisters._ Mr. Crawley

has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in

apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This is

corroborated by the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (See

_M.R._, _passim_; for references see Index under "Brother and

Sister").

Pp. 283-286. _Communism in food._ An interesting statement of an

old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be

adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little

or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young

and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as

the strong and lusty" (Dampier, _loc. cit._, p. 103).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. _List of Books used as Ethnographical Sources, referring to the

Australian Aborigines._

ANGAS, G. F.: _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_.

2 vols. London, 1847.

BARRINGTON, G.: _The History of New South Wales, including Botany

Bay, Port Jackson, Parramatta, Sidney and all its Dependencies_.

London, 1802.

BASEDOW, HERBERT: "Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal

Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia"; in

_Transactions of the R. Soc. of S. Australia_, vol. xxxi.

Adelaide, 1907.

BATES, MRS. D. M.: Article in _Victorian Geographical Journal_,

vols. xxiii-xxiv. 1905-1906.

BENNETT, G.: _Wanderings in New South Wales_, etc. 2 vols. London,

1834.

BEVERIDGE, P.: _The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina_. 1 vol.

Melbourne, 1889.

BONNEY, F.: "On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling";

in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

BROWNE, J.: "Die Eingeborenen Australiens"; in _Petermann's

Mittheilungen_. Gotha, 1856.

CAMERON, A. L. P.: "Notes on Some Tribes of New South Wales"; in

_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiv. London, 1885.

CAMPBELL, MAJOR: "Geographical Memoir of Melville Island and Port

Essington, Northern Australia"; in _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._,

vol. iv. London, 1834.

CHAUNCY: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_,

vol. ii. London, 1878.

COLLINS, D.: _An Account of the English Colony in New South

Wales_, 2 vols. London, 1798-1802.

CRAWLEY, ERNEST: _The Mystic Rose_. London, 1902.

CURR, E. M.: _Recollections of Squatting in Victoria_. 1 vol.

Melbourne, 1883.

---- _The Australian Race_. 4 vols. Melbourne and London, 1886.

DAMPIER, W.: in "Early voyages to ... Australia," by R. H. Major,

_Hakluyt Society_. London, 1859.

DAWSON, J.: _Australian Aborigines_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1881.

DAWSON, ROB.: _The Present State of Australia_. London, 1831.

EARL, G. W.: "On the Aboriginal Tribes of the North Coast of

Australia"; in the _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._, vol. xvi.

London, 1846.

EYRE, E. J.: _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central

Australia and Overland from Adelaide to King George's Sound, in

the Years 1840-41._ 2 vols. London, 1845.

FIELD BARRON: _Geographical Memoirs on New South Wales_, etc.

London, 1825.

FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.: "From Mother-right to Father-right";

in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xii. London, 1883.

---- _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1880.

FORREST, J.: "On the Natives of Central and Western Australia"; in

_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. v., pp. 316 _sqq._ London, 1876.

FRASER, J.: _The Aborigines of New South Wales._ 1 vol. Sydney, 1892.

FRAZER, J. G.: "Notes on the Aborigines of Australia; Questions of

Prof. Frazer, and Answers of Several Correspondents"; in _Journ.

Anthr. Inst._, vol. xxiv. London, 1894-95.

GASON, S.: "The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe"; in

Woods, _The Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

GERSTAECKER, F.: _Narrative of a Journey round the World_. 3 vols.

London, 1853.

GILL, T.: "Notes on South Australian Aborigines"; in _Proc. R.

Geogr. Soc. Australasia. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. x. Adelaide,

1907-1908, pp. 220 _sqq._

GILLEN, F.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol.

iv. Adelaide, 1889.

GREEN, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_,

vol. i. London, 1878.

GREY, SIR G.: _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in

North-West and Western Australia during the Years 1837, 1838,

1839_. 2 vols. London, 1841.

GRIBBLE, J. B.: _Black but Comely_. London, 1874.

HENDERSON, JOHN: _Excursions and Adventures in N. S. Wales_. 2 vols.

London, 1851.

HODGKINSON, CL.: _Australia from Port Macquarie to Moreton Bay_.

London, 1845.

HODGSON, C. P.: _Reminiscences of Australia_. London, 1846.

HOWITT, A. W.: "Australian Group Relations"; in _Smithsonian

Report_, 1883. Washington, 1885.

---- On the "Organization of Australian Tribes"; in _Transactions

of the Royal Society of Victoria_, vol. i., part ii. Melbourne,

1889.

---- "The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia"; in

_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xx. London, 1891.

---- _The Native Tribes of South-East Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- "The Native Tribes of South-East Australia"; in _Folk-Lore_,

vol. xvii. London, 1906.

---- _See also_ FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.

KRICHAUFF, F. E.: "The Customs, etc., of the Abdolinga Tribe, Central

Australia." Read before the R. Geog. Soc. of Australasia (South

Australian Branch), 1886. _Proceedings_, vol. ii. pp. 33 _sqq._

and 77 _sqq._

KÜHN: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. Melbourne,

1880.

LANG, G. S.: _The Aborigines of Australia_. Melbourne, 1865.

LANG, J. D.: _Queensland_. London, 1861.

LEONHARDI, M. VON. _See_ STREHLOW.

LE SOUËF: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2

vols. London, 1878.

LUMHOLTZ, C.: _Among Cannibals_. 1 vol. London, 1889.

MCDOUGALL, A. C.: Article in _Science of Man_. 1900.

MACGILLIVRAY, JOHN: _Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. "Rattlesnake,"_

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MATHEW, J.: _Two Representative Tribes of Queensland (the Kabi and

Wakka Tribes)_. London, Leipsic, 1910.

MATHEWS, D.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. iv.

MATHEWS, R. H.: Numerous short articles in various papers; chiefly

_Journ. and Proc. R. Soc. N. S. Wales_, _Amer. Anthropologist_,

_Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc._ In the present book the articles in

the first-named paper have chiefly been used, and an explicit

reference in each case is given. Numerous references and

bibliographies of his own articles are to be found in Mr. Mathew's

publications. Cf. "Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of

N. S. Wales and Victoria" (Sydney, 1905); which is a reprint from

the _Journ. and Proc. R.S.N.S.W._, vol. xxxviii. Sydney, 1904.

MEYER, H. E. A.: "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the

Encounter Bay Tribe"; in Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_.

Adelaide, 1879.

MITCHELL, Major T. L.: _Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern

Australia_. 2 vols. London, 1838.

MOORE, G. F.: _A descriptive Vocabulary of the Language of Aborigines

of Western Australia._ London, 1884.

MOORE-DAVIES, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of

Victoria_, vol. ii. London, 1878.

MORGAN, JOHN: _Life and Adventures of William Buckley_. Hobart, 1852.

NEWLAND, S.: "The Parkengees" (Darling Riv.); in _Proc. R.G.S.A.

(S. Austr. Branch)_. vol. ii. 3rd session.

NIND, SCOTT: _Description of the Natives of King George's Sound_.

London, 1831.

North Queensland Ethnography (chiefly by W. E. Roth), Bulletins 1-8.

Brisbane, 1901-1906. Bulletins 9-18; in _Records of the Australian

Museum_, vols. vi.-viii. Sydney, 1890-1910. Bull. No. 9 in vol. vi.

No. 5.--Bull. No. 10 in vol. vii. No. 1.--Bull. No. 11 in vol.

vii. No. 2.--Bull. No. 12 in vol. vii. No. 3.--Bull. No. 13 in vol.

vii. No. 4.--Bulls. Nos. 14-18 in vol. viii. No. 1.

OLDFIELD, A.: "On the Aborigines of Australia"; in the _Transactions

of the Ethnological Society_, vol. iii. London, 1865.

PALMER, E.: "Notes on Some Australian Tribes"; in _Journ. Anthr.

Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

PARKER, MRS. K. L.: _The Euahlayi Tribe_. London, 1905.

PARKHOUSE: Article in _Reports Austr. Assoc. Adv. Science_, vol. vi.

Sydney, 1895.

PETRIE, TOM: _Reminiscences_. Brisbane, 1905.

PHILLIP, A.: _An Authentic and Interesting Narrative_, etc. London,

1789.

PURCELL, B. H.: "The Aborigines of Australia"; in _Transactions of

the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia_ (Victorian Branch),

vol. xi. Melbourne, 1894.

ROTH, W. E.: _Ethnological Studies among the North-West Central

Queensland Aborigines_. 1 vol. Brisbane and London, 1897.

---- Article in the _Proc. of the Royal Society of Queensland_,

vol. xvii, part II. Brisbane, 1903.

---- _See under_ North Queensland Ethnography.

RUSDEN, G. W.: An article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and

Kurnai_.

SALVADO, RUDESINDO: _Mémoires Historiques sur l'Australie_. 1 vol.

Paris, 1854.

_Science of Man_ and _Australasian Anthropological Journal_ (New

Series). Sydney, 1898, etc. Some articles from this series have

been used and quoted with detailed references.

SCHULTZE, L.: "The Aborigines of the Upper and Middle Fink River";

_Transactions of the R. Soc. South Australia_, vol. xiv. Part II.

Adelaide, 1891.

SCHÜRMANN, C. W.: "The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln"; in

Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

SMYTH, R. BROUGH: _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2 vols. Melbourne

and London, 1878.

SPENCER, B.: Notice in _Athenæum_, Nov. 4, 1911.

SPENCER, BALDWIN, and GILLEN, F. J.: _The Northern Tribes of Central

Australia_, 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- _The Native Tribes of Central Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1899.

STÄHLE, REV. J. H.: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and

Kurnai_.

STANBRIDGE, W. E.: "General Characteristics ... of the Tribes

of the Central Part of Victoria"; in _Transactions of the

Ethnological Society_, vol. i. London, 1861.

STREHLOW, C.: "Die Aranda und Loritja-Stämme in Zentral-Australien,"

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_Veröffentlichungen aus dem städtischen Museum zu Frankfurt_.

4 parts. Frankfort on the Main, 1907, etc.

SUTTON, T. M.: "The Adjahdurah Tribe" (Yorke's Peninsula), _Proc.

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1879.

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1891.

WITHNELL, J. G.: _The Customs and Traditions of the Aboriginal

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WYATT, W.: "Some Account of the Manners and Superstitions of the

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II. _List of other Works quoted in the Text._

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BÜCHER, KARL: _Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft_. Tübingen, 1904.

CUNOW, H.: _Die Verwandtschafts-Organisationen der Australneger_.

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GRAEBNER, F.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_. 1905.

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to Torres Straits_, vols. v. and vi. Cambridge, 1904.

HARTLAND, EDWIN SIDNEY: _Primitive Paternity._ 2 vols. London, 1909.

KOHLER, J.: "Über das Recht der Australneger"; in _Zeitschr. f.

vergleichende Rechtswiss._, vol. vii. Stuttgart.

LANG, ANDREW: _The Secret of the Totem._ London, 1905.

---- Article in the _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_.

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the British Academy_. London, 1909.

LÉVY-BRUHL, L.: _Les Fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieurs._

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MACLENNAN: _Studies in Ancient History._ London, 1886.

MORGAN, L. H.: _Ancient Society._ London, 1877.

---- "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family";

in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, vol. xvii. Washington,

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NIEBOER, H. J.: _Slavery as an Industrial System._ The Hague, 1900.

POST, A. H.: _Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz._ 2 vols.

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REITZENSTEIN, FRHR. V.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_,

vol. xli. Berlin.

RIVERS, W. H. R.: _The Todas._ London, 1906.

---- "On the Origin of the Classificatory System of Relationships"; in

_Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_. Oxford, 1907.

---- Several chapters in _Reports, Cambridge Expedition_, etc.

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---- "The Genealogical Method of Anthropological Inquiry"; in

_Sociological Review_, vol. iii. Manchester and London, 1910.

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den Naturvölkern"; in _Zeitschr. f. Sozialwissensch._, vol. i.

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WHEELER, G. C.: _The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations in Australia._

With a prefatory note by E. A. Westermarck. London, 1910.

INDEX

Abduction, considered as a crime, 38, 39, 41, 55

Adoption, alternative for infanticide, 247

Adultery, punishment of, 92-97, 99, 103, 124

Affection:

Between husband and wife, 68, 70-74, 82-84, 307

Parental, 191-197, 238-257, 269-272, 299

Aggregation, social, its influences, 132-134

Alatunja:

Head of local group, 143

Position hereditary among the Arunta, 225-226

Alcheringa ancestors, reincarnation belief, 214, 215, 218, 221

Allotment of females, its consequences, 60.

_See also_ Infant Betrothal

Altjira, term explained, 215

Ancestors, reincarnation beliefs discussed, 212-233

Angas, G. F., on--marriage customs, 261;

maternal love, 239;

mode of living, 138;

relations between husband and wife, 70;

women's work, 276

Animism, fatherhood as determined by animistic ideas, 227-229

Anjea, supernatural being, 228

Annihilation, aboriginal belief in, asserted, 215-216

Anula, tribe:

Marriage customs, 42, 51

Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220

Aralkililima ceremony, 85

Arunta nation:

Camping rules, 265

Ceremonial licence, 106

Division of labour, 278

Hereditary position of Alatunja, 225-226

Infanticide and motive for, 236

Marriage customs, 41-42

Mourning ceremonies, 85-86

Procreation and reincarnation beliefs, 209, 212, 216, 220-221

Relations of husband and wife,72

Treatment of children, 244-245

Tribal government, 13

Atninga, avenging party, 13

Authority:

Marital, 67, 68-74, 76, 77-79, 302

Parental, 254-256

_See also_ Law

Avebury, Lord, on primitive law, 10

Bachelors' camp, 164, 262-269

Bahumul, form of betrothal, 40

Bangerang tribe:

Camping rules, 263

Marriage customs, 37, 258, 260

Mode of living, 137, 154, 155, 156, 159

Relations between husband and wife, 69

Treatment of children, 238-239, 248-249

Banks Islanders, determination of paternity, 180

Barrington, George, on marriage customs, 40;

on mode of living, 162

Bates, Mrs. D. M., on--infanticide, 236;

procreation beliefs, 227;

sexual aspect of marriage, 99;

tribal divisions and ownership of land, 147-148

Bennett, G., on--infanticide, 235;

treatment of children, 241

Betrothal:

Evidence in favour of a ceremony, 52-53, 61-62

Individual appropriation affirmed by, 296

Legal aspect, 57, 60

Prevalence of custom, 48, 66, 306

Statements of authorities, 36-48

Beveridge, P., on--mode of living, 161;

sexual relations, 93

Bidwelli tribe, no initiation ceremonies, 262

Binbinga tribe:

Marriage customs, 42, 43, 50, 51

Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220

Birth. _See_ Procreation

Blood relationship. _See_ Consanguinity

Bonney, T., on--parental affection, 270;

relations between husband and wife, 70

Boundaries, tribal, 136-157

Brother and sister, relations between, 272-273, 309

Browne, J., on sexual division of labour, 281

Buckley, William, treatment by the natives, 222, 271

Bulmer, J., on marriage customs, 36

Burial ceremonies:

Description of and deductions from, 84-88

Duties and behaviour of relatives, 271-272, 308

Cameron, H. L. P., on sexual aspect of marriage, 95

Campbell, Major, on tribal divisions, 146

Camps:

Bachelor, statements and remarks, 164, 262-269

Customs regulating, 158-167, 298

Unmarried females, 104, 266

Capture, marriage by, 40, 41, 53-55, 58

Celibacy, female, 104, 266

Ceremonies:

Betrothal, individual appropriation affirmed by, 296;

legal aspect of, 57, 60;

statements of authorities and deductions from, 37, 38, 42, 43-44,

48-50, 52-53, 61-62, 66, 306

Initiation, age of commencement and duration, 259, 262-269;

education of boys begun at, 256-257;

sexual promiscuity in connection with, 97-99, 104, 105-106, 129

Licence practised at, 105-107, 123

Marriage, a breaking of the taboo, 305;

ideas embodied in, 61, 307;

individual appropriation affirmed by, 296;

statements of authors and deductions from, 42-44, 52-53, 61-62,

306-307

Mourning and burial, description of, and their meaning, 84-88,

271-272, 308;

proof of strength of marriage tie, 296;

scars self-inflicted by women, 72

Chastity, how regarded, 104-105, 125, 178

Chauncy, Ph., on treatment of children, 246

Chepara tribe:

Communism in food, 284

Mourning customs, 271

Children. _See_ Parent and child

Choi, term explained, 145

Class taboo, theory of origin, 288-289

Collective feelings, 191-192, 197-198

Collective ideas, 192-198

Collective mind, explanation of term, 175, 308-309

Collins, D., on--authority of husbands, 71;

infanticide, 236;

land ownership, 141;

mode of living, 161-162

Communism:

Food, 283-286, 289-290, 300, 309

In mode of living, instances, 160

Suckling and rearing children, remarks on, 234, 236-237

Consanguinity:

Absence (in the sociological sense) of tie in primitive societies,

179-182, 209, 217, 232, 309

Analysis of concepts of, 176-185, 204-207

Claim to kinship on basis of, in certain tribes, 231

Definition, 182

Coombangree tribe, tribal divisions, 142-143

Corroborees, licence at, 106-107

Cotertie, marriage custom, 46

Councils, tribal, authority exercised by, 12-13

Couvade custom, 183-184, 309;

similar customs in Australia, 225, 226

Crawley, on religious side of human relations, 305-309

Curr, E. M., on--camping rules, 263;

economics of family life, 275-276;

kinship, 3, 5;

marriage customs, 4, 258, 259;

mode of living, 137-138, 159-160;

parental affection, 269;

relations between husband and wife, 69, 82;

sexual aspect of marriage, 92-93;

treatment of children, 238-239

Dargun, Prof. L., on kinship, 188-189

Dawson, J., on--camping rules, 264;

communism in food, 284;

economics of family life, 275;

relations between husband and wife, 69-70, 78;

sexual aspect of marriage, 93

Dawson, R., on--mode of living, 160, 163;

parental affection, 195, 269;

relations between husband and wife, 72;

treatment of children, 242

Defloration of girls at initiation ceremonies, 42-43, 98, 104,

105-106, 129

Dieri tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Ignorance of physiological fatherhood inferred, 128

Infanticide and motive for, 236

Marriage customs, 41, 261

Mode of living, 154, 156

Mourning ceremonies, 88

Parental affection, 195-196

Pinya party of, 13

Pirrauru custom, 108-109, 117-118

Sexual aspect of marriage, 96, 105

Treatment of children, 238

Tribal divisions, 143

Division of labour. _See under_ Labour

Divorce, mention of, 62, 64-66, 69, 78, 307

Durkheim, Émile, on--importance of social regulations, 300-301;

kinship, 204;

primitive law, 10;

sexual division of labour, 289

Dwellings, statements and deductions from, 158-167

Economics of family life, 274-291, 299-300

Education:

At bachelor camps, 263-264, 267

Initiation the beginning of, 256-257

Parental, discussed, 241, 242-243, 245, 246, 256-257

Elopement:

Individual appropriation affirmed by, 295

Punishment for, 36-46, 55-58, 66, 92, 103, 295

Sexual love denoted by, 83

Statements of authors and deductions from, 36, 41-47, 55-58, 66

Emotional side of kinship. _See_ Affection

Euahlayi tribe:

Authority of grandparents, 270

Camping rules, 265

Communism in food, 285

Marriage customs, 40, 61, 261

Sexual aspect of marriage, 95-96, 102, 103

Treatment of wives, 72

Exchange, mode of obtaining wives:

Effect on treatment of wives, 81-82

Form of marriage by purchase, 50-52, 58-59

Individual appropriation affirmed by, 296

Prevalence of custom, 48-49

Statements of authors, 36-38, 41-44, 47

Eyre, E. J., on--marriage customs, 261;

mode of living, 139, 160-161;

relations between husband and wife, 70

Family:

Analysis of family life a necessity, 6-9, 206

Customs regulating social life, 158-167

Economic facts connected with, 274-291

Evidence, method of dealing with, 17-33

Husband and wife, 67-88

Importance in marriage contracts, 49-50, 57

Individual appropriation proved, 295-304

Kinship, discussion of, 168-233

Legal aspect, 300-302

Mode of living, 132-167

Mode of obtaining wives, 33-66

Parents and children, 234-273

Scope of work and difficulties, 1-17, 292-294

Sexual aspect of marriage, 89-131

Social units discussed, 132-135, 136-167

Fatherhood. _See_ Paternity

Fire-sticks, carrying of, by women, 275, 276, 278, 279

Fison, L., on--kinship, 203;

marriage, 3

Folk-lore, kinship ideas suggested by, 207-233

Food:

Acceptance by a woman from a man belief, 229-230

Bachelor camp rules, 263, 267

Communism in, 283-286, 289-290, 309

Customs regulating the taking of meals, 159, 163-164, 166

Distribution among the family, 288-289

Division of labour in providing, 275-290

Taboos, 15, 279

Forrest, John, on--marriage customs, 44-45;

sexual division of labour, 280

Fraser, Dr. John, on--mode of living, 142;

parental affection, 270;

relations between brothers, 272;

relations between husband and wife, 72;

sexual division of labour, 277-278;

treatment of children, 242-243

Frazer, Prof. J. G., on--kinship, 189-190;

procreation beliefs, 226;

social life of the aborigines, 156;

totemic conception, 211

Frodsham, Dr., on procreation beliefs, 226

Game, statements on division of, 285-286

Gason, S., on--infanticide, 236;

Pirrauru custom, 117-118;

relation between brother and sister, 272;

treatment of children, 243

Geawe Gal tribe:

Marriage customs, 39, 261

Sexual aspect of marriage, 95

Gennep, A. van, on folk-lore, 208;

on kinship, 204

Giddings, F. H., on mode of living, 132-133

Gifts at marriage, 50-52

Gillen, F. _See_ Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen

Gnanji tribe:

Marriage customs, 43

Reincarnation beliefs, 218-219

Gomme, Sir Laurence, on kinship, 182, 202, 205-206

Gournditch Mara tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Communism in food, 284

Marriage customs, 36

Mode of living, 159

Government, tribal:

Existence of, 11-17

Intervention between husband and wife, 79

Marriage contracts supervised by, 57-58

Pirrauru relation authorised by, 110

Grey, Sir G., on--camping rules, 266;

marriage customs, 64, 65;

mode of living, 164;

relation between brother and sister, 273;

sexual aspect of marriage, 99;

treatment of children, 249;

tribal divisions and ownership of land, 146-147

Gribble, Rev. J. B., on communism in food,285

Grosse, E., criticism of Howitt's statements, 4

Group marriage:

Existence in Australia discussed, 30, 89, 113-115

Relation of the Pirrauru custom to, 108-123, 308

Hartland, E. S., on kinship, 201-202;

on paternity, 181, 208

Headmen, authority exercised by, 12-13

Henderson, John, on mode of living, 162

Hereditary positions, 225-226

Hodgkinson, Cl., on relations between husband and wife, 72;

on tribal divisions, 142

Hodgson, C. P., on relations between husband and wife, 71

Howitt, A. W., on--economic side of family life, 275;

group marriage, 4-5, 30, 109, 113-114, 121;

kinship, 1-2, 203;

marriage customs, 261, 262-263;

mode of living, 136-137;

parental affection, 195;

Pirrauru custom, 108-112, 117, 120;

relations between husband and wife, 68, 81;

sexual relations, 92, 101;

treatment of children, 238, 241

Husband and wife:

Affection between, existence of, 82-84

Authority of husband, 76, 77-79, 302

Bond created by affection for children, 253-254, 299

Division of labour, 274-291

Individual relationship between, proved, 295-298

Mourning and burial ceremonies and their meaning, 84-88

Obligations of husband, 62-65

Parental aspect. _See_ Parent and Child

Sexual aspect of marriage, 89-131

Statements of authors on relations between, 67-76

Treatment of wife, 76, 79-84

_See also_ Wives and Women

Huts. _See_ Dwellings

Iliaura tribes, ceremonial licence, 106

Illapurinja party, 13

Infant betrothal:

Legal aspect, 57, 60

Prevalence of custom, 48, 66

Statements of authorities, 37-40, 44-47

Infanticide:

Adoption of child an exceptional alternative, 247

Reasons assigned for, 216, 235-236

Inheritance, instances of, and discussion on, 136, 137, 290-291, 301

Initiation ceremonies:

Age of commencement and duration, 259, 262-269

Beginning of education of boys, 256-257

Girls, of. _See_ Defloration of Girls

Sexual promiscuity at, 97-99, 104, 105-106, 129

Jajaurung tribe, marriage customs, 38

Jealousy, sexual:

Existence discussed, 92-100, 102, 124-131, 297-298

Isolation of the family caused by, 159, 163, 164

Kabi tribe:

Infanticide and motive for, 236

Marriage customs, 262

Relations of husband and wife, 73

Sexual aspect of marriage, 98

Treatment of children, 245

Tribal divisions and mode of living, 144, 154, 155, 163

Kafirs, ideas on procreation, 180

Kaitish tribe:

Ceremonial licence, 106

Mourning ceremonies, 86

Reincarnation belief, 216

Kamilaroi tribe, sexual aspect of marriage, 95, 103

Karamundi tribes, communism in food, 284

Kinship:

Aboriginal collective ideas, 171, 183, 207-233, 309

Affection of parents, 191-197

Contradictions in authorities, 1-7

Definition aimed at, 8

Legal aspect, 185-191

Meaning generally attached to term, 170-178

Organisations creating group relationship, not dealt with, 303

Protection of wives by their relatives, 78, 79

Relatives' part in mourning ceremonies, 88

Social factors, 170, 308

Sociologists' application of concept, 200-206

Theoretical analysis, 168-207

Kohler, J., on primitive law, 10

Kühn, Rev. J., on customs of Turra tribe, 264

Kuinmurbura tribe, marriage customs, 43, 52

Kulin tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Procreation ideas, 231

Kurdaitcha party, 13

Kurnai tribe:

Authority of grandparents, 270

Camping rules, 262-263

Communism in food, 283-284

Economics of family life, 275

Magic and its effect on sexual relations, 129

Marriage customs, 36, 47, 51, 55, 56, 258

Mode of living, 136, 154, 155, 158-159, 162

Relations between husband and wife, 68

Sexual aspect of marriage, 92, 101, 103, 105

Treatment of children by their parents, 238

Labour, sexual division of, 274-290, 299

Land ownership:

Conclusions from, 300

Form of, 150-157

Inheritance discussed, 290-291

Statements of authorities, 135, 136-149

Use of term defined, 135

Lang, Andrew, on kinship, 3, 7

Lang, G. S., on treatment of children, 242

Lang, J. D., on sexual aspect of marriage, 98

Larrekiya tribe, procreation ideas, 230

Law, primitive:

Authority of husband over his wife, 76-79, 297, 302

Definition of concept, 9-17

Family governed by social rules, 300-301

Marriage and its social sanction, 35-36, 56-66, 307

Paternal authority discussed, 185-191, 254-256

Leonhardi, Frhr. von, on folk-lore, 208, 212-213

Levirate, prevalence of, and conclusions drawn from, 38, 46, 49,

63-64, 104, 307

Lévy-Bruhl, M., on folk-lore, 214

Licence, sexual. _See under_ Sexual Life

Local group:

Description as a tribal division, 143-144

Land ownership, 136-157

Mode of living, 158-167

Social unit, 136-157

Use of term defined, 135

Lumholtz, C., on--marriage customs, 64-65;

relations of husband and wife, 73;

sexual division of labour, 279

MacLennan, J. F., on kinship, 200-201

Magic:

Mode of obtaining wives, 14, 41, 55, 58, 62, 97

Punishment by means of, 10, 13

Sexual intercourse influenced by belief in, 129-130

Mara tribe:

Marriage customs, 42, 43, 51

Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220

Marriage:

Affection in, 82-84

Age of girls, 257-259

Breaking the taboo necessary, 305

Contradictions of authorities, 2-3, 3-5

Definition, 34-35

Defloration ceremony, 42-43, 98, 104, 105-106, 129

Disparity of age, 259-262

Duration, length of, 64-66

Ideas embodied in ceremonies, 61-62, 307

Individual appropriation proved by evidence, 59, 295-298

Legal aspect, 8, 35, 56-66, 307

Modes of obtaining wives, 35-66

Mourning rites of widows, 84-88

Pirrauru relation distinguished from, 109-123

Prevalence of ceremonies, statements, 52-53, 61-62, 306-307

Sexual aspect, 89-131

_See also_ Husband and wife, Parent and child, Purchase marriages

Maternity:

Definition of individual motherhood, 173

Relative unimportance of physiological motherhood, 230-232

_See also_ Parent and Child

Mathew, Rev. J., on--marriage, 4;

mode of living, 163;

sexual division of labour, 278-279

Mathews, R. H., on--Communism in food, 285;

hereditary offices, 225;

reincarnation beliefs, 212;

tribal divisions, 144

Meyer, H. E. A., on sexual division of labour, 277

Mitchell, Major T. L., on--relations between husband and wife, 70;

treatment of children, 240;

women's work, 276-277

Moore, G. F., on--marriage customs, 46;

on sexual division of labour, 280

Moore-Davies, J., on mode of living, 161;

on sexual licence, 94

Morgan, John, on--kinship, 200;

use of terms kinship and consanguinity, 171

Mourning ceremonies:

Description of, and deductions from, 84-88, 308

Duties of relatives, 271-272

Proof of strength of marriage ties, 296

Scars self-inflicted by women, 72

Mukjarawaint tribe:

Authority of grandparents, 254-255, 270

Communism in food, 284

Murring tribe:

Communism in food, 284

Mode of living, 136, 154, 159, 162

Sexual life, 92

Treatment of children, 241

Murrumbidgee tribes, treatment of children, 241

Nanarree, form of betrothal, 40

Narran-ga tribe, communism in food, 284

Narrinyeri tribe:

Communism in food, 285

Marriage customs, 38, 52

Mode of living, 139-140, 155

Relation between husband and wife, 70-71

Sexual aspect of marriage, 94, 105

Naudowessies, ideas on procreation, 180

Ngarigo tribe, camping rules, 263

Ngura-mundu custom, 96

Nieboer, H. J., on relation between husband and wife, 75-76

Nind, Scott, on sexual aspect of marriage, 100;

on tribal divisions, 148-149

Oldfield, A., on--relation between brother and sister, 272-273;

sexual aspect of marriage, 99;

treatment of children, 246

Orphans, adoption of, 242

Palmer, E., on--relation of husband and wife, 73;

treatment of children, 245-246;

tribal boundaries, 145

Parent and child:

Aboriginal ideas of procreation and their influence, 128-129,

176-183, 206, 208-233

Affection and its effect on their relations, 191-197, 269-272, 299

Authority of father, 254-256

Characteristic features of relationship, 299

Early separation from parental control, 257-269, 299

Jealousy on question of paternity discussed, 127-129

Kinship, discussion, 171-233

Mode of living impresses relation to actual parent, 167

Pirrauru relationship, 117-118

Suckling and rearing children, bond created by, 234-237

Treatment of children, 238-257

Parkengee tribe, marriage customs, 38

Parker, Mrs., on--marriage customs, 261;

procreation beliefs, 227

Paternity:

Aboriginal ideas on procreation and kinship discussed, 128, 179-183,

208-233

Bond established by rearing of children, 237

Definition of term, 173

_See also_ Parent and Child

Patria potestas:

Definition, 254

Not applicable to conditions of Australian aborigines, 186,187-191

Pinnaru, Council of, 13

Pinya party, 13

Piraungaru custom, 96, 115

Pirrauru custom:

Account of, and its relation to individual marriage, 96, 108-123,

298

Not a group marriage, 108-123, 308

Pointing the bone, form of punishment, 10

Polygyny, prevalence of, 63, 307

Post, A. H., on primitive law, 10

Potestas. _See_ Patria potestas

Procreation, aboriginal ideas discussed, 175, 176-183, 206, 208-233

Property in land. _See_ Land ownership

Puberty:

Boys' initiation at. _See_ Initiation Ceremonies

Marriage of girls at, 257-259

Rites undergone by girls at, 105-106

Punishment:

Abduction, 38, 39, 41, 55

Adultery, 92-97, 99, 103, 124

Elopement, 36, 38, 39, 41-46, 55-58, 66, 92, 103, 295

Magic as a means of, 10, 13

Marriage of men under thirty, 259, 262

Various modes of punishment, 14-15

Purchase marriages:

Marriage by exchange, a form of, 50-52

Proof of individual marriage, 59

Reincarnation of ancestors, aboriginal ideas and beliefs discussed,

212-233

Relationship. _See_ Kinship

Repudiation of wives. _See_ Divorce

Rivers, W. H. R., on kinship, 6-7, 202-203

Roth, W. E., on--camping rules, 266;

folk-lore, 227;

food taboos, 279;

kinship, 225;

marriage customs, 306-309;

mode of living, 163;

mourning ceremonies, 88;

origin of class taboo, 288-289;

relation between husband and wife, 73-74;

tribal divisions, 145

Rusden, G. W., on relations between husband and wife, 72

Salvado, R., on--affection for parents, 271;

camping rules, 266;

marriage customs, 45, 64, 65, 259;

mode of living, 164;

relation between husband and wife, 74;

sexual aspect of marriage, 99-100;

treatment of children, 246-247;

tribal divisions and ownership of land, 147

Schultze, L., on marriage customs, 41

Schürmann, C. W., on--mode of living, 162;

sexual aspect of marriage, 94

Scott Nind. _See_ Nind

Separation of husband and wife, 69.

_See also_ Divorce

Sexual life:

Aboriginal ideas on procreation discussed, 175, 176-183, 206,

208-233

Ceremonial licence, 105-107, 123

Chastity, how regarded, 104-105, 125, 178

Elopement a proof of sexual love, 83-84

Jealousy, existence discussed, 124-131

Pirrauru custom, 108-123

Relative unimportance for unity of family, 299-300

Rights and restrictions of the husband, 101-103, 112, 126-127,

297-298, 300

Statements of authorities, 89-101

Subject to rules, 123, 305

Young females monopolized by old men, 260-262, 309

Sister and brother. _See_ Brother and Sister

Smyth, R. Brough, on mode of living, 161;

on treatment of children, 239-240

Society, primitive:

Collective mind, explanation of term, 175, 308-309

Early modes of thought the only manner of explanation, 168-169, 308

Kinship as affected by social conditions, 175-207

Manner of influencing an institution, 300-301

Unit of aboriginal society, problem discussed, 1-17

Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen, F., on--folk-lore, 208, 211, 212, 216,

220, 225, 226;

food customs, 285;

kinship, 2, 3, 5;

marriage customs, 41-43;

mode of living, 163;

mourning ceremonies, 85-88, 272;

Pirrauru custom, 108, 115, 117, 120;

relation between brother and sister, 273;

treatment of children, 243-244;

tribal divisions, 143

Stanbridge, W. E., on marriage customs, 38

Strehlow, Herr C., on folk-lore, 208, 210-215

Suckling of children, bond established by, 234-237

Taboo:

Breaking of, necessary for marriage, 305

Class, theory of origin, 288-289

Food, 15, 279

Paternal, during pregnancy of wife, 225

Taplin, G., on relation between husband and wife, 70

Tench, W., on--marriage customs, 40;

relation between husband and wife, 71;

sexual division of labour, 277;

sexual licence, 95

Theddora tribe, chiefs, 12

Thomas, N. W., on--kinship, 7, 187;

marriage, 91;

Pirrauru custom, 119

Tippa Malku marriage, 41, 96, 110

Tjinjilli tribe, marriage customs, 43

Todas, determination of paternity, 180

Tongaranka tribe:

Chief, 12

Mourning customs, 271

Torres Straits Islanders, kinship of, 203

Totems:

Ideas on conception and birth connected with, 208-233

Totemic centres, statements on, 146, 153

Tribal government. _See_ Government, Tribal

Tribe:

Local group as subdivision of. _See_ Local Group

Social divisions of, 136-157, 298

Use of term defined, 134

Tualcha Mura marriage custom, 41, 42, 50, 261

Turnbull, John, on--marriage customs, 39;

mode of living, 141;

relation between husband and wife, 71;

sexual aspect of marriage, 95;

treatment of children, 242

Turra tribe:

Marriage customs, 264

Mode of living, 162

Sexual aspect of marriage, 94, 101, 103, 105

Turrubul tribe, customs, 285-286

Umbaia tribe, reincarnation beliefs, 218-219

Unmatjera tribe:

Mourning ceremonies, 86

Reincarnation belief, 216

Urabunna tribe:

Ignorance of physiological fatherhood, 128

Pirrauru custom, 108, 115, 118

Reincarnation belief, 212, 216

Sexual aspect of marriage, 96

Treatment of children, 243-244

Wakelbura tribe, marriage customs, 44, 56

Wakka tribe:

Infanticide and motive for, 236

Marriage customs, 262

Relations between husband and wife, 73

Sexual aspect of marriage, 98

Treatment of children, 245

Tribal divisions and mode of living, 144, 154, 155, 163

Warramunga tribe:

Ceremonial licence, 106-107

Marriage customs, 42, 43

Mourning ceremonies, 85, 86

Reincarnation belief, 212, 217

Watchandee tribe:

Communism in food, 286

Marriage customs, 45

Westermarck, Prof. E. A., on--chastity among uncivilized people, 178;

kinship, 205;

marriage, 3-4, 34-35;

sexual jealousy, 125;

study of family life, 134

Wheeler, G. C., on sociology of aborigines, 133

White men, believed to be ghosts of relatives, 222-224

Wife. _See_ Wives, _below_

Wiimbaio tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Mourning customs, 271

Wilhelmi, C., on sexual aspect of marriage, 94

Wilkes, Charles, on sexual aspect of marriage, 95

Willshire, W. H., on sexual aspect of marriage, 97

Wiradjuri tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Communism in food, 284

Marriage customs, 41

Procreation ideas, 230

Women's work, 277

Withnell, J. G., on tribal divisions, 146

Wives:

Economic functions, 67

Exchange of, statements, 92-95, 98, 101, 102-103

Modes of obtaining, 35-66, 295

Obligations of the husbands, 62-65

_See also_ Husband and Wife and Women

Woeworung tribe, marriage customs, 37, 52

Wogait tribe, procreation ideas, 230

Wolgal tribe:

Camping rules, 263

Communism in food, 284

Marriage customs, 261

Procreation ideas, 231

Women:

Condition of drudgery and servitude, 274-290

Licence among the unmarried, 266-267

Scars self-inflicted at mourning ceremonies, 72, 86

_See also_ Husband and Wife and Wives

Wotjobaluk tribe:

Communism in food, 284

Marriage customs, 37-38, 50

Sexual aspect of marriage, 93, 101, 103, 105

Wurrunjeri tribe:

Communism in food, 284

Mode of living, 137, 159

Wuurn, term explained, 160

Wyatt, W., on treatment of children, 241

Yantruwunta tribe, Pirrauru custom, 108

Yerkla-Mining tribe:

Communism in food, 285

Sexual aspect of marriage, 94-95, 102

Yuin tribe:

Chiefs, 12

Marriage customs, 36, 50, 52, 56

Procreation ideas, 231

Printed for the UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS, Ltd., by

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, Ltd., London and Bungay.

CORRECTIONS

page original text correction

38 primitive orm of betrothal primitive form of betrothal

38 footnote missing in original infancy.[58]

45 et si jamais un pére et si jamais un père

156, n. 458 Tot. and Exeg., chap. v. Tot. and Exog., chap. v.

197, n. 564 Zeitschr. f. Sociologie, Zeitschr. f. Soziologie,

202 first and foremost judical first and foremost juridical

208, n. 585 Am. Antr., Am. Anthr.,

208, n. 585 Bull. Soc. of Antr., Bull. Soc. of Anthr.,

210 Ubrigens wissen die alten Übrigens wissen die alten

214 a given Abheringa: a given Alcheringa:

221 comes to ife again by and by comes to life again by and by

233, n. 651 same individua family. same individual family.

252, n. 748 für Socialwissenschaft, für Sozialwissenschaft,

268, n. 823 Zeitschrift f. Socialw. Zeitschrift f. Sozialw.

309 This is corrobated by This is corroborated by

314 Zeitschift für Ethnologie. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.

315 2x f. Socialwissensch., f. Sozialwissensch.,

321 relalations between, 67-76 relations between, 67-76

322 Leonhardi, Fehr. von, Leonhardi, Frhr. von,