The first figures on our Cambridge stage are those of the leaders of the

Massachusetts colony. While Boston was clearly marked for prominence in

the colony because of its geographical position, there was not at first

the intention to make it the seat of government. It was too open to

attack from the sea; a position farther inland could be more easily

defended, not indeed from the Indians, but from the enemy most to be

dreaded,--the war-ships of an irate and hostile motherland. Accordingly

Governor John Winthrop and his assistants, shortly after the planting of

Boston, journeyed in the shallop of the ship in which they had come from

England, four miles up the Charles River behind Boston until they came

to a meadow gently sloping to the riverside, backed by rounded hills and

protected by wide-spreading salt marshes. There on the 28th of

December, 1630, they landed and fixed the seat of their government. To

quote the old chronicle:

[Illustration: HOME OF LONGFELLOW.]

“They rather made choice to enter further among the Indians than to

hazard the fury of malignant adversaries who might pursue them, and

therefore chose a place situated upon Charles River, between

Charlestown and Watertown, where they erected a towne called

Newtowne, and where they gathered the 8th Church of Christ.”

It was agreed that the Governor, John Winthrop, the Deputy Governor,

Thomas Dudley, and all the councillors, except John Endicott, who had

already settled at Salem, should build and occupy houses at Newtowne,

but this agreement was never carried out. Winthrop, Dudley and

Bradstreet built houses, and the General Court of the colony met

alternately at Newtowne and at Boston until 1638, when it finally

settled in Boston. Yet in spite of the superior advantages of Boston the

new settlement evidently flourished, for in 1633 a traveller--the writer

of _New England’s Prospect_--describes the village as “one of the

neatest and best compacted towns in New England, having many fair

structures, with many handsome contrived streets. The inhabitants, most

of them, are rich and well stored with cattle of all sorts.”

This is doubtless an extravagant picture and true only in comparison

with some of the neighboring plantations which were not so favorably

situated. Newtowne was really a crude and straggling settlement made up

of some sixty or seventy log cabins or poor frame houses stretching

along a road which skirted the river marshes and of which the

wanderings were prescribed more by the devious channel of the Charles

than by mathematical exactness. The meeting-house, built of rough-hewn

boards with the crevices sealed with mud, stood at the crossing of the

road with the path that led down to the river, where there was a ladder

for the convenience of landing. So primitive was the place that Thomas

Dudley, the chief man of the town, writing home, could say, “I have no

table nor any place to write in than by the fireside on my knee.” Such

was the splendor of the whilom capital of New England.

Like most of the Massachusetts towns, Cambridge began as a church.

Though Dudley and Bradstreet and Haynes were high in the councils of the

infant commonwealth, holding successively or simultaneously the offices

of governor and military chief, yet the leading personality of the

village was the minister. The roll of Cambridge ministers begins with

the great name of Thomas Hooker, the founder of Connecticut, and the man

who first visioned and did much to make possible our American democracy.

Hooker, with his congregation from Braintree, in Essex, England, came to

Massachusetts in 1632, and after a short stay at Mount Wollaston,

settled at Newtowne, raising the population to nearly five hundred

souls. But the stay of the Braintree church was short. Some adventurous

spirits had penetrated the wilderness of the interior until they

discovered the charm and fertility of the valley of the Connecticut, and

soon Hooker and his company were impelled by “the strong bent of their

spirits” to remove thither. They alleged, in petitioning the General

Court for permission to remove, that their cattle were cramped for room

in Newtowne, and that it behooved the English colonists to keep the

Dutch out of Connecticut; but the real motive of the exodus was

doubtless ecclesiastical. Hooker did not find himself altogether in

accord with the Boston teacher, John Cotton. “Two such eminent stars,”

says Hubbard, writing in 1682, “both of the first magnitude, though of

different influence, could not well continue in one and the same orb.”

Hooker took the more liberal side in the antinomian controversy which

had already begun to make trouble, and his subsequent conduct of affairs

in Connecticut shows that he did not approve the Massachusetts policy of

restricting the suffrage to church members. In the spring of 1636,

therefore, Hooker and most of his congregation sold their possessions,

and driving one hundred and sixty cattle before them, went on their way

to the planting of Hartford and the founding of a new commonwealth.

This was the first of many separations by which Cambridge has become the

mother of many sturdy children. The original boundaries of the town

stretched from Dedham on the south all the way to the Merrimac River on

the north. Gradually, by the gathering of new churches and peaceable

partition, this territory has been divided, and out of the original

Newtowne have been formed, besides the present Cambridge, Billerica,

Bedford, Lexington, Arlington, Brighton and Newton. Governors Dudley and

Bradstreet removed to Ipswich, and Simon Willard went to be the chief

layman of Concord and a famous builder and defender of towns.

The rude houses of Hooker’s congregation were bought by a newly arrived

company, the flock of the Rev. Thomas Shepard. This firm but gentle

leader, who left a deep impress on the habit of the town, was a youth of

thirty-one, and a graduate, like many of the Massachusetts leaders, of

Emanuel College, at Cambridge. He came to New England with a company of

earnest followers, actuated, as he wrote, by desire for “the fruition of

God’s ordinances. Though my motives were mixed, and I looked much to my

own quiet, yet the Lord let me see the glory of liberty in New England,

and made me purpose to live among God’s people as one come from the dead

to His praise.” His brave young wife died “in unspeakable joy” only a

fortnight after his settlement at Cambridge, and was soon followed by

the chief man of his flock and his closest friend, Roger Harlakenden,

another godly youth of the manly type of English pioneers. At once, too,

Shepard was plunged into the stormy debates of the antinomian

controversy which nearly caused a permanent division in the

Congregational churches. The general election of 1637, which was held on

the Common at Newtowne, was a tumultuous gathering, and discussion over

the merits of “grace” and “works” ran high till John Wilson, minister of

the Boston church, climbed up into a big oak tree, and made a speech

which carried the day for John Winthrop to the confusion of the

heretical disciples of Anne Hutchinson. Through these stormy waters

Shepard

[Illustration: “THE MUSES’ FACTORIES.”--LOWELL.]

steered his course so discreetly that he came into high favor among all

people as a sound and vigilant minister, and Cotton Mather tells us that

“it was with a respect unto this vigilancy and the enlightening and

powerful ministry of Mr. Shepard, that, when the foundation of a college

was to be laid, Cambridge, rather than any other place, was pitched upon

to be the seat of that happy seminary.”

The founding of Harvard College by the little colony was surely one of

the most heroic, devout and fruitful events of American history. Upon

the main entrance to the college grounds is written to-day an

inscription taken from one of the earliest chronicles, entitled _New

England’s First Fruits_. We read that:

“After God had carried us safe to New England and wee had builded

our houses and provided necessaries for our livelihood, reared

convenient places for God’s worship and settled the Civil

Government, one of the next things we longed for and looked after

was to advance learning and perpetuate it to posterity, dreading to

leave an illiterate ministry to the churches when our present

ministers shall lie in the dust.”

Accordingly, on the 28th day of October, 1636, Sir Harry Vane--Milton’s

“Vane, young in years, but in sage counsel old”--being the Governor,

the General Court of the colony passed the following memorable vote:

“The Court agrees to give £400 towards a school or college--whereof £200

shall be paid the next year and £200 when the work is finished.” In the

following year this vote was supplemented by a further order that the

college “is ordered to be at Newtowne, and that Newtowne shall

henceforth be called Cambridge.” This is the significant act that marks

the distinction between the Puritan colony and all pioneer settlements

based on material foundations. For a like spirit under like

circumstances history will be searched in vain. Never were the bases of

such a structure laid by a community of men so poor, and under such

sullen and averted stars. The colony was nothing but a handful of

settlers barely clinging to the wind-swept coast; it was feeble and

insignificant, in danger from Indians on the one hand and foreign foes

on the other; it was in throes of dissension on the matter of heresy

which threatened to divide it permanently, yet so resolved were the

people that “the Commonwealth be furnished with knowing and

understanding men and the churches with an able ministry,” that they

voted the entire annual income of the colony to establish a place of

learning. Said Lowell:

“This act is second in real import to none that has happened in the

Western hemisphere. The material growth of the colonies would have

brought about their political separation from the mother country in

the fulness of time, but the founding of the first college here

saved New England from becoming a mere geographical expression. It

did more, it insured our intellectual independence of the old

world. That independence has been long in coming, but the chief

names of those who have hastened its coming are written on the roll

of Harvard College.”

But even the self-sacrificing zeal of the colonists would have been

almost unavailing had it not been for the coming to Massachusetts at

this time of a young Puritan minister, another graduate of Emanuel, upon

whom death had already set his seal. Says the chronicler:

“As we were thinking and consulting how to effect this great work,

it pleased God to stir up the heart of one Mr. John Harvard, a

godly gentleman and a lover of learning then living amongst us, to

bequeath the one half of his estate, in all about £1700, toward the

erection of the college, and all his library.”

Was ever a gift so marvellously multiplied as the bequest of this

obscure young scholar?

[Illustration: STATUE OF JOHN HARVARD AND MEMORIAL HALL, HARVARD

COLLEGE.]

By this one decisive act of public-spirited and well-directed

munificence this youth made for himself an imperishable name and

enrolled himself among the foremost of the benefactors of humanity. In

acknowledgment of Harvard’s bequest the General Court voted in 1638

“that the College at Cambridge be called Harvard College.”

It is the presence of the college that has given distinctive atmosphere

to Cambridge. The character of the place has been determined by the fact

that for more than two centuries and a half it has been the home of

succeeding generations of men devoted not to trade and manufacture, but

to the cultivation of the intellectual and spiritual elements in human

life. Over the college gate stands an iron cross and upon the gate-post

is the seal of the college with “Veritas” written across its open books.

The Harvard life and spirit and teaching are all adapted to lead young

men to the love and service of truth and to send them out to a ministry

as wide and varied as the needs of humanity. The influence of the

scholars and teachers and administrators that have been drawn into the

service of the college is paramount, even if it is unconsciously

exercised and felt, in the community about the college. Here have always

been--inevitable in a town which is the resort of the chosen youth of

the country--a healthy, wholesome independence of spirit and a

high-minded earnestness. Here has always been the refined simplicity of

life natural to a community composed of, or influenced by, men of quiet

tastes and modest incomes. Here is that touch of sentiment which binds

men to the place of their education and to the memories and friendships

of youth. Here are the associations with great events and names which

inspire patriotism and ambition of worthy service. Then, too, it has

been said:

“Cambridge is an interesting place to live in because the poetry of

Holmes, Longfellow and Lowell has touched with the light of genius

some of its streets, houses, churches and graveyards, and made

familiar to the imaginations of thousands of persons who never saw

them, its rivers, marshes and bridges. It adds to the interest of

living in any place that famous authors have walked in its streets,

and loved its highways and byways, and written of its elms, willows

and ‘spreading chestnut tree,’ of its robins and herons. The very

names of Cambridge streets remind the dwellers in it of the

biographies of Sparks, the sermons of Walker, the law-books of

Story, the orations of Everett, and the presidencies of Dunster,

Chauncy, Willard, Kirkland and Quincy.”

The place is not unworthy of the wealth of affection and poetic tribute

that has been lavished upon it. The old Puritan church records, with

their quaint entries about heresies and witchcraft, about ordinations

where “four gallons of wine” and bushels of wheat and malt and

hundredweights of beef and mutton were consumed, and about funerals

conducted with solemn pomp; and the town records with notes about the

“Palisadoe” and the Common rights and “the Cowyard” and the building of

“The Great Bridge,”--a vast undertaking,--have more than merely

antiquarian interest, for they reveal the intelligent and sturdy

democracy and broad principles of government upon which the American

republic rests.

But if these ancient records seem uninviting, let the visitor turn to

the annals of the stirring time of the Revolution. General Gage called

Harvard College “that nest of sedition.” In that nest were hatched John

Hancock, James Otis, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Joseph Warren and many

another of the patriot leaders. The town was the abode of many of the

leading Tory families, but as early as 1765 the town-meeting voted “that

(with all humility) it is the opinion of the town that

[Illustration: HOLWORTHY HALL, HARVARD COLLEGE.]

the inhabitants of this Province have a legal claim to all the natural,

inherent, constitutional rights of Englishmen and--that the Stamp Act is

an infraction upon these rights.” And after an argument on the merits of

the question it was further ordered “that this vote be recorded in the

Town Book, that the children yet unborn may see the desire their

ancestors had for their freedom and happiness.” For the next ten years

there is scarcely a proceeding in the preliminary debates and contests

that led up to open revolution that is not illustrated in the

resolutions recorded by the Cambridge town clerk. Vote followed vote, as

the restrictive measures of Parliament irritated the townsmen, till at

the town-meeting of 1773 it was resolved “that this town--is ready on

the shortest notice, to join with the town of Boston and other towns, in

any measures that may be thought proper, to deliver ourselves and

posterity from slavery.” The 2d of September, 1774, just escaped the

historic importance of April 19th in the next year. On that day several

thousand men gathered on Cambridge Common and proceeded in orderly

fashion to force the resignation of two of His Majesty’s privy

councillors,

[Illustration: HOME OF LOWELL.]

and then, marching up Brattle Street to the house of the

Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, Thomas Oliver--the house that was

afterwards the home in succession of Elbridge Gerry, Rev. Charles Lowell

and his son James Russell Lowell--they extorted from him, too, a pledge

to resign. “My house in Cambridge,” he wrote, “being surrounded by about

four thousand men, I sign my name--Thomas Oliver.” Both the first and

second of the Provincial Congresses met in Cambridge, and at last the

running battle of April 19, 1775, swept through the borders of the town.

Twenty-six Americans were killed within the boundaries of Cambridge, six

of them citizens of the place, and the American militia who followed the

British retreat from Concord on that momentous evening lay on their arms

at last on Cambridge Common.

For eleven months after the Concord fight, Cambridge was a fortified

camp. The college buildings, the Episcopal church and the larger houses

were occupied as barracks. General Ward established his headquarters in

the gambrel-roofed house which was afterwards the birthplace of Oliver

Wendell Holmes. On the lawn before the house, in the hush of the June

evening, Prescott’s men were drawn up, while President Langdon of the

college, in cap and gown, prayed for the success of their arms ere they

marched to Bunker Hill. Two weeks later Washington reached the camp, and

on July 3d, under the spreading elm at the western end of the Common,

unsheathed his sword and, as the inscription reads, “took command of the

American Army.” Washington lived

[Illustration: WASHINGTON ELM.]

for a while in the president’s house, but soon made his headquarters in

the fine old mansion of the Vassalls which was later the home of

Longfellow.

After March, 1776, when Boston was finally evacuated by the British,

Cambridge ceased to be involved in the military events of the

Revolution, but in 1777 the captured troops of Burgoyne were quartered

in the town, the soldiers swinging their hammocks in the college

buildings and the officers occupying the deserted mansions of “Tory

Row.” Burgoyne lived in the house sometimes called, in derision of its

first clerical occupant, “The Bishop’s Palace,” and Riedesel and his

accomplished wife in the Lechmere house. “Never have I chanced,” wrote

Madame Riedesel, “upon such a charming situation,” and never has our

colonial life been more charmingly described than by this brave and

vivacious German lady in the letters written from her pleasant prison to

her distant home.

For fifty years after the Revolutionary epoch, Cambridge was a country

town of quiet habits, its only distinguishing characteristic being the

scholastic and literary atmosphere that hung about the college. It was a

good

[Illustration: J. R. Lowell.]

place to be born in, and it was surely good to live in the place where

Everett and Quincy ruled the academic world; where Longfellow wrote his

poetry, and Palfrey his history, and Sparks his biographies; where

Washington Allston painted and Margaret Fuller dreamed; where William

Story and Richard Dana and Lowell and Holmes and the rest walked to

church and stopped to gossip with the neighbors at the post-office.

“No town in this country,” says Thomas Wentworth Higginson, “has

been the occasion of two literary descriptions more likely to

become classic than two which bear reference to the Cambridge of

fifty years ago. One of these is Lowell’s well-known _Fireside

Travels_ and the other is the scarcely less racy chapter in the

_Harvard Book_, contributed by John Holmes, younger brother of the

‘Autocrat.’”

To these happy descriptions we may now add the accounts of Colonel

Higginson’s boyhood in his _Cheerful Yesterdays_, and Dr. Holmes’s

loving story of his birthplace in the _Poet at the Breakfast Table_.

“Cambridge,” wrote Lowell, “was still a country village with its

own habits and traditions, not yet feeling too strongly the force

of suburban gravitation. Approaching it from the west, by what was

then called the New Road, you would pause on the brow of Symond’s

Hill to

[Illustration: GYMNASIUM, HARVARD COLLEGE.]

enjoy a view singularly soothing and placid. In front of you lay

the town, tufted with elms, lindens, and horse-chestnuts, which had

seen Massachusetts a colony, and were fortunately unable to

emigrate with the Tories, by whom, or by whose fathers, they were

planted. Over it rose the noisy belfry of the College, the square,

brown tower of the Episcopal Church, and the slim, yellow spire of

the parish meeting-house. On your right the Charles slipped

smoothly through green and purple salt meadows, darkened here and

there with the blossoming black grass as with a stranded

cloud-shadow. To your left upon the Old Road you saw some

half-dozen dignified old houses of the colonial time, all

comfortably fronting southward.... We called it ‘the Village’ then,

and it was essentially an English village--quiet, unspeculative,

without enterprise, sufficing to itself, and only showing such

differences from the original type as the public school and the

system of town government might superinduce. A few houses, chiefly

old, stood around the bare common, with ample elbow-room, and old

women, capped and spectacled, still peered through the same windows

from which they had watched Lord Percy’s artillery rumble by to

Lexington, or caught a glimpse of the handsome Virginia general who

had come to wield our homespun Saxon chivalry. The hooks were to be

seen from which had swung the hammocks of Burgoyne’s captive

red-coats. If memory does not deceive me, women still washed

clothes in the town spring, clear as that of Bandusia. One coach

sufficed for all the travel to the metropolis.”

Cambridge is no longer the idyllic village of Lowell’s boyhood, but a

great suburban city bustling with many activities. So rapid has been the

growth that Lowell on his return from Europe in 1889 wrote:

“I feel somehow as if Charon had ferried me the wrong way, and yet

it is into a world of ghosts that he has brought me. I hardly know

the old road, a street now, that I have paced so many years, for

the new houses. My old homestead seems to have a puzzled look in

its eyes as it looks down--a trifle superciliously methinks--on

these upstarts.

“The old English elms in front of my house haven’t changed. A

trifle thicker in the waist, perhaps, as is the wont of prosperous

elders, but looking just as I first saw them seventy years ago, and

it is balm to my eyes. I am by no means sure that it is wise to

love the accustomed and familiar as much as I do, but it is

pleasant and gives a unity to life which trying can’t accomplish.”

Cambridge is to-day the abode of as happy, comfortable and progressive a

people as the world contains. It presents a unique example in this

country of a city thoroughly well governed. It is now a quarter-century

since partisanship has been tolerated in city affairs. In the City Hall,

erected under the administration of Mayor William E. Russell, who here

got his training for the splendid service he afterward rendered to the

State, and might, had his

[Illustration: WILLIAM E. RUSSELL.]

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