THE INJUSTICE OF SLAVERY

(_Speech at Peoria, Ill., October 16, 1854_)

This declared indifference, but, as I must think, covert zeal, for the

spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the

monstrous injustice of slavery itself; I hate it because it deprives

our republic of an example of its just influence in the world; enables

the enemies of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us as

hypocrites; causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity;

and, especially, because it forces so many really good men among

ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of

civil liberty, criticising the Declaration of Independence and

insisting that there is no right principle of action but

self-interest.

The doctrine of self-government is right,--absolutely and eternally

right,--but it has no just application, as here attempted. Or,

perhaps, I should rather say, that whether it has such just

application depends upon whether a negro is not, or is, a man. If he

is not a man, in that case he who is a man may, as a matter of

self-government, do just what he pleases with him. But if the negro is

a man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government

to say that he, too, shall not govern himself?

When the white man governs himself that is self-government; but when

he governs himself, and also governs another man, that is more than

self-government--that is despotism.

What I do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man

without that other's consent.

The master not only governs the slave without his consent, but he

governs him by a set of rules altogether different from those which he

prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an equal voice in the

government; that, and that only, is self-government.

Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature--opposition to

it, in his love of justice. These principles are an eternal

antagonism; and when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery

extension brings them, shocks and throes and convulsions must

ceaselessly follow.

Repeal the Missouri Compromise--repeal all compromise--and repeal the

Declaration of Independence--repeal all past history--still you cannot

repeal human nature.

I particularly object to the new position which the avowed principles

of the Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to

it, because it assumes that there can be moral right in the enslaving

of one man by another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance for a

free people,--a sad evidence that feeling prosperity, we forget

right,--that liberty as a principle we have ceased to revere.

Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the grave, we have

been giving up the old for the new faith. Near eighty years ago we

began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now from that

beginning we have run down to the other declaration that for some men

to enslave others is a 'sacred right of self-government.' These

principles cannot stand together. They are as opposite as God and

Mammon.

Our republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. Let us purify

it. Let us turn and wash it white, in the spirit, if not in the blood,

of the Revolution.

Let us turn slavery from its claims of 'moral right' back upon its

existing legal rights, and its arguments of 'necessity.' Let us return

it to the position our fathers gave it, and there let it rest in

peace.

Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and the practices and

policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South--let all

Americans--let all lovers of liberty everywhere, join in the great and

good work.

If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, but shall have

so saved it, as to make and to keep it forever worthy of saving. We

shall have so saved it that the succeeding millions of free, happy

people, the world over, shall rise up and call us blessed to the

latest generations.

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