Chapter XV.

MODERN HISTORY OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY.

*For several centuries after the destruction of the Western Empire*,

philosophy had hardly an existence except in its records, and these were

preserved chiefly for their parchment, half-effaced, covered by what took

the place of literature in the (so called) Dark Ages, and at length

deciphered by such minute and wearisome toil as only mediæval cloisters

have ever furnished. For a long period, monasteries were the only schools,

and in these the learned men of the day were, either successively or

alternately, learners and teachers, whence the appellation of _Schoolmen_.

The learned men who bear this name were fond of casuistry, and discussed

imagined and often impossible cases with great pains (their readers would

have greater); but, so far as we know, they have left no systematic

treatises on moral philosophy, and have transmitted no system that owes to

them its distinguishing features. Yet we find among them a very broad

division of opinion as to the ground of right. The fundamental position of

the Stoics, that virtue is conformity to nature, and thus independent of

express legislation,—not created by law, human or divine, but the source

and origin of law,—had its champions, strong, but few; while the

Augustinian theology, then almost universal, replaced Epicureanism in its

denial of the intrinsic and indelible moral qualities of actions. The

extreme Augustinians regarded the positive command of God as the sole

cause and ground of right, so that the very things which are forbidden

under the severest penalties would become virtuous and commendable, if

enjoined by Divine authority. William of Ockham, one of the most

illustrious of the English Schoolmen, wrote: “If God commanded his

creatures to hate himself, the hatred of God would be the duty of man.”

The *earliest modern* theory of morals that presented striking

peculiarities was that of *Hobbes* (A. D. 1588-1679), who was indebted

solely to the stress of his time, alike for his system and for whatever

slender following it may have had. He was from childhood a staunch

royalist, was shortly after leaving the University the tutor of a loyal

nobleman, and, afterward, of Charles II. during the early years of his

exile; and the parliamentary and Puritan outrages seemed to him to be

aimed at all that was august and reverend, and adapted to overturn

society, revert progress, and crush civilization. According to him, men

are by nature one another’s enemies, and can be restrained from

internecine hostility only by force or fear. An instinctive perception of

this truth in the infancy of society gave rise to monarchical and absolute

forms of government; for only by thus centralizing and massing power,

which could be directed against any disturber of the peace, could the

individual members of society hold property or life in safety. The king

thus reigns by right of human necessity, and obedience to him and to

constituted authorities under him is man’s whole duty, and the sum of

virtue. Might creates right. Conscience is but another name for the fear

of punishment. The intimate connection of religion with civil freedom in

the English Commonwealth no doubt went far in uprooting in Hobbes all

religious faith; and while he did not openly attack Christianity, he

maintained the duty of entire conformity to the monarch’s religion,

whatever it might be, which is of course tantamount to the denial of

objective religious truth.(22)

Hobbes may fairly be regarded as *the father of modern ethical

philosophy*,—not that he had children after his own likeness; but his

speculations were so revolting equally to thinking and to serious men, as

to arouse inquiry and stimulate mental activity in a department previously

neglected.

The gauntlet thus thrown down by Hobbes was taken up by *Cudworth* (A. D.

1617-1688), the most learned man of his time, whose “Intellectual System

of the Universe” is a prodigy of erudition,—a work in which his own

thought is so blocked up with quotations, authorities, and masses of

recondite lore, that it is hardly possible to trace the windings of the

river for the débris of auriferous rocks that obstruct its flow. The

treatise with which we are concerned is that on “Eternal and Immutable

Morality.” In this he maintains that the right exists, independently of

all authority, by the very nature of things, in co-eternity with the

Supreme Being. So far is he from admitting the possibility of any

dissiliency between the Divine will and absolute right, that he turns the

tables on his opponents, and classes among Atheists those of his

contemporaries who maintain that God can command what is contrary to the

intrinsic right; that He has no inclination to the good of his creatures;

that He can justly doom an innocent being to eternal torments; or that

whatever God wills is just because He wills it.

*Samuel Clarke* (A. D. 1675-1729) followed Cudworth in the same line of

thought. He was, it is believed, the first writer who employed the term

_fitness_ as defining the ground of the immutable and eternal right,

though the idea of fitness necessarily underlies every system or theory

that assigns to virtue intrinsic validity.

*Shaftesbury* (A. D. 1671-1713) represents virtue as residing, not in the

nature or relations of things, but in the bearing of actions on the

welfare or happiness of beings other than the actor. Benevolence

constitutes virtue; and the merit of the action and of the actor is

determined by the degree in which particular affections are merged in

general philanthropy, and reference is had, not to individual

beneficiaries or benefits, but to the whole system of things of which the

actor forms a part. The affections from which such acts spring commend

themselves to the moral sense, and are of necessity objects of esteem and

love. But the moral sense takes cognizance of the affections only, not of

the acts themselves; and as the conventional standard of the desirable and

the useful varies with race, time, and culture, the acts which the

affections prompt, and which therefore are virtuous, may be in one age or

country such as the people of another century or land may repudiate with

loathing. Las Casas, in introducing negro slavery into America, with the

fervently benevolent purpose of relieving the hardships of the feeble and

overtasked aborigines, performed, according to this theory, a virtuous

act; but had he once considered the question of intrinsic right or natural

fitness, a name so worthily honored would never have been associated with

the foulest crime of modern civilization.

According to *Adam Smith* (A. D. 1723-1790), moral distinctions depend

wholly on sympathy. We approve in others what corresponds to our own

tastes and habits; we disapprove whatever is opposed to them. As to our

own conduct, “we suppose ourselves,” he writes, “the spectators of our own

behavior, and endeavor to imagine what effect it would in this light

produce in us.” Our sense of duty is derived wholly from our thus putting

ourselves in the place of others, and inquiring what they would approve in

us. Conscience, then, is a collective and corporate, not an individual

faculty. It is created by the prevalent opinions of the community.

Solitary virtue there cannot be; for without sympathy there is no

self-approval. By parity of reason, the duty of the individual can never

transcend the average conscience of the community. This theory describes

society as it is, not as it ought to be. We are, to a sad degree,

conventional in our practice, much more so than in our beliefs; but it is

the part of true manliness to have the conscience an interior, not an

external organ, to form and actualize notions of right and duty for one’s

self, and to stand and walk alone, if need there be, as there manifestly

is in not a few critical moments, and as there is not infrequently in the

inward experience of every man who means to do his duty.

*Butler* (A. D. 1692-1752), in his “Ethical Discourses,” aims mainly and

successfully to demonstrate the rightful supremacy of conscience. His

favorite conception is of the human being as himself a household [_an

economy_],—the various propensities, appetites, passions, and affections,

the members,—Conscience, the head, recognized as such by all, so that

there is, when her sovereignty is owned, an inward repose and

satisfaction; when she is disobeyed, a sense of discord and rebellion, of

unrest and disturbance. This is sound and indisputable, and it cannot be

more clearly stated or more vividly illustrated than by Butler; but he

manifestly regards conscience as legislator no less than judge, and thus

fails to recognize any objective standard of right. It is evident that on

his ground there is no criterion by which honestly erroneous moral

judgments can be revised, or by which a discrimination can be made between

the results of education or involuntary prejudice, and the right as

determined by the nature of things and the standard of intrinsic fitness.

Of all modern ethical writers since the time of Cudworth and Clarke, none

so much as approaches the position occupied by *Richard Price* (A. D.

1723-1791), a London dissenting divine, a warm advocate of American

independence, and the intimate friend of John Adams. He maintained that

right and wrong are inherent and necessary, immutable and eternal

characteristics, not dependent on will or command, but on the intrinsic

nature of the act, and determined with unerring accuracy by conscience,

whenever the nature of the case is clearly known. “Morality,” he writes,

“is fixed on an immovable basis, and appears not to be in any sense

factitious, or the arbitrary production of any power, human or divine; but

equally everlasting and necessary with all truth and reason.” “Virtue is

of intrinsic value and of indispensable obligation; not the creature of

will, but necessary and immutable; not local and temporary, but of equal

extent and antiquity with the Divine mind; not dependent on power, but the

guide of all power.”(23)

*Paley* (A. D. 1743-1805) gives a definition of virtue, remarkable for its

combination of three partial theories. Virtue, according to him, is “the

doing good to mankind, in obedience to the will of God, and for the sake

of everlasting happiness.” Of this definition it may be said, 1. The doing

good to mankind is indeed virtue; but it is by no means the whole of

virtue. 2. Obedience to the will of God is our duty; but it is so, because

his will must of necessity be in accordance with the fitting and right.

Could we conceive of Omnipotence commanding what is intrinsically unfit

and wrong, the virtuous man would not be the God-server, but the

Prometheus suffering the implacable vengeance of an unrighteous Deity. 3.

Though everlasting happiness be the result of virtue, it is not the ground

or the reason for it. Were our being earth-limited, virtue would lose none

of its obligation. Epictetus led as virtuous a life as if heaven had been

open to his faith and hope.—Paley’s system may be described in detail as

Shaftesbury’s, with an external washing of Christianity; Shaftesbury

having been what was called a free-thinker, while Paley was a sincere

believer in the Christian revelation, and contributed largely and

efficiently to the defence of Christianity and the illustration of its

records. The chief merit of Paley’s treatise on Moral Philosophy is that

it clearly and emphatically recognizes the Divine authority of the moral

teachings of the New Testament, though in expounding them the author too

frequently dilutes them by considerations of expediency.

*Jeremy Bentham* (A. D. 1747-1832) is Paley _minus_ Christianity. The

greatest good of the greatest number is, according to him, the aim and

criterion of virtue. Moral rules should be constructed with this sole end;

and this should be the pervading purpose of all legislation. Bentham’s

works are very voluminous, and they cover, wisely and well, almost every

department of domestic, social, public, and national life. The worst that

can be said of his political writings is that they are in advance of the

age,—literally Utopian;(24) for it would be well with the country which

was prepared to embody his views. But, unfortunately, his principles have

no power of self-realization. They are like a watch, perfect in all other

parts, but without the mainspring. Bentham contemplates the individual man

as an agency, rather than as an intellectual and moral integer. He must

work under yoke and harness for ends vast and remote, beyond the

appreciation of ordinary mortals; and he must hold all partial affections

and nearer aims subordinate to rules deduced by sages and legislators from

considerations of general utility. Bentham’s influence on legislation,

especially on criminal law, has been beneficially felt on both sides of

the Atlantic. In the department of pure ethics, there are no essential

points of difference between him and other writers of the utilitarian

school.(25)

* * * * *

In *France* there has been a large preponderance of sensualism,

expediency, and selfishness in the ethical systems that have had the most

extensive currency. There was a great deal of elaborate ethical

speculation and theory among the French philosophers of the last century;

but among them we cannot recall a single writer who maintained a higher

ground than Bentham, except that Rousseau—perhaps the most immoral of them

all—who was an Epicurean so far as he had any philosophy, sometimes soars

in sentimental rhapsodies about the intrinsic beauty and loveliness of a

virtue which he knew only by name.

*Malebranche* (A. D. 1638-1714), whose principal writings belong to the

previous century, represents entirely opposite views and tendencies. He

hardly differs from Samuel Clarke, except in phraseology. He resolves

virtue into love of the universal order, and conformity to it in conduct.

This order requires that we should prize and love all beings and objects

in proportion to their relative worth, and that we should recognize this

relative worth in our rules and habits of life. Thus man is to be more

highly valued and more assiduously served than the lower animals, because

worth more; and God is to be loved infinitely more than man, and to be

always obeyed and served in preference to man, because he is worth

immeasurably more than the beings that derive their existence from him.

Malebranche ascribes to the Supreme Being, not the arbitrary exercise of

power in constituting the right, but recognition, in his government of the

world and in his revealed will, of the order, which is man’s sole law.

“Sovereign princes,” he says, “have no right to use their authority

without reason. Even God has no such miserable right.”

At nearly the same period commenced the ethical controversy between

*Fénélon* (A. D. 1651-1715) and *Bossuet* (A. D. 1627-1704), as to the

possibility and obligation of disinterested virtue. Fénélon and the

Quietists, who sympathized with him, maintained that the pure love of God,

without any self-reference, or regard for one’s own well-being either here

or here-after, is the goal and the test of human perfection, and that

nothing below this—nothing which aims or aspires at anything less than

this—deserves the name of virtue. Bossuet defended the selfish theory of

virtue, attacked his amiable antagonist with unconscionable severity and

bitterness, and succeeded in obtaining from the court of Rome—though

against the wishes of the Pope—the condemnation of the obnoxious tenet.

The Pope remarked, with well-turned antithesis, that Fénélon might have

erred from excess in the love of God, while Bossuet had sinned by defect

in the love of his neighbor.

Among the recent French moralists, the most distinguished names are those

of *Jouffroy* and *Cousin*, who—each with a terminology of his own—agree

with Malebranche in regarding right and wrong as inherent and essential

characteristics of actions, and as having their source and the ground of

their validity in the nature of things. The aim of Cousin’s well-known

treatise on “The True, the Beautiful, and the Good,” is purely ethical,

and the work is designed to identify the three members of the Platonic

triad with corresponding attributes of the Infinite Being,—attributes

which, virtually one, have their counterpart and manifestation in the

order of nature and the government of the universe.

* * * * *

In *Germany*, the necessarian philosophers of the Pantheistic school

ignore ethics by making choice and moral action impossible. Man has no

distinct and separate personality. He is for a little while detached in

appearance from the soul of the universe (_anima mundi_), but in reality

no more detached from it than is a boulder or a log of drift-wood from the

surface on which it rests. He still remains a part of the universal soul,

the multiform, all-embracing God, who is himself not a self-conscious,

freely willing being, but impelled by necessity in all his parts and

members, and, no less than in all else, in those human members through

which alone he attains to some fragmentary self-consciousness.

According to *Kant*, the reason intuitively discerns truths that are

necessary, absolute, and universal. The theoretical reason discerns such

truths in the realm of ontology, and in the relations and laws that

underlie all subjects of physical inquiry. In like manner, the practical

reason intuitively perceives the conditions and laws inherent in the

objects of moral action,—that is, as Malebranche would have said, the

elements of universal order, or, in the language of Clarke, the fitness of

things. As the mind must of necessity contemplate and cognize objects of

thought under the categories intuitively discerned by the theoretical

reason, so must the will be moved by the conditions and laws intuitively

discerned by the practical reason. This intuition is law and obligation.

Man can obey it, and to obey it is virtue. He can disobey it, and in so

doing he does not yield to necessity, but makes a voluntary choice of

wrong and evil.

* * * * *

It will be perceived from the historical survey in this and the previous

chapter, that—as was said at the outset—*all ethical systems resolve

themselves into the two classes of which the Epicureans and the Stoics

furnished the pristine types,*—those which make virtue an accident, a

variable, subject to authority, occasion, or circumstance; and those which

endow it with an intrinsic right, immutableness, validity, and supremacy.

On subjects of fundamental moment, opinion is of prime importance. Conduct

results from feeling, and feeling from opinion. We would have the youth,

from the very earliest period of his moral agency, grounded in the belief

that right and wrong are immutable,—that they have no localities, no

meridians,—that, with a change of surroundings, their conditions and laws

vary as little as do those of planetary or stellar motion. Let him feel

that right and wrong are not the mere dicta of human teaching, nay, are

not created even by revelation; but let their immutable distinction

express itself to his consciousness in those sublime words which belong to

it, as personified in holy writ, “Jehovah possessed me from the beginning

of his way, before his works of old. I was set up from everlasting, from

the beginning, or ever the earth was. When He prepared the heavens, I was

there. When He appointed the foundations of the earth, then was I by Him.”

This conception of the Divine and everlasting sacredness of virtue, is a

perennial fountain of strength. He who has this does not imagine that he

has power over the Right, can sway it by his choice, or vary its standard

by his action; but it overmasters him, and, by subduing, frees him, fills

and energizes his whole being, ennobles all his powers, exalts and hallows

all his affections, makes him a priest to God, and a king among men.

INDEX.

Abstinence, when to be preferred to temperance, 175

Academy, the New, 205

Action, defined, 1

springs of, 10

governing principles of, 30

Affections, the, 22

Anger, 26

Anonymous publications, 123

Appetites, the, 10

Aristotle, character of, 197

Beneficence, 143

Bentham, Jeremy, 215

Bossuet, controversy of, with Fénélon, 217

Brotherhood, human, in its ethical relations, 56

Butler, 212

Capital punishment, 66

Casuistry, 187

Children, duties of, 121

Christianity, a source of knowledge, 55

exhibiting moral perfection in the person of its Founder, 68

compared, as to its ethics, with other religions, 59

as a motive power, 81

Cicero, philosophical relations of, 206

Clarke, Samuel, 210

Conscience, a judicial faculty, 41

educated by use, 44

relation of knowledge to, 45

Contracts, 128

Courage, defined, 158

physical, 159

moral, 160

Cousin, 218

Cudworth, 209

Desire, defined, 12

of knowledge, 13

of society, 15

of esteem, 17

of power, 18

of superiority, 19

Duties, conflict of, 190

Duty, limit of, 189

Enemies, love of, possible, 149

Envy, 27

Epictetus, character of, 203

Epicureanism, 198

Example, ethical value of, 111

Expediency, an insufficient rule of conduct, 31

when to be consulted, 33

Extreme cases in morals, 125

Falsehood, 151

Family, duties of the, 118

Fénélon, controversy of, with Bossuet, 217

Fitness, the ground of right, 36

Foreknowledge, Divine, consistent with human freedom, 8

Freedom of the will, arguments for, 2

objections to, 4

Government, the essential function of, 180

obedience to, how limited, 182

when to be opposed, 184

Gratitude, 24

Habit, 84

Hatred, 28

Hobbes, 208

Home-life, order requisite in, 169

Homicide, justifiable, 64

Honesty, 134

Horace, the poet of Epicureanism, 200

Ignorance, sins of, 39

Immortality, ethical relations of, 57

Intemperance, 170

Jouffroy, 218

Justice, 113

Kant, ethical system of, 219

Kindness, 25

Knowledge, attainment of, a duty, 102

Law, the result of experience, 50

an educational force, 51

Liberty, the right to, 69

Love, 22

Lucretius, philosophy of, 201

Malebranche, 216

Manners, a department of morals, 177

Marcus Aurelius, character of, 204

Marriage, 120

Measure, duties appertaining to, 170

Military service, 68

Moral philosophy, defined, 34

Motive, 79

Oaths, 129

Observation, a source of ethical knowledge, 46

Order, 164

Paley, 215

Pantheism, ethics of, 218

Parents, duties of, 121

Passion, 82

Patience, 152

Pauperism, 144

Peripatetics, the, 193

Piety toward God, 113

Pity, 25

Place, duties appertaining to, 168

Plato, as a teacher of ethics, 193

Politeness, 178

Positive duties, 117

Price, Richard, 214

Promises, 126

Prudence, 98

Punctuality, 167

Resentment, 27

Revenge, 28

Reverence, 23

Revolution, when justifiable, 185

Right, the, 35

absolute and relative, 37

Rights, defined, 61

how limited, 62

personal, 64

of property, 72

of reputation, 76

Sabbath, the, 16

Sceptical school of philosophy, 204

Schoolmen, ethics of the, 207

Self-control, 106

Self-culture, moral, 109

Self-preservation, 99

Seneca, writings and character of, 203

Shaftesbury, 210

Slavery, 70

Smith, Adam, 211

Socrates, as a teacher of ethics, 195

Speculation in business, when legitimate, 138

when dishonest, 140

Spinoza, 209

Stoics, philosophy of the, 201

eminent Roman, 203

Submission, 155

Sympathy, 25

Taxation, 75

Temperance, 173

Time, duties appertaining to, 165

Usury, 142

Veracity, 122

Virtue, defined, 88

connection of, with piety, 91

Virtues, the, 94

cardinal, 96

Worship, public, 115

Zeno, character of, 202

FOOTNOTES

_ 1 Compassion_ ought from its derivation to have the same meaning with

_sympathy_; but in common usage it is synonymous with pity.

2 “Ignorantia legis neminem excusat.”

3 The theory that Seneca was acquainted with St. Paul, or had any

_direct_ intercourse with Christians in Rome or elsewhere, has no

historical evidence, and rests on assumptions that are contradicted

by known facts.

_ 4 Virtutes leniores_, as Cicero calls them.

5 The duty of society to inflict capital punishment on the murderer

has been maintained on the ground of the Divine command to that

effect, said to have been given to Noah, and thus to be binding on

all his posterity. (Genesis ix. 5.) My own belief—founded on a

careful examination of the Hebrew text—is, that the _human_ murderer

is not referred to in this precept, but that it simply requires the

slaying of the beast that should cause the death of a man,—a

precaution which was liable to be neglected in a rude state of

society, and was among the special enactments of the Mosaic law.

(Exodus xxi. 38.) If, however, the common interpretation be

retained, the precept requires the shedding of the murderer’s blood

by the _brother_ or nearest kinsman of the murdered man, and is not

obeyed by giving up the murderer to the _gallows_ and the _public

executioner_. Moreover, the same series of precepts prescribes an

abstinence from the natural juices of animal food, which would

require an entire revolution in our shambles, kitchens, and tables.

If these precepts were Divine commandments for men of all times,

they should be obeyed in full; but there is the grossest

inconsistency and absurdity in holding only a portion of one of them

sacred, and ignoring all the rest.

6 Latin, _virtus_, from _vir_, which denotes not, like _homo_, simply

a human being, but a man endowed with all appropriate manly

attributes, and comes from the same root with _vis_, strength. The

Greek synonyms of _virtus_, ἀρετή, is derived from Ἀρης, the god of

war, who in the heroic days of Greece was the ideal man, the

standard of human excellence, and whose name some lexicographers

regard—as it seems to me, somewhat fancifully—as allied through its

root to ἀνήρ, which bears about the same relation to ἄνθρωπος that

_vir_ bears to _homo_.

7 In the languages which have inherited or adopted the Latin _virtus_,

it retains its original signification, with one striking exception,

which yet is perhaps an exception in appearance rather than in

reality. In the Italian, virtu is employed to signify taste, and

_virtuoso_, which may denote a virtuous man, oftener means a

collector of objects of taste. We have here an historical landmark.

There was a period when, under civil despotism, the old Roman

manhood had entirely died out on its native soil, while

ecclesiastical corruption rendered the nobler idea of Christian

manhood effete; and then the highest type of manhood that remained

was the culture of those refined sensibilities, those ornamental

arts, and that keen sense of the beautiful, in which Italy as far

surpassed other lands, as it was for centuries inferior to them in

physical bravery and in moral rectitude.

8 It is obviously on this ground alone that we can affirm moral

attributes of the Supreme Being. When we say that he is perfectly

just, pure, holy, beneficent, we recognize a standard of judgment

logically independent of his nature. We mean that the fitness which

the human conscience recognizes as its only standard of right, is

the law which he has elected for his own administration of the

universe. Could we conceive of omnipotence not recognizing this law,

the decrees and acts of such a being would not be necessarily right.

Omnipotence cannot make that which is fitting wrong, or that which

is unfitting right. God’s decrees and acts are not right because

they are his, but his because they are right.

9 From _cardo_, a hinge.

10 It is virtually Cicero’s division in the _De Officiis_.

11 The points at issue with regard to sabbatical observance hardly

belong to an elementary treatise on ethics. I ought not, however, to

leave any doubt as to my own opinion. I believe, then, the rest of

the Sabbath a necessity of man’s constitution, physical and mental,

of that of the beasts subservient to his use, and, in some measure,

even of the inanimate agents under his control, while the

sequestration of the day from the course of ordinary life is equally

a moral and religious necessity. The weekly Sabbath I regard as a

dictate of natural piety, and a primeval institution, re-enacted,

not established, by Moses, and sanctioned by our Saviour when he

refers to the Decalogue as a compend of moral duty, as also in

various other forms and ways. As to modes of sabbatical observance,

the rigid abstinences and austerities once common in New England

were derived from the Mosaic ceremonial law, and have no sanction

either in the New Testament or in the habits of the early

Christians. I can conceive of no better rule for the Lord’s day,

than that each person so spend it as to interfere as little as

possible with its fitting use by others, and to make it as availing

as he can for his own relaxation from secular cares, and growth in

wisdom and goodness.

12 It was the malignity displayed toward the children of divorced wives

by the women who succeeded them in the affections and homes of their

husbands, that in Roman literature attached to the name of a

stepmother (_noverca_) the most hateful associations, which

certainly have no place in modern Christendom, where the stepmother

oftener than not assumes the maternal cares of the deceased wife as

if they were natively her own.

13 When Jesus forbids swearing by heaven, because “it is God’s throne,”

and by the earth, because “it is his footstool,” the inference is

obvious that, for still stronger reasons, all direct swearing by God

himself is prohibited. The word μήτε, which introduces the oaths by

inferior objects specified in the text under discussion, not

infrequently corresponds to our phrase _not even_. With this sense

of μήτε, the passage would be rendered, “But I say unto you, Swear

not at all, not even by heaven,” etc.

I find that some writers on this subject quote in vindication of

oaths on solemn occasions the instances in the Scriptures in which

God is said to have sworn by Himself. The reply is obvious, that no

being can swear by himself, the essential significance of an oath

being an appeal to some being or object other than one’s self.

Because God “can swear by no greater,” it is certain that when this

phraseology is used concerning Him, it is employed figuratively, to

aid the poverty of human conceptions, and to express the certainty

of his promise by the strongest terms which human language affords.

In like manner, God is said by the sacred writers to repent of

intended retribution to evil-doers, not that infinite justice and

love can change in thought, plan, or purpose, but because a change

of disposition and feeling is wont to precede human clemency to

evil-doers.

14 The odious meaning of _excessive_ interest, as attached to _usury_,

is of comparatively recent date. In the earlier English, as in our

translation of the Bible, it denotes any sum given for the use of

money.

15 In this country usury laws are fast yielding to the growth of

intelligence in monetary affairs. Wherever they exist in their

severer forms, they only enhance the rate of interest paid by the

major portion of the class of borrowers, as the lender must be

compensated, not only for the use of his money, and for the risk of

his creditor’s inability to repay it, but also for the additional

risk of detection, prosecution, and forfeiture.

16 The reader need not be told that _patience_ and _passion_ are

derived from different participles of the same verb. _Patience_

comes from the present participle, and fittingly denotes the spirit

in which present suffering should be met; while _passion_ comes from

the perfect or past participle, and as fittingly denotes the

condition ensuing upon any physical, mental, or moral affection,

induced from without, which has been endured without protest or

resistance.

17 From _punctum_, a point.

18 Ἡδονή.

19 Στοά.

20 The words employed by the Stoics to indicate specific duties, as

presented to the common understanding, recognize intrinsic fitness

as the ground of right. These duties are termed in Greek, καθήκοντα,

that is, _be-fitting_, and in Latin, _officia_, from _ob_ and

_facio_, that which is done _ob aliquid_, for some assignable

reason.

21 How far Seneca’s character was represented by his philosophy is, we

believe, a fairly open question. That the beginning and the close of

his career were in accordance with his teachings, is certain. That

as a courtier, he was in suspicious proximity to, if not in

complicity with, gross scandals and crimes, is equally certain. The

evidence against him is weighty, but by no means conclusive. He may

have lingered in the purlieus of the palace in fond memory of what

Nero had been in the promise of his youth, and in the groundless

hope of bringing him again under more humane influences. This

supposition is rendered the more probable by the well-known fact,

that during his whole court life, and notwithstanding his great

wealth, Seneca’s personal habits were almost those of an anchorite.

22 Spinoza’s ethical system was closely parallel to that of Hobbes. He

denied the intrinsic difference between right and wrong; but he

regarded _aristocracy_ as the natural order of society. With him, as

with Hobbes, virtue consists solely in obedience to constituted

authority; and so utterly did he ignore a higher law, that he

maintained it to be the right of a state to abjure a treaty with

another state, when its terms ceased to be convenient or profitable.

23 Price’s theory of morals is developed with singular precision and

force in one of the Baccalaureate Addresses of the late President

Appleton, of Bowdoin College.

24 Εὐτόπος.

25 The reader who is conversant with the literature of ethics in

England and America will miss in this chapter many names which merit

a place by the side of those that have been given. But within the

limits proposed for this manual, the alternative was to select a few

writers among those who have largely influenced the thought of their

own and succeeding times, and to associate with each of them

something that should mark his individuality; or to make the chapter

little more than a catalogue of names. The former is evidently the

more judicious course. Nothing has been said of living writers,—not

because there are none who deserve an honored place among the

contributors to this department of science, but because, were the

list to be once opened, we should hardly know where to close it.

A Manual of Moral Philosophy · 第 8 / 8 章