The Belgian Revolution--The Duke of Wellington and Canning--The
King's Plate--Gloomy Forebodings--Retreat of the Prince of
Orange--Prince Talleyrand--Position of the Government--Death of
Huskisson--His Character--The Duke of Wellington and Peel--
Meeting of Parliament--The Duke's Declaration--The King's Visit
to the City abandoned--Disturbances in London--Duchesse de
Dino--The Cholera--Southey, Henry Taylor, John Stuart Mill--
Dinner at Talleyrand's--The Duke of Wellington resigns--Mr.
Bathurst made Junior Clerk of the Council--Lord Spencer and
Lord Grey sent for--Formation of Lord Grey's Administration--
Discontent of Brougham--Brougham takes the Great Seal--
Character of the New Ministers--Prospects of the Opposition--
Disturbances in Sussex and Hampshire--Lord Grey and Lord
Brougham--Lord Sefton's Dinner--The New Ministers sworn at a
Council.
Stoke, August 31st, 1830 {p.040}
On Sunday I met Prince Esterhazy[1] in Oxford Street with a face
a yard long. He turned back with me, and told me that there had
been disturbances at Brussels, but that they had been put down by
the gendarmerie. He was mightily alarmed, but said that his
Government would recognise the French King directly, and in
return for such general and prompt recognition as he was
receiving he must restrain France from countenancing revolutions
in other countries, and that, indeed, he had lost no time in
declaring his intention to abstain from any meddling. In the
evening Vaudreuil told me the same thing, and that he had
received a despatch from M. Mole desiring him to refuse passports
to the Spaniards who wanted, on the strength of the French
Revolution, to go and foment the discontents in Spain, and to all
other foreigners who, being dissatisfied with their own
Governments, could not obtain passports from their own Ministers.
Yesterday morning, however, it appeared that the affair at
Brussels was much more serious than Esterhazy had given me to
understand; and, as far as can be judged from the unofficial
statements which we have, it appears likely that Belgium will
separate from Holland altogether, it being very doubtful whether
the Belgian troops will support the King's Government.
[1] [Prince Paul Esterhazy, Austrian Ambassador at the
Court of St. James for many years.]
Madame de Falck is just come, but brings no news. Falck[2] has
heard nothing. He left Holland before the outbreak. In the event
of such a revolution, it remains to be seen what part Prussia
will take, and, if she marches an army to reduce Belgium to
obedience, whether the Belgians will not make overtures to
France, and in that case whether King Louis Philippe will be able
to restrain the French from seizing such a golden opportunity of
regaining their former frontier; and if they accept the offer,
whether a general war in Europe will not ensue.
[2] [Baron Falck, Dutch Minister at the Court of St.
James.]
[Page Head: WELLINGTON'S FOREIGN POLICY.]
In these difficult circumstances, and in the midst of
possibilities so tremendous, it is awful to reflect upon the very
moderate portion of wisdom and sagacity which is allotted to those
by whom our affairs are managed. I am by no means easy as to the
Duke of Wellington's sufficiency to meet such difficulties; the
habits of his mind are not those of patient investigation,
profound knowledge of human nature, and cool, discriminating
sagacity. He is exceedingly quick of apprehension, but deceived by
his own quickness into thinking he knows more than he does. He has
amazing confidence in himself, which is fostered by the deference
of those around him and the long experience of his military
successes. He is upon ordinary occasions right-headed and
sensible, but he is beset by weaknesses and passions which must,
and continually do, blind his judgment. Above all he wants that
suavity of manner, that watchfulness of observation, that power of
taking great and enlarged views of events and characters, and of
weighing opposite interests and probabilities, which are
essentially necessary in circumstances so delicate, and in which
one false step, any hasty measure, or even incautious expression,
may be attended with consequences of immense importance. I feel
justified in this view of his political fitness by contemplating
the whole course of his career, and the signal failure which has
marked all his foreign policy. If Canning were now alive we might
hope to steer through these difficulties, but if he had lived we
should probably never have been in them. He was the only statesman
who had sagacity to enter into and comprehend the spirit of the
times, and to put himself at the head of that movement which was
no longer to be arrested. The march of Liberalism (as it is
called) would not be stopped, and this he knew, and he resolved to
govern and lead instead of opposing it. The idiots who so rejoiced
at the removal of this master mind (which alone could have saved
them from the effects of their own folly) thought to stem the
torrent in its course, and it has overwhelmed them. It is
unquestionable that the Duke has too much participated in their
sentiments and passions, and, though he never mixed himself with
their proceedings, regarded them with a favourable eye, nor does
he ever seem to have been aware of the immensity of the peril
which they were incurring. The urgency of the danger will
unquestionably increase the impatience of those who already think
the present Government incapable of carrying on the public
business, and now that we are placed in a situation the most
intricate (since the French Revolution) it is by no means
agreeable to think that such enormous interests are at the mercy
of the Duke's awkward squad.
Sefton gave me an account of the dinner in St. George's Hall on
the King's birthday, which was magnificent--excellent and well
served. Bridge[3] came down with the plate, and was hid during
the dinner behind the great wine-cooler, which weighs 7,000
ounces, and he told Sefton afterwards that the plate in the room
was worth L200,000. There is another service of gold plate, which
was not used at all. The King has made it all over to the Crown.
All this plate was ordered by the late King, and never used; his
delight was ordering what the public had to pay for.
[3] [Of the house of Rundell and Bridge, the great
silversmiths and jewellers of the day.]
September 9th, 1830 {p.043}
[Page Head: GLOOMY FOREBODINGS.]
Came from Stoke the day after the Egham races, and went to Brocket
Hall on Saturday last; returned the day before yesterday. Nothing
can exceed the interest, the excitement, the consternation which
prevail here. On Saturday last the funds suddenly fell near three
per cent.; no cause apparent, a thousand reports, and a panic on
the Stock Exchange. At last on Monday it appeared that the Emperor
of Russia had, on the first intelligence of the revolution in
France, prohibited the tricoloured cockade and ordered all Russian
subjects to quit France. As we went down on Saturday Henry told me
that there had been alarming accounts from the manufacturing
districts of a disposition to rise on the part of the workmen,
which had kept Lord Hill in town; and this I fancied was the cause
of the fall, but it was the Russian business. They have since,
however, rallied to nearly what they were before. At Brocket I had
a long conversation with my brother-in-law,[4] who is never very
communicative or talkative, but he takes a gloomy view of
everything, not a little perhaps tinctured by the impending ruin
which he foresees to his own property from the Liverpool Railroad,
which is to be opened with great ceremony on the 15th; moreover he
thinks the Government so weak that it cannot stand, and expects
the Duke will be compelled to resign. He has already offered him
his place, to dispose of in any way that may be useful to him. I
said that I thought one of the Duke's greatest misfortunes was his
having no wise head to consult with in all emergencies; this he
said was very true, for there was nobody who would even speak to
him about anything; that Peel, who was the man who might naturally
be expected to put himself forward, never would; and that
repeatedly he had got him (Francis) to go to or write to the Duke
about some matter or other on which it was necessary to refer to
him. In the business of Huskisson, Huskisson himself was most
anxious to have it made up, and wished Peel to speak to the Duke;
but Peel would not stir, nor would Dudley, and it ended in
Francis' being charged with the negotiation, the result of which
everybody knows.
[4] [Lord Francis Egerton, afterwards First Earl of
Ellesmere, proprietor of the Bridgewater Estates and
Canal, which was threatened by the competition of the
newly-made Liverpool and Manchester Railway. Lord
Francis held the office of Secretary at War in 1830 for
a very short time, having previously been Irish
Secretary when Lord Anglesey was Lord Lieutenant.]
In the meantime the affairs of Belgium are in a very critical
state; the Prince of Orange has entirely failed in reducing the
malcontents to submission, and after passing two or three days at
or near Brussels in fruitless negotiation and the interchange of
proud civilities, he was obliged to retire and carry back to the
King a proposal that Belgium and Holland should be separated and
a Federal Union established between them. Last night, however, a
proclamation of the King appeared, well drawn up, and couched in
firm, temperate, and sensible language, in which he declares that
he will do all that the circumstances of the case may render
necessary, but that all shall be referred to the States-General,
and they shall decide upon the measures to be adopted. This will
probably excite great discontent, and it is at least doubtful
whether the Belgian Deputies will consent to go to the Hague at
all. My belief is that this proclamation is the result of
encouragement from Prussia.
The night before last I had a letter from the Duc de Dalberg with
a very sensible view of the state of France and of affairs
generally in Europe, auguring well of the stability of the
present Government, provided the other Powers of Europe do
nothing to disturb the general tranquillity. I never was so
astonished as when I read in the newspaper of the appointment of
Talleyrand to be Ambassador here. He must be nearer eighty than
seventy, and though his faculties are said to be as bright as
ever (which I doubt), his infirmities are so great that it is
inconceivable he should think of leaving his own home, and above
all for another country, where public representation is
unavoidable. Dalberg told me that several of the Ministers are
going out--Guizot, Marshal Gerard, and Baron Louis, the two
latter _accables_ with the _travail_, and the first unused to and
unfit for official business;[5] Louis is seventy-three.
[5] [A curious estimate, taken at the time, of the man who
for the next eighteen years had a larger share of
official life and business than any other Frenchman.]
[Page Head: BAD PROSPECTS OF THE SESSION.]
In the meantime the Duke does nothing here towards strengthening
his Government, and he will probably meet Parliament as he is.
There are some circumstances in his favour, and I think it
possible he may still extricate himself from his difficulties.
There is unquestionably a notion amongst many persons (of the
aristocracy) that he is the only man to rely upon for governing
this country in the midst of difficulties. It is hard to say upon
what this feeling (for it is more of a feeling than an opinion)
is founded; not certainly upon any experience of his abilities
for Government either as to principles or the details of
particular branches of business, or his profound, dispassionate,
and statesmanlike sagacity, but upon certain vague predilections,
and the confidence which he has infused into others by his own
firm, manly, and even dictatorial character, and the recollection
of his military exploits and splendid career, which have not yet
lost their power over the minds of men, and to this must be added
his great influence over the late and present sovereigns.
The short session which will begin on the 28th of October will be
occupied with the Regency and Civil List, and it is probable that
both those matters will be produced in a form to give general
satisfaction; that will be strength as far as it goes. The Tories
are alarmed at the general aspect of affairs, and I doubt whether
they will not forget their ancient grievances and antipathies,
and, if they do not support the Government, abstain at least from
any violent opposition, the result of which could only be to let
in the Whigs, of whose principles they have the greatest
apprehensions. I can perfectly understand that there may be many
men who, wishing sincerely to see a stronger Government formed,
may think that any change at this moment which may present to
Europe a spectacle of disunion and weakness here would be a
greater evil than the temporary toleration of such Ministers as
ours; and if the Duke does find such a disposition, and profits
by it dexterously and temperately, he may float through the next
session, and at the end of it negotiate with other parties on
more advantageous terms than he possibly could do now, when all
his concessions would appear to be extorted by force or by the
urgent difficulties of his position.
September 10th, 1830 {p.046}
The Duke is very much disturbed about the state of affairs,
thinks ill of France and generally of the state of Europe. I
think the alarmists are increasing everywhere, and the signs of
the times are certainly portentous; still I doubt there being any
great desire of change among the mass of the people of England,
and prudent and dexterous heads (if there be any such) may still
steer on through the storm. If Canning were alive I believe he
would have been fully equal to the emergency if he was not
thwarted by the passions, prejudices, and follies of others; but
if he had lived we should not have had the Catholic question
settled, and what a state we should be in now if that were added
to the rest!
September 14th, 1830 {p.046}
Last Saturday to Panshanger; returned yesterday with Melbourne,
George Lamb, and the Ashleys. George said there would be a
violent Opposition in the approaching session. William[6] told me
he thought Huskisson was the greatest practical statesman he had
known, the one who united theory with practice the most, but
owned he was not popular and not thought honest; that his
remaining in with the Duke when Goderich's Ministry was dissolved
was a fatal error, which he could never repair.
[6] [William Lamb, second Lord Melbourne, afterwards Prime
Minister.]
I found Sefton in town last night, and went to the play with him.
He has had a letter from Brougham, who told him he should go to
the Liverpool dinner and attack the Duke of Wellington; that it
was the only opportunity he should ever have in his life of
meeting him face to face, and he then proceeded to relate all
that he should say. Sefton wrote him word that if he said half
what he intended the chairman would order him to be turned out of
the room. He won't go, I am persuaded.
Newark, September 18th, 1830 {p.047}
[Page Head: DEATH OF MR. HUSKISSON.]
Went back to Panshanger last Tuesday; found there Madame de
Lieven, Melbourne, and the Hollands and Allen. Lord Holland was
very agreeable, as he always is, and told many anecdotes of
George Selwyn, Lafayette, and others. I saw them arrive in a
coach-and-four and chaise-and-pair--two footmen, a page, and two
maids. He said (what is true) that there is hardly such a thing
in the world as a good house or a good epitaph, and yet mankind
have been employed in building the former and writing the latter
since the beginning almost. Came to town on Thursday, and in the
afternoon heard the news of Huskisson's horrible accident, and
yesterday morning got a letter from Henry with the details, which
are pretty correctly given in the 'Times' newspaper. It is a very
odd thing, but I had for days before a strong presentiment that
some terrible accident would occur at this ceremony, and I told
Lady Cowper so, and several other people. Nothing could exceed
the horror of the few people in London at this event, or the
despair of those who looked up to him politically. It seems to
have happened in this way:--While the Duke's car was stopping to
take in water, the people alighted and walked about the railroad;
when suddenly another car, which was running on the adjoining
level, came up. Everybody scrambled out of the way, and those who
could got again into the first car. This Huskisson attempted to
do, but he was slow and awkward; as he was getting in some part
of the machinery of the other car struck the door of his, by
which he was knocked down. He was taken up, and conveyed by
Wilton[7] and Mrs. Huskisson (who must have seen the accident
happen) to the house of Mr. Blackburne, eight miles from Heaton.
Wilton saved his life for a few hours by knowing how to tie up
the artery; amputation was not possible, and he expired at ten
o'clock that night. Wilton, Lord Granville, and Littleton were
with him to the last. Mrs. Huskisson behaved with great courage.
The Duke of Wellington was deeply affected, and it was with the
greatest difficulty he could be induced to proceed upon the
progress to Manchester, and at last he only yielded to the most
pressing solicitations of the directors and others, and to a
strong remonstrance that the mob might be dangerous if he did not
appear. It is impossible to figure to one's self any event which
could produce a greater sensation or be more striking to the
imagination than this, happening at such a time and under such
circumstances: the eminence of the man, the sudden conversion of
a scene of gaiety and splendour into one of horror and dismay;
the countless multitudes present, and the effect upon them--crushed
to death in sight of his wife and at the feet (as it was)
of his great political rival--all calculated to produce a deep
and awful impression. The death of Huskisson cannot fail to have
an important effect upon political events; it puts an end to his
party as a party, but it leaves the survivors at liberty to join
either the Opposition or the Government, while during his life
there were great difficulties to their doing either, in
consequence of the antipathy which many of the Whigs had to him
on one side and the Duke of Wellington on the other. There is no
use, however, in speculating on what will happen, which a very
short time will show.
[7] [Thomas Grosvenor Egerton, second Earl of Wilton.]
Agar Ellis told me yesterday morning that he had received a
letter from Brougham a day or two ago, in which he said that he
was going to Liverpool, and hoped there to sign a treaty with
Huskisson, so that it is probable they would have joined to
oppose the Government. As to the Duke of Wellington, a fatality
attends him, and it is perilous to cross his path. There were
perhaps 500,000 people present on this occasion, and probably not
a soul besides hurt. One man only is killed, and that man is his
most dangerous political opponent, the one from whom he had most
to fear. It is the more remarkable because these great people are
generally taken such care of, and put out of the chance of
accidents. Canning had scarcely reached the zenith of his power
when he was swept away, and the field was left open to the Duke,
and no sooner is he reduced to a state of danger and difficulty
than the ablest of his adversaries is removed by a chance beyond
all power of calculation.
[Page Head: CHARACTER OF HUSKISSON.]
Huskisson was about sixty years old, tall, slouching, and
ignoble-looking. In society he was extremely agreeable, without
much animation, generally cheerful, with a great deal of humour,
information, and anecdote, gentlemanlike, unassuming, slow in
speech, and with a downcast look, as if he avoided meeting
anybody's gaze. I have said what Melbourne thought of him, and
that was the opinion of his party. It is probably true that there
is no man in Parliament, or perhaps out of it, so well versed in
finance, commerce, trade, and colonial matters, and that he is
therefore a very great and irreparable loss. It is nevertheless
remarkable that it is only within the last five or six years that
he acquired the great reputation which he latterly enjoyed. I do
not think he was looked upon as more than a second-rate man till
his speeches on the silk trade and the shipping interest; but
when he became President of the Board of Trade he devoted himself
with indefatigable application to the maturing and reducing to
practice those commercial improvements with which his name is
associated, and to which he owes all his glory and most of his
unpopularity. It is equally true that all the ablest men in the
country coincide with him, and that the mass of the community are
persuaded that his plans are mischievous to the last degree. The
man whom he consulted through the whole course of his labours and
enquiries was Hume,[8] who is now in the Board of Trade, and
whose vast experience and knowledge were of incalculable service
to him. Great as his abilities unquestionably were, it is
impossible to admire his judgment, which seems repeatedly to have
failed him, particularly in his joining the Duke's Government on
Goderich's resignation, which was a capital error, his speech
afterwards at Liverpool and his subsequent quarrel with the Duke.
In all these cases he acted with the greatest imprudence, and he
certainly contrived, without exposing himself to any specific
charge, to be looked upon as a statesman of questionable honour
and integrity; and of this his friends as well as his enemies
were aware. As a speaker in the House of Commons he was luminous
upon his own subject, but he had no pretensions to eloquence; his
voice was feeble and his manner ungraceful; however, he was
(unfortunately) one of the first men in the House, and was
listened to with attention upon any subject. He left no children.
Mrs. Huskisson has a pension of L1,200 a year. The accounts from
Paris improve, inasmuch as there seems a better prospect than
there has been lately of tranquillity in the country. Sneyd
writes word that there is little doubt but that the Duc de
Bourbon was assassinated.[9]
[8] [John Deacon Hume, the Assistant Joint Secretary of the
Board of Trade.]
[9] [The Duc de Bourbon-Conde was found hanging in his
bedroom. Suspicion pointed to Madame de Fencheres, his
mistress, as privy to the cause of his death, which
however, was never clearly ascertained. The Duke had
made an ample provision for Madame de Fencheres in his
will, but the bulk of his vast property, including
Chantilly, was bequeathed to the Duc d'Aumale, fourth
son of King Louis Philippe. The Duc de Bourbon was the
father of the unfortunate Duc d'Enghien.]
Last night to Brockett Hall, where I slept and came on here
to-day. The King has paid me L300 for Goodison, the late Duke's
jockey, which settles all he owed at Newmarket, and was a very
good-natured act.
George Seymour is made Master of the Robes, and gives up his
place[10] in the House of Lords, so Jersey[11] within two months
has got an enormous place to give away.
[10] He did not give it up; wanted Jersey to appoint his
brother Frederick, which he refused to do; so the other
remained.--_November 15th._
[11] [Lord Jersey was Lord Chamberlain of the Household at
the time.]
Chatsworth, September 27th, 1830 {p.050}
[Page Head: HUSKISSON'S LAST MOMENTS.]
Got to Sprotborough last Sunday; Lord Talbot and Lady Cecil,
William Lascelles, Irby, Lady Charlotte Denison, Captain Grey. It
rained all the time of the races. They offered Priam to
Chesterfield for L3,000 before his match, and he refused; he
offered it after, and they refused. There were a number of
beautiful women there--my cousin Mrs. Foljambe, Misses Mary and
Fanny Brandling the best. Came here on Friday night, and found as
usual a large party, but rather dull; Granvilles, Newboroughs,
Wharncliffes, G. Seymours, Sir J. and Lady Fitzgerald (very
pretty), Talbots, Madame Bathiany, Beaumonts, G. Lamb. Yesterday
Brougham came with his brother, sister, and daughter-in-law, in
the highest spirits and state of excitement, going about
Yorkshire, dining and speechifying; he was at Doncaster too. Lord
Granville was just returned from Huskisson's funeral at
Liverpool. It was attended by a great multitude, who showed every
mark of respect and feeling. He died the death of a great man,
suffering torments, but always resigned, calm, and collected;
took the Sacrament, and made a codicil to his will, said the
country had had the best of him, and that he could not have been
useful for many more years, hoped he had never committed any
political sins that might not be easily forgiven, and declared
that he died without a feeling of ill-will and in charity with
all men. As he lay there he heard the guns announcing the Duke of
Wellington's arrival at Manchester, and he said, 'I hope to God
the Duke may get safe through the day.' When he had done and said
all he desired, he begged they would open a vein and release him
from his pain. From the beginning he only wished to die quickly.
Mrs. Huskisson was violently opposed to his being buried at
Liverpool, and it was with great difficulty she was persuaded to
consent to the repeated applications that were made to her for
that purpose.
Buckenham, October 25th, 1830 {p.051}
A month nearly since I have written a line; always racing and
always idleness. Went from Chatsworth to Heaton Park; an immense
party, excellent house and living, and very good sport for the
sort of thing in a park, with gentlemen riders.
I have lost sight of politics, and know nothing of what is going
on, except that all things look gloomy, and people generally are
alarmed. Last week the Arbuthnots were at Cheveley, and I had a
curious conversation enough with him. I told him that I was
desirous of the success of the Duke of Wellington's Administration,
but felt strongly the necessity of his getting rid of many of his
present Cabinet, who were both inefficient and odious, that I
thought one great misfortune was that he had nobody to tell him
the truth, and very few men with whom he was on terms of
confidential cordiality. He owned it was so, but said that _he_
never concealed from him disagreeable truths--on the contrary,
told him everything--and assured me that at any time he would tell
the Duke anything that I thought he ought to know. I told him to
give him a notion how meanly Aberdeen was thought of, that
Alvanley had told Talleyrand not to notice him, but to go at once
to the Duke when he had any important business to transact, and
that he might tell the Duke this if he pleased, but no one else.
He said he would, and then he began to talk of Peel, lamenting
that there was nothing like intimate confidence between the Duke
and him, and that the Duke was in fact ignorant of his real and
secret feelings and opinions; that to such a degree did Peel carry
his reserve, that when they were out of office, and it had been a
question of their returning to it, he had gone to meet Peel at
Lord Chandos's for the express purpose of finding out what his
opinions were upon the then state of affairs, and that after many
conversations he had come away knowing no more of his sentiments
and disposition than before they met. I said that with a Cabinet
like this, and the House of Commons in the hands of Peel, I could
not imagine anything more embarrassing; he owned it was, and then
complained of Peel's indisposition to encourage other men in the
House of Commons, or to suffer the transaction of business to pass
through any hands but his own; that the Duke had been accused of a
grasping ambition and a desire to do everything himself, whereas
such an accusation would be much more applicable to Peel. All this
proves how little real cordiality there is between these two men,
and that, though they are now necessary to each other, a little
matter would sever their political connection.
Here we have an American of the name of Powell, who was here
nineteen years ago, when he was one of the handsomest men that
ever was seen, and lived in the society of Devonshire House.
Three years of such a life spoilt him, as he confesses, for the
nineteen which followed in his native country; and now he is come
back with a wife and five children to see the town he recollects
become a thousand times more beautiful, and the friends who have
forgotten him equally changed, but as much for the worse as
London is for the better; he seems a sensible, good sort of
fellow.
Baring told me the other day that he remembered his (B.'s) father
with nearly nothing, and that out of the house which he founded
not less than six or seven millions must have been taken. Several
colossal fortunes have been made out of it.
London, November 8th, 1830 {p.053}
[Page Head: WELLINGTON'S DECLARATION AGAINST REFORM.]
Went from Buckenham to Euston, and then back to Newmarket, where
I never have time or inclination to write or read. Parliament
met, and a great clamour was raised against the King's Speech,
without much reason; but it was immediately evident that the
Government was in a very tottering condition, and the first night
of this session the Duke of Wellington made a violent and
uncalled-for declaration against Reform, which has without doubt
sealed his fate. Never was there an act of more egregious folly,
or one so universally condemned by friends and foes. The
Chancellor said to Lady Lyndhurst after the first night's debate
in the House of Lords, 'You have often asked me why the Duke did
not take in Lord Grey; read these two speeches (Lord Grey's and
the Duke's), and then you will see why. Do you think he would
like to have a colleague under him, who should get up and make
such a speech after such another as his?'
The effect produced by this declaration exceeds anything I ever
saw, and it has at once destroyed what little popularity the Duke
had left, and lowered him in public estimation so much that when
he does go out of office, as most assuredly he must, he will
leave it without any of the dignity and credit which might have
accompanied his retirement. The sensation produced in the country
has not yet been ascertained, but it is sure to be immense. I
came to town last night, and found the town ringing with his
imprudence and everybody expecting that a few days would produce
his resignation.
The King's visit to the City was regarded with great
apprehension, as it was suspected that attempts would be made to
produce riot and confusion at night, and consequently all the
troops that could be mustered were prepared, together with
thousands of special constables, new police, volunteers, sailors,
and marines; but last night a Cabinet Council was held, when it
was definitively arranged to put it off altogether, and this
morning the announcement has appeared in the newspapers. Every
sort of ridicule and abuse was heaped upon the Government, the
Lord Mayor, and all who had any share in putting off the King's
visit to the City; very droll caricatures were circulated.
I met Matuscewitz last night, who was full of the Duke and his
speech, and of regrets at his approaching fall, which he
considers as the signal for fresh encroachments in France by the
Liberal party, and a general impulse to the revolutionary
factions throughout Europe. I hear that nothing can exceed the
general excitement and terror that prevails, everybody feeling
they hardly know what.
November 9th, 1830 {p.054}
Yesterday morning I sallied forth and called on Arbuthnot, whom I
did not find at home, but Mrs. Arbuthnot was. I had previously
called on the Villiers, and had a long conversation about the
state of everything. They did not apprise me of anything new, but
Hyde,[12] who ought to be informed, gave me an account of the
resolutions which Brougham means to propose, very different from
what I heard elsewhere. He said that they were very strong,
whereas all other accounts agree that they are very moderate. I
walked with Mrs. Arbuthnot down to Downing Street, and, as she
utters the Duke's sentiments, was anxious to hear what she would
say about their present condition. I said, 'Well, you are in a
fine state; what do you mean to do?' 'Oh, are you alarmed? Well,
I am not; everybody says we are to go out, and I don't believe a
word of it. They will be beat on the question of Reform; people
will return to the Government, and we shall go on very well. You
will see this will be the end of it.' I told her I did not
believe they could stay in, and attacked the Duke's speech, which
at last she owned she was sorry he had made. She complained that
they had no support, and that everybody they took in became
useless as soon as they were in office--Ellenborough, Rosslyn,
Murray. It was evident, however, that she did contemplate their
loss of office as a very probable event, though they do not mean
to resign, and think they may stave off the evil day. In Downing
Street we met George Dawson, who told us the funds had fallen
three per cent., and that the panic was tremendous, so much so
that they were not without alarm lest there should be a run on
the Bank for gold. Later in the day, however, the funds improved.
In the House of Lords I heard the Duke's explanation of putting
off the dinner in the City. On the whole they seem to have done
well to put it off, but the case did not sound a strong one; it
rested on a letter from the Lord Mayor telling the Duke an
attempt would be made on his life. Still it is a hundred to one
that there would have been a riot, and possibly all its worst
evils and crimes. The King is said to be very low, hating Reform,
desirous of supporting the Duke, but feeling that he can do
nothing. However, in the House of Lords last night the speakers
vied with each other in praising his Majesty and extolling his
popularity. Lady Jersey told me that the Duke had said to her,
'Lord, I shall not go out; you will see we shall go on very
well.'
[12] [Thomas Hyde Villiers, brother of George, afterwards
fourth Earl of Clarendon, died in 1832.]
November 10th, 1830 {p.055}
[Page Head: DISTURBANCES IN LONDON.]
It was expected last night that there would be a great riot, and
preparations were made to meet it. Troops were called up to
London, and a large body of civil power put in motion. People had
come in from the country in the morning, and everything indicated
a disturbance. After dinner I walked out to see how things were
going on. There was little mob in the west end of the town, and
in New Street, Spring Gardens, a large body of the new police was
drawn up in three divisions, ready to be employed if wanted. The
Duke of Wellington expected Apsley House to be attacked, and made
preparations accordingly. He desired my brother to go and dine
there, to assist in making any arrangements that might be
necessary. In Pall Mall I met Mr. Glyn, the banker, who had been
up to Lombard Street to see how matters looked about his house,
and he told us (Sir T. Farquhar and me) that everything was quiet
in the City. One of the policemen said that there had been a
smart brush near Temple Bar, where a body of weavers with iron
crows and a banner had been dispersed by the police, and the
banner taken. The police, who are a magnificent set of fellows,
behave very well, and it seems pretty evident that these troubles
are not very serious, and will soon be put an end to. The attack
in Downing Street the night before last, of which they made a
great affair, turned out to be nothing at all. The mob came there
from Carlile's lecture, but the sentry stopped them near the
Foreign Office; the police took them in flank, and they all ran
away.
I went to Brooks's, but there was hardly anybody there, and
nothing occurred in the House of Commons but some interchange of
Billingsgate between O'Connell and George Dawson. The Duke talks
with confidence, and has no idea of resigning, but he does not
inspire his friends with the confidence he feels or affects
himself, though they talk of his resignation as an event which is
to plunge all Europe into war, and of the impossibility of
forming another Administration, all which is mere balderdash, for
he proved with many others how easy it is to form a Government
that can go on; and as to our Continental relations being
altered, I don't believe a word of it. He may have influence
abroad, but he owes it not to his own individual character, but
to his possession of power in England. If the Ministry who
succeed him are firm and moderate, this country will lose nothing
of its influence abroad. I have heard these sort of things said
fifty times of Ministers and Kings. The death of the late King
was to be the greatest of calamities, and the breath was hardly
out of his body before everybody discovered that it was the
greatest of blessings, and, instead of its being impossible to go
on without him, that there would have been no going on with him.
The King gave a dinner to the Prince of Orange the other day, and
invited all his old military friends to meet him. His Majesty was
beyond everything civil to the Duke of Wellington, and the Queen
likewise. Lord Wellesley, speaking of the letter to the Lord
Mayor, and putting off the dinner in the City, said 'it was the
boldest act of cowardice he had ever heard of.'
[Page Head: THE DUCHESSE DE DINO.]
After some difficulty they have agreed to give Madame de Dino[13]
the honours of Ambassadress here, the Duke having told the King
that at Vienna she did the honours of Talleyrand's house, and was
received on that footing by the Emperor and Empress, so he said,
'Oh, very well; I will tell the Queen, and you had better tell
her too.'
[13] [The Duchesse de Dino was the niece of Prince
Talleyrand, then French Ambassador at the Court of St.
James. The precedent is a curious one, for it is
certainly not customary for the daughter or niece of an
unmarried Ambassador to enjoy the rank and honours of
an Ambassadress.]
They say the King is exceedingly bullied by the _batards_, though
Errol told me they were all afraid of him. Dolly Fitzclarence
lost L100, betting 100 to 10 that he would go to Guildhall, and
he told the King he had lost him L100, so the King gave him the
money. It seems that the Duke certainly did make some overtures
to Palmerston, though I do not exactly know when, but I heard
that they were very fair ones.
November 11th, 1830 {p.057}
Yesterday the funds rose, and people's apprehensions began to
subside. Everybody is occupied with speculating about the numbers
on Tuesday next, and what majority the Ministers will get.
Yesterday came a letter from Lord Heytesbury from St. Petersburg,[14]
saying that there was reason to believe that the disorder now
raging in Russia is a sort of plague, but that they will not admit
it, and that it is impossible to get at the truth. We ordered
Russian ships to be put under a precautionary quarantine, and made
a minute to record what we had done.
[14] [This is the first mention of the cholera morbus, or
Asiatic cholera, then first appearing in Europe. The
quarantine establishments are under the control of the
Privy Council, and Mr. Greville, as Clerk of the
Council, was actively employed in superintending them.
A Board of Health was afterwards established at the
Council Office during the prevalence of the cholera.]
November 12th, 1830 {p.058}
The funds have kept advancing, everything is quiet, and Ministers
begin to take courage. The Duke means if he has a majority of
twenty on Tuesday to stay in. It seems his idea is that the
resolutions of Brougham will be framed in general terms on purpose
to obtain as many votes as possible; that they will be no test of
the real opinion of the House, because most of those who may
concur in a general resolution in favour of Reform would disagree
entirely as to specific measures, if any were introduced; but it
is evident that the support of the Duke's friends is growing
feebler every day. Yesterday morning I met Robert Clive, a thick
and thin Government man, and he began with the usual topic, for
everybody asks after the State, as one does about a sick friend;
and then he went on to say (concurring with my opinion that
everything went on ill), 'Why won't the Duke strengthen himself?'
'He can't; he has tried, and you see he can't do anything.' 'Ah!
but he must make sacrifices; things cannot go on as they do, and
he must make sacrifices.' Lord Bath, too, came to town, intending
to leave his proxy with the Duke, and went away with it in his
pocket, after hearing his famous speech; though he has a close
borough, which he by no means wishes to lose, still he is for
Reform. What they all feel is that his obstinacy will endanger
everything; that by timely concession, and regulating the present
spirit, real improvements might be made and extreme measures
avoided. I met Rothschild coming out of Herries' room, with his
nephew from Paris. He looked pretty lively for a man who has lost
some millions, but the funds were all up yesterday; he asked me
the news, and said Lafitte was the best Minister France could
have, and that everything was rapidly improving there.
November 15th, 1830 {p.058}
[Page Head: ROBERT SOUTHEY.]
Yesterday morning I breakfasted with Taylor[15] to meet Southey:
the party was Southey; Strutt, member for Derby, a Radical; young
Mill, a political economist; Charles Villiers, young Elliot, and
myself. Southey is remarkably pleasing in his manner and
appearance, unaffected, unassuming, and agreeable; at least such
was my impression for the hour or two I saw him. Young Mill is
the son of Mill who wrote the 'History of British India,' and
said to be cleverer than his father. He has written many
excellent articles in reviews, pamphlets, &c., but though
powerful with a pen in his hand, in conversation he has not the
art of managing his ideas, and is consequently hesitating and
slow, and has the appearance of being always working in his mind
propositions or a syllogism.
[15] [Henry Taylor, the author of 'Philip van Artevelde.'
Edward Strutt was afterwards created Lord Belper.
'Young Mill' was the eminent economist and philosopher
John Stuart Mill. 'Young Elliot,' Sir Thomas Frederick
Elliot, K.S.M.G., long one of the ablest members of the
Colonial Department, to which Henry Taylor, the poet,
himself belonged.]
Southey told an anecdote of Sir Massey Lopes, which is a good
story of a miser. A man came to him and told him he was in great
distress, and L200 would save him. He gave him a draft for the
money.' 'Now,' says he, 'what will you do with this?' 'Go to the
bankers and get it cashed.' 'Stop,' said he; 'I will cash it.' So
he gave him the money, but first calculated and deducted the
discount, thus at once exercising his benevolence and his
avarice.
Another story Taylor told (we were talking of the negroes and
savages) of a girl (in North America) who had been brought up for
the purpose of being eaten on the day her master's son was
married or attained a certain age. She was proud of being the
_plat_ for the occasion, for when she was accosted by a
missionary, who wanted to convert her to Christianity and
withdraw her from her fate, she said she had no objection to be a
Christian, but she must stay to be eaten, that she had been
fattened for the purpose and must fulfil her destiny.
When I came home I found a note to say my unfortunate colleague
Buller[16] was dead. He had had an operation performed on his lip,
after which he caught cold, got an inflammation in the windpipe,
and died in two or three days. He was a very honourable, obliging,
and stupid man, and a great loss to me, for I shall hardly find a
more accommodating colleague.
[16] [James Buller, Esq., senior Clerk of the Council.]
In the evening I dined with Lord Sefton to meet Talleyrand and
Madame de Dino. There were Brougham and Denman, the latter
brought by the former to show Talleyrand to him. After dinner
Talleyrand held a circle and discoursed, but I did not come in
for his talk. They were all delighted, but long experience has
proved to me that people are easily delighted with whatever is in
vogue. Brougham is very proud of his French, which is execrable,
and took the opportunity of holding forth in a most barbarous
jargon, which he fancied was the real accent and phraseology. He
told me he should have 250 votes on his motion. I said to him,
'They think they shall have a majority of 150.' He said, 'Then
there must be 650 to divide, for at the lowest computation I
shall have 250.' But at night Henry told me that the Duke, though
he put a good face on it, was in fact very low, and that, from
what Gosh [Arbuthnot] had said, he would certainly resign unless
he carried the question by a large majority. In the morning I
called on Lady Granville, who told me, as a great secret, that
the Duke, notwithstanding his speech, was prepared to offer a
compromise, and her story was this:--She had dined at Ludolf's a
few days ago to meet the Duchesse de Berri. All the great people
dined there, among others the Chancellor and Lady Lyndhurst, and
after dinner Lady Lyndhurst came up to her bursting with
indignation, and confided to her that the Duke had resolved to
offer a resolution to the effect that in any future case of
borough delinquency the representation should be transferred to a
great town, and that she thought after what had passed this would
be so disgraceful that it disgusted her beyond expression, and a
great deal more to this effect. I confess I don't believe a word
of it. I met the Prince of Orange last night in excellent spirits
and humour, and quite convinced that he will be recalled to
Brussels.
November 16th, 1830 {p.061}
[Page Head: DEFEAT OF THE WELLINGTON MINISTRY.]
The Duke of Wellington's Administration is at an end. If he has
not already resigned, he probably will do so in the course of the
day. Everybody was so intent on the Reform question that the
Civil List was not thought of, and consequently the defeat of
Government last night was unexpected. Although numbers of members
were shut out there was a great attendance, and a majority of
twenty-nine. Of those who were shut out, almost all declare that
they meant to have voted in the majority.[17]
[17] [The division was taken on Sir Henry Parnell's motion
to refer the Civil List to a Select Committee, which
was carried by 233 to 204.]
I went to Mrs. Taylor's at night and found Ferguson, Denman, and
Taylor, who had just brought the news. The exultation of the
Opposition was immense. Word was sent down their line not to
cheer, but they were not to be restrained, and Sefton's yell was
heard triumphant in the din. The Tories voted with them. There
had been a meeting at Knatchbull's in the morning, when they
decided to go against Government. Worcester had dined at Apsley
House, and returned with the news, but merely said that they had
had a bad division--twenty-nine. Everybody thought he meant a
majority _for_ Government, and the Duke, who already knew what
had happened, made a sign to him to say nothing. Worcester knew
nothing himself, having arrived after the division; they told him
the numbers, and he came away fancying they were for Government.
So off the company went to Madame de Dino, where they heard the
truth. Great was the consternation and long were the faces, but
the outs affected to be merry and the ins were serious.
Talleyrand fired off a courier to Paris forthwith.
Yesterday morning I went to Downing Street early, to settle with
Lord Bathurst about the new appointment to my office. Till I told
him he did not know the appointment was in the Crown; so he
hurried off to the King, and proposed his son William. The King
was very gracious, and said, 'I can never object to a father's
doing what he can for his own children,' which was an oblique
word for the _batards_, about whom, however, it may be said _en
passant_ he has been marvellously forbearing.
I had a long conversation with Lady Bathurst, who told me that
the Duke had resolved to stand or fall on the Reform question,
that he had asked Lord Bathurst's opinion, who had advised him by
all means to do so; that Lord Bathurst had likewise put his own
place at the Duke's disposal long before, and was ready to resign
at any moment. It is clear that Lord Bathurst had some suspicion
that the Duke had an idea of not standing or falling by that
question, for he asked him whether anybody had given him
different advice, to which he replied, though it seems rather
vaguely, 'No, oh no; I think you are quite right.' I told her the
substance of what I had heard about his being disposed to a
compromise. She said it was quite impossible, that he would be
disgraced irredeemably, but owned it was odd that there should be
that notion and the suspicion which crossed Lord Bathurst's mind.
I do think it is possible, but for his honour I hope not. The
Bathursts felt this appointment of William was a sort of 'Nunc
dimittis,' but there is yet something between the cup and the
lip, for Stanley got up in the House of Commons and attacked the
appointment, and it is just possible it may yet be stopped.
Went to Brookes' in the evening, where there was nobody left but
Sefton baiting Ferguson for having been out of the division. He
told me that it was not impossible Lord Spencer would be put at
the head of Government. They will manage to make a confounded
mess of it, I dare say. Billy Holmes came to the Duke last night
with the news of the division, and implored him to let nothing
prevent his resigning to-day.
November 17th, 1830 {p.062}
[Page Head: THE KING'S BEHAVIOUR AT THE CRISIS.]
Went to Downing Street yesterday morning between twelve and one,
and found that the Duke and all the Ministers were just gone to
the King. He received them with the greatest kindness, shed
tears, but accepted their resignation without remonstrance. He
told Lord Bathurst he would do anything he could, and asked him
if there was nothing he could sign which would secure his son's
appointment. Lord Bathurst thanked him, but told him he could do
nothing. The fact is the appointment might be hurried through,
but the salary depends upon an annual vote of the House of
Commons, and an exasperated and triumphant Opposition would be
sure to knock it off; so he has done the only thing he can do,
which is to leave it to the King to secure the appointment for
him if possible. It will be a great piece of luck for somebody
that Buller should have died exactly when he did. William
Bathurst may perhaps lose the place from his not dying earlier,
or the new Government may lose the patronage because he did not
die later; but it is ill luck for me, who shall probably have
more trouble because he has died at all.
The Duke and Peel announced their resignations in the two Houses,
and Brougham put off his motion, but with a speech signifying
that he should take no part in the new Government. The last acts
of the Duke were to secure pensions of L250 a year to each of his
secretaries, and to fill up the ecclesiastical preferments. The
Garter remains for his successor. The Duke of Bedford got it,
and, what is singular, the Duke of Wellington would probably have
given it him likewise. He was one of five whom he meant to choose
from, and it lay between him and Lord Cleveland.
I met the Duke coming out of his room, but did not like to speak
to him; he got into his cabriolet, and nodded as he passed, but
he looked very grave. The King seems to have behaved perfectly
throughout the whole business, no intriguing or underhand
communication with anybody, with great kindness to his Ministers,
anxious to support them while it was possible, and submitting at
once to the necessity of parting with them. The fact is he turns
out an incomparable King, and deserves all the encomiums that are
lavished on him. All the mountebankery which signalised his
conduct when he came to the throne has passed away with the
excitement which caused it, and he is as dignified as the
homeliness and simplicity of his character will allow him to be.
I understand he sent for Lord Spencer in the course of the day,
who probably said he could not undertake anything, for he
afterwards sent for Lord Grey (after the House of Lords), and as
he must have been very well prepared, it is probable that a new
Government will be speedily formed.
I went to Lady Jersey's in the evening, when she was or affected
to be very gay and very glad that the Duke was out. I found there
the Prince of Orange, Esterhazy, Madame de Dino, Wilton,
Worcester, Duncannon, Lord Rosslyn, Matuscewitz, &c. There has
been a strong idea that the Chancellor [Lyndhurst] would keep the
seals. Both Holmes and Planta have repeatedly told the Duke that
he would be beaten in the House of Commons, and they both knew
the House thoroughly. Still he never would do anything. He made
overtures to Palmerston just before Parliament met through Lord
Clive, and the result was an interview between them at Apsley
House, but it came to nothing. I dare say he did not offer half
enough. It is universally believed that Peel pressed the Civil
List question for the purpose of being beaten upon it, and going
out on that rather than on Reform, for Planta told him how it
would be, and he might very well have given the Committee if he
had liked it; but he said he would abide by it, and he certainly
was in excellent spirits afterwards for a beaten Minister. Now
that this Reform has served their purpose so well, and turned out
the Duke, the Opposition would be well satisfied to put it aside
again, and take time to consider what they shall do, for it is a
terrible question for them. Pledged as they have been, it is sure
to be the rock on which the little popularity they have gained
will split, as it is a hundred to one that whatever they do they
will not go far enough to satisfy the country.
November 19th, 1830 {p.064}
The day before yesterday Lord Grey went to the King, who received
him with every possible kindness, and gave him _carte blanche_ to
form a new Administration, placing even the Household at his
disposal--much to the disgust of the members of it. Ever since
the town has been as usual teeming with reports, but with fewer
lies than usual. The fact is Lord Grey has had no difficulties,
and has formed a Government at once; only Brougham put them all
in a dreadful fright. He all but declared a hostile intention to
the future Administration; he boasted that he would take nothing,
refuse even the Great Seal, and nourished his Reform _in
terrorem_ over their heads; he was affronted and furious because
he fancied they neglected him, but it all arose, as I am told,
from Lord Grey's letter to him not reaching him directly, by some
mistake, for that he was the first person he wrote to. Still it
is pretty clear that this eccentric luminary will play the devil
with their system.
[The letter could not be the cause. The history of the
transaction is this:--When Lord Grey undertook to form a
Government he sent for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Holland, and these
three began to work, without consulting with Brougham or any
member of the House of Commons. Brougham was displeased at not
being consulted at first, but was indignant when Lord Grey
proposed to him to be Attorney-General. Then he showed his teeth,
and they grew frightened, and soon after they sent Sefton to him,
who got him into good humour, and it was made up by the offer of
the Great Seal.--_November 23rd._]
November 20th, 1830 {p.065}
[Page Head: DISCONTENT OF BROUGHAM.]
Here I was interrupted, and broke off yesterday morning. At
twelve o'clock yesterday everything was settled but the Great
Seal, and in the afternoon the great news transpired that
Brougham had accepted it. Great was the surprise, greater still
the joy at a charm having been found potent enough to lay the
unquiet spirit, a bait rich enough to tempt his restless
ambition. I confess I had no idea he would have accepted the
Chancellorship after his declarations in the House of Commons and
the whole tenor of his conduct. I was persuaded that he had made
to himself a political existence the like of which no man had
ever before possessed, and that to have refused the Great Seal
would have appeared more glorious than to take it; intoxicated
with his Yorkshire honours, swollen with his own importance, and
holding in his hands questions which he could employ to thwart,
embarrass, and ruin any Ministry, I thought that he meant to
domineer in the House of Commons and to gather popularity
throughout the country by enforcing popular measures of which he
would have all the credit, and thus establish a sort of
individual power and authority, which would ensure his being
dreaded, courted, and consulted by all parties. He could then
have gratified his vanity, ambition, and turbulence; the Bar
would have supplied fortune, and events would have supplied
enjoyments suited to his temperament; it would have been a sort
of madness, mischievous but splendid. As it is the joy is great
and universal; all men feel that he is emasculated and drops on
the Woolsack as on his political death-bed; once in the House of
Lords, there is an end of him, and he may rant storm and thunder
without hurting anybody.[18]
[18] [Lord Grey's Administration was thus composed:--
First Lord of the Treasury Earl Grey.
Lord Chancellor Lord Brougham.
Lord President Marquis of Lansdowne.
Lord Privy Seal Lord Ripon (in 1833).
Chancellor of the Exchequer Viscount Althorp.
Home Secretary Viscount Melbourne.
Foreign Secretary Viscount Palmerston.
Colonial Secretary Viscount Goderich, and
afterwards Mr. Stanley.
Board of Control Mr. Charles Grant.
Board of Trade Lord Auckland.
Admiralty Sir James Graham.
Postmaster-General Duke of Richmond.
Paymaster-General Lord John Russell.
Irish Secretary Mr. Stanley.]
[Page Head: LORD GREY'S ADMINISTRATION.]
The other places present a plausible show, but are not well
distributed, some ill filled. Graham Admiralty, Melbourne Home,
Auckland Board of Trade--all bad. The second is too idle, the
first too inconsiderable, the third too ignorant.[19] They have
done it very quickly, however, and without many difficulties. As
to the Duke of Richmond, people are indignant at a half-pay
lieutenant-colonel commanding the Ordnance Department, and as an
acquisition he is of doubtful value, for it seems the Tories will
not go with him, at least will not consider themselves as his
followers; so said Lord Mansfield and Vyvyan.
[19] [This is a remarkable instance of the manner in which
the prognostications of the most acute observers are
falsified by events. The value of Mr. Greville's
remarks on the men of his time consists not in their
absolute truth, but in their sincerity at the moment at
which they were made. They convey a correct impression
of the notion prevailing at that time. Thus Sir James
Graham became unquestionably a very active First Lord
of the Admiralty, Lord Melbourne a 'considerable' Prime
Minister of England, and Lord Auckland a painstaking
and well-informed Governor-General of India.]
November 21st, 1830 {p.067}
The Duke of Richmond's appointment was found so unpalatable to
the army that they have been forced to change it, and he is to be
Master of the Horse instead, which I suspect will not be to his
taste. [He afterwards refused the Mastership of the Horse, and it
ended in his being Postmaster-General, but without taking the
salary.]
There have been some little changes, but no great difficulties.
It was at first said that there would be no Opposition, and that
Peel would not stir; but William Peel told me last night that the
old Ministerial party was by no means so tranquilly inclined.
Peel will not be violent or factious, but he thinks an attentive
Opposition desirable, and he will not desert those who have
looked up to and supported him. Then there will be the Tories
(who will to a certainty end by joining him and his party) and
the Radicals--three distinct parties, and enough to keep the
Government on the _qui vive_. The expulsion of the late
Government from power will satisfy the vengeance of the Tories,
and I have no doubt they will now make it up. Peel will be the
leader of a party to which all the Conservative interest of the
country will repair; and it is my firm belief that in a very
short time (two or three years, or less) he will be Prime
Minister, and will hold power long.[20] The Duke will probably
never take office again, but will be at the head of the army, and
his own friends begin to admit that this would be the most
desirable post for him. Lord Lyndhurst will be greatly disgusted
at Brougham's taking the Great Seal. I met him the day before
yesterday, when he had no idea of it; he thought it would
certainly be put in Commission, and evidently looked forward to
filling the office again in a few months. He said that he had
long foreseen this catastrophe, and it was far better to be out
than to drag on as they did; that he had over and over again said
to the Duke, and remonstrated with him on the impossibility of
carrying on such a Government, but that he would never listen to
anything. Sir John Leach, too, was exceedingly disappointed; he
told me he had not heard a word of what was going on, that he was
contented where he was, 'though perhaps he might have been
miserable _in another situation_.'[21]
[20] [This prediction was not fulfilled until 1841 (for the
short Administration of Sir Robert in 1834 can hardly
be reckoned), but it _was_ fulfilled at last.]
[21] [Lord Grey certainly contemplated at one moment the
offer of the Great Seal to Lord Lyndhurst, but the
spectre of Brougham rendered that impossible. Brougham
himself would have preferred the advancement of Sir
John Leach to the Woolsack, which would have left the
Rolls at his own disposal, and enabled him to retain
his seat in the House of Commons. But this suggestion
was by no means welcome to Lord Grey, and Lord Althorp
at once declared that he could not undertake the
leadership of the House of Commons if Brougham was to
remain in it in any official position to domineer over
him.]
In the meantime the new Government will find plenty to occupy
their most serious thoughts and employ their best talents. The
state of the country is dreadful; every post brings fresh
accounts of conflagrations, destruction of machinery, association
of labourers, and compulsory rise of wages. Cobbett and Carlile
write and harangue to inflame the minds of the people, who are
already set in motion and excited by all the events which have
happened abroad. Distress is certainly not the cause of these
commotions, for the people have patiently supported far greater
privations than they had been exposed to before these riots, and
the country was generally in an improving state.
The Duke of Richmond went down to Sussex and had a battle with a
mob of 200 labourers, whom he beat with fifty of his own farmers
and tenants, harangued them, and sent them away in good humour.
He is, however, very popular. In Hants the disturbances have been
dreadful. There was an assemblage of 1,000 or 1,500 men, a part
of whom went towards Baring's house (the Grange) after destroying
threshing-machines and other agricultural implements; they were
met by Bingham Baring, who attempted to address them, when a
fellow (who had been employed at a guinea a week by his father up
to four days before) knocked him down with an iron bar and nearly
killed him. They have no troops in that part of the country, and
there is a depot of arms at Winchester.
The Prince of Orange, who has been fancying without the least
reason that he should be recalled to Belgium, is now in despair;
and the Provisional Government, on hearing of the change of
Ministry here, have suspended their negotiations, thinking they
shall get from Lord Grey a more extended frontier. Altogether the
alarm which prevails is very great, and those even are terrified
who never were so before.
November 22nd, 1830 {p.069}
[Page Head: BROUGHAM LORD CHANCELLOR.]
Dined yesterday at Sefton's; nobody there but Lord Grey and his
family, Brougham and Montrond, the latter just come from Paris.
It was excessively agreeable. Lord Grey in excellent spirits, and
Brougham, whom Sefton bantered from the beginning to the end of
dinner.[22] Be Brougham's political errors what they may, his
gaiety, temper, and admirable social qualities make him
delightful, to say nothing of his more solid merits, of
liberality, generosity, and charity; for charity it is to have
taken the whole family of one of his brothers who is dead--nine
children--and maintained and educated them. From this digression
to return to our dinner: it was uncommonly gay. Lord Grey said he
had taken a task on himself which he was not equal to, prided
himself on having made his arrangements so rapidly, and on having
named no person to any office who was not efficient; he praised
Lyndhurst highly, said he liked him, that his last speech was
luminous, and that he should like very much to do anything he
could for him, but that it was such an object to have Brougham on
the Woolsack. So I suppose he would not dislike to take in
Lyndhurst by-and-by. He would not tell us whom he has got for the
Ordnance. John Russell was to have had the War Office, but
Tavistock[23] entreated that the appointment might be changed, as
his brother's health was unequal to it; so he was made Paymaster.
Lord Grey said he had more trouble with those offices than with
the Cabinet ones. Sefton did nothing but quiz Brougham--'My Lord'
every minute, and 'What does his Lordship say?' 'I'm sure it is
very condescending of his Lordship to speak to such _canaille_ as
all of you,' and a thousand jokes. After dinner he walked out
before him with the fire shovel for the mace, and left him no
repose all the evening. I wish Leach could have heard Brougham.
He threatened to sit often at the Cockpit, in order to check
Leach,[24] who, though a good judge in his own Court, was good
for nothing in a Court of Appeal; he said that Leach's being
Chancellor was impossible, as there were forty-two appeals from
him to the Chancellor, which he would have had to decide himself;
and that he (Brougham) had wanted the Seal to be put in
Commission with three judges, which would have been the best
reform of the Court, expedited business, and satisfied suitors;
but that Lord Grey would not hear of it, and had forced him to
take it, which he was averse to do, being reluctant to leave the
House of Commons.
[22] [Lord Brougham had taken his seat on the Woolsack as
Lord High Chancellor on the afternoon of this day, the
22nd of November. The patent of his peerage bore the
same date.]
[23] [The Marquis of Tavistock, Lord John Russell's eldest
brother, afterwards Duke of Bedford. Lord John has
since held almost every Cabinet office: his brother's
notion that his health was unequal to the War Office in
1830 is amusing.]
[24] [The Master of the Rolls was at that time the presiding
Judge of Appeal at the Privy Council, which was
commonly spoken of as 'the Cockpit,' because it sat on
the site of the old Cockpit at Whitehall; but the
business was very ill done, which led Lord Brougham to
bring in and carry his Act for the creation of the
Judicial Committee in 1832--one of his best and most
successful measures.]
He said the Duke of Richmond had done admirably in capturing the
incendiary who has been taken, and who they think will afford a
clue whereby they will discover the secret of all the burnings.
This man called himself Evans. They had information of his
exciting the peasantry, and sent a Bow Street officer after him.
He found out where he lived and captured him (having been
informed that he was not there by the inmates of the house), and
took him to the Duke, who had him searched. On his person were
found stock receipts for L800, of which L50 was left; and a
chemical receipt in a secret pocket for combustibles. He was
taken to prison, and will be brought up to town. Montrond was
very amusing--'You, Lord Brougham, when you mount your bag of
wool?'
November 23rd, 1830 {p.071}
[Page Head: COUNCIL OF THE NEW MINISTERS.]
Yesterday at Court; a great day, and very amusing. The old
Ministers came to give up their seals, and the new Ministers came
to take them. All the first were assembled at half-past one; saw
the King in his closet severally, and held their last Council to
swear in George Dawson a Privy Councillor. Each after his
audience departed, most of them never to return. As they went
away they met the others arriving. I was with the old set in the
Throne Room till they went away, and on opening the door and
looking into the other room I found it full of the others--Althorp,
Graham, Auckland, J. Russell, Durham, &c., faces that a
little while ago I should have had small expectation of finding
there. The effect was very droll, such a complete _changement de
decoration_. When the old Ministers were all off the business of
the day began. All the Cabinet was there--the new Master of the
Horse (Lord Albemarle), Lord Wellesley, his little eyes twinkling
with joy, and Brougham, in Chancellor's costume, but not yet a
Peer. The King sent for me into the closet to settle about their
being sworn in, and to ask what was to be done about Brougham,
whose patent was not come, and who wanted to go to the House of
Lords. These things settled, he held the Council, when twelve new
Privy Councillors were sworn in, three Secretaries of State,
Privy Seal, and the declarations made of President of Council and
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. The King could not let slip the
opportunity of making a speech, so when I put into his hands the
paper declaring Lord Anglesey Lord-Lieutenant he was not content
to read it, but spoke nearly as follows:--'My Lords, it is a part
of the duty I have to perform to declare a Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, and although I certainly should have acquiesced in any
recommendation which might have been made to me for this
appointment by Earl Grey, I must say that I have peculiar
satisfaction in entrusting that most important charge to the
noble Lord, whom I therefore declare with entire satisfaction
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. And, my Lords, I must say that this
day is since that of the death of my poor brother (here his voice
faltered and he looked or tried to look affected) the most
important which has occurred since the beginning of my reign, for
in the course of my long life it has never happened to me to see
so many appointments to be filled up as on this day; and when I
consider that it is only last Tuesday night that the force of
circumstances compelled those who were the confidential advisers
of the Crown to relinquish the situations which they held, and
that in this short space of time a new Government has been
formed, I cannot help considering such despatch as holding forth
the best hopes for the future, and proving the unanimity of my
Government; and, my Lords, I will take this opportunity of saying
that the noble Earl (Grey) and the other noble Lords and
gentlemen may be assured that they will receive from me the most
cordial, unceasing, and devoted support.' The expressions of
course are not exactly the same, but his speech was to this
purpose, only longer. Brougham kissed hands in the closet, and
afterwards in Council as Chancellor and Privy Councillor, and
then went off to the House of Lords.