BOOK I.

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THE

LIFE

Of the truly EMINENT and LEARNED

HUGO GROTIUS,

CONTAINING

A Copious and Circumstantial History of the several

Important and Honourable Negotiations

In which he was employed;

TOGETHER WITH

A Critical Account of his WORKS.

Written originally in French,

By M. DE BURIGNY.

LONDON

Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand; J. WHISTON and

B. WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head; and L. DAVIS, at

Lord Bacon's Head, both in Fleet-street.

M DCC LIV.

THE

AUTHOR'S

PREFACE.

_It were to be wished that such a celebrated Genius as_ Grotius _had

found an Historian equal to his fame: for in this high rank we can by no

means place those who have contented themselves with giving a

superficial account of his Life, and a catalogue of his Works. M._

Lehman, _to whom we owe_ Grotius's Ghost revenged, _is much fuller than

any that went before him; yet he is far from having taken in all that

deserves to be known of that illustrious writer, the two most

interesting Distinctions of whose Life have been entirely neglected by

all who have spoken of him; I mean his Negotiations, and his sentiments

in matters of Religion._

Gaspar Brandt _and_ Adrian Cattenburg _have indeed published a long Life

of_ Grotius; _but the_ Dutch _language, in which they wrote, is so

little known, that their book cannot be of general use; with a view to

which we have made choice of a more universal language, to communicate

farther light concerning this excellent man, whom every one speaks of,

tho' few with any certainty._

_His being one of the most learned Authors that ever wrote, was not our

sole motive for compiling his Life: for if we consider him only in that

light, and with regard to the excellent treatises with which he has

enriched the Republic of Letters, perhaps others may be found to compare

with him. But his Life was so diversified, and filled with so many

revolutions, that what regards literature is not the most curious part

of it; greatly differing, in this respect, from the generality of men of

letters, whole Lives are only the histories of their works. Besides_,

Grotius's _prudence on all occasions, his modesty in prosperity, his

patience in adversity, his steadiness in his duty, his love of virtue,

his eagerness in the search of truth, and the ardent desire which he

constantly maintained for uniting Christians in one Faith, distinguish

him so advantageously from most other Scholars, that his Life may be

proposed as a model to all who make profession of literature._

_It is divided into six Books. The first presents us with the brightest

genius ever recorded, of a Youth, in the history of the republic of

letters. The second contains all that is worth being known of the

disputes between the_ Gomarists _and_ Arminians; _the part_ Grotius

_took in them; his disgrace, and the manner of his escape out of prison.

The third relates his transactions at_ Paris, _and his retreat to_

Hamburg, _where he continued till the great Chancellor_ Oxensteirn _sent

for him, to employ him in the important and honourable post of

Ambassador from_ Sweden _to the Court of_ France. _The fourth and fifth

Books give a detail of his Negotiations; which have never yet been

published. We have been accustomed to consider_ Grotius _only as a

Scholar; his embassy is known but by report: we shall see, however, that

he was employed in affairs of the greatest importance; that he succeeded

in several; that he gave excellent counsels to the ministry; and that he

always conducted himself with zeal, firmness, and integrity._

_The sixth and last Book gives an account of such of his Works as we had

not occasion to mention before; and examines particularly his

theological sentiments, and his project for a coalition of Christians,

and bringing them to unite in one creed._

* * * * *

_Advertisement by the Editor._

The Abbé RAYNAL[1], a judicious French writer, gives the following

character of this work.

"M. de BURIGNY hath executed his Plan with abundance of erudition, and

an astonishing depth of enquiry. He has introduced nothing but facts

well supported, or theological discussions delivered with the greatest

conciseness and accuracy. Such readers as aim at amusement only, will

think the author too minute in some places; those who are desirous of

information will think otherwise. The most valuable part of this work

is, in our opinion, the just and concise idea which it gives of

_Grotius's_ several Writings."

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Mercure François, an. 1752.

APPROBATION.

By Order of my Lord CHANCELLOR, I have read the _Life of

GROTIUS_. This History, which gives us a pleasing Idea of the

Extent of the Human Mind, farther informs us, that _GROTIUS_ died

without reaping any Advantage to himself from his great Talents. For the

rest, I think it deserves to be made public on account of its relation

to Literature, and to the general History of _Europe_.

DE MARSILLY

THE

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS.

BOOK I.

I. Grotius's Origin: The Marriage of Cornelius Cornets with

Ermengarda de Groot

II. He has a Son named Hugo de Groot

III. Life of Cornelius de Groot

IV. Life of John de Groot

V. Birth of Grotius

VI. Great hopes conceived of him when a boy

VII. State of affairs in the United Provinces

VIII. Embassy from the States to Henry IV. of France; Grotius

accompanies the Ambassadors; is very graciously received by

the king

IX. His mortification at not having seen M. de Thou; he writes

to him; and keeps up an intimate correspondence with him till

his death

X. Grotius gives an edition of Martianus Capella

XI. Publishes the Limneu[Greek: retichê]

XII. Publishes the Phoenomena of Aratus

XIII. Cultivates the study of poetry

XIV. The States nominate him their historiographer

XV. Henry IV. of France intends to make him his librarian

XVI. Commences Advocate; dislikes this employment

XVII. Is nominated Advocate General

XVIII. Marries

XIX. His treatise of the Freedom of the ocean is published

XX. Prints his book De antiquitate Reipublicæ Batavicæ

XXI. Is made pensionary of Rotterdam

XXII. Voyage to England: dispute concerning the Fishery

XXIII. Grotius's intimacy with Casaubon

XXIV. A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to

Grotius's opinion

XXV. Sends Du Maurier a method of study

BOOK II.

I. Dispute between Arminius and Gomarus

II. Remonstrance of the Arminians

III. The troubles increase

IV. The edict of the States

V. The States grant the Magistrates of the Towns permission to

levy soldiers; which highly displeases the prince of Orange

VI. Grotius is deputed by the States to Amsterdam; falls ill

through chagrin

VII. The project of reunion proves fruitless

VIII. Prince Maurice disbands the new levies

IX. Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz taken into custody

X. The synod of Dort

XI. Barnevelt's trial

XII. The fruitless solicitations of the French court in favour of

the Prisoners: Barnevelt's execution

XIII. Trial and condemnation of Grotius

XIV. Grotius is carried to the fortress of Louvestein, his

occupations

XV. Grotius escapes out of prison

XVI. His writings on occasion of the disputes in Holland

BOOK III.

I. Grotius arrives at Paris, where he is well received

II. State of the French ministry: Du Vair's letter to Grotius: the

court grants him a pension

III. Grotius's occupations at Paris

IV. Grotius publishes his Apology: it is condemned in Holland: the

French king takes him again into his protection

V. He still maintains great connections in Holland; corresponds

with Prince Henry Frederic of Nassau

VI. He publishes his Stobeus, and the Extracts from the Greek

Tragedies and Comedies

VII. Goes to Balagni; is seized with the dysentery; publishes the

Phoenissæ of Euripides

VIII. The death of Prince Maurice; Frederic is made Stadtholder;

Grotius writes to him

IX. Publishes his treatise, De jure Belli & Pacis

X. Has thoughts of leaving France

XI. Returns to Holland

XII. Is obliged to leave Holland

XIII. Goes to Hamburg

BOOK IV.

I. The High Chancellor Oxensteirn invites Grotius to him: the

high esteem in which the latter held the King of Sweden

II. Grotius is appointed Ambassador from Sweden to the court of

France

III. Situation of the Swedes affairs

IV. Grotius sets out for France, makes his entry into Paris, and

has an audience of the King

V. Discussions between France and Sweden

VI. Arrival of the High Chancellor in France: a new treaty

VII. Disputes between Grotius and the ministers of Charenton

VIII. Grotius's several journeys to court, and his negotiations with

the French ministry: abstains from visiting cardinal Richelieu

IX. Uneasiness given Grotius

X. Dispute for precedency with the Venetian Ambassador

XI. Is of opinion that the Swedes ought not to send

plenipotentiaries to Cologn

XII. Disputes with the Venetian Ambassador

XIII. Quarrel between the English and Swedes for precedency

BOOK V.

I. Different audiences which Grotius has of the French King

II. Conversation between the prince of Condé and Grotius

III. Grotius's negotiations in relation to the truce which was

proposed: misconduct of Schmalz

IV. Grotius is in great danger of his life

V. Divers audiences of the king and queen

VI. The death of the duke of Weimar

VII. The elector Palatine is arrested in France; Grotius obtains

his liberty

VIII. Grotius obtains the exchange of marshal Horn for John de

Vert

IX. Renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden

X. Deaths of cardinal Richelieu and the French king; the regency

of Anne of Austria

XI. Cerisante is sent to France; Grotius demands to be

recalled

XII. He sets out for Stockholm, and applies to the queen to obtain

his dismission

XIII. Grotius's death

BOOK VI.

I. Grotius's embassy does not interrupt his literary labours

II. He again applies to the cultivation of poetry

III. His notes on Tacitus

IV. ---- notes on Statius

V. ---- notes on Lucan

VI. ---- Anthologia

VII. Antiquities of the Goths

VIII. Annals and history of the Low Countries

IX. Treatise of the truth of the christian religion

X. Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum

XI. Commentaries on the Bible

XII. Treatises on Antichrist, and other theological pieces

XIII. Of the origin of the people of America

XIV. Other printed pieces or Manuscripts of Grotius

XV. Grotius's letters

XVI. Grotius's sentiments in religion very distant at first from

those of the Roman Catholics

XVII. His attachment to antiquity

XVIII. Leans towards the Roman Catholics

XIX. Is a partisan of the Hierarchy

XX. His sentiments concerning the Eucharist

XXI. His sentiments concerning the seven Sacraments

XXII. Grotius's sentiments concerning several other points

controverted between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants

XXIII. His project for reuniting all Christians

XXIV. Is accused of Socinianism

XXV. Opinions concerning Grotius

XXVI. An account of his family

END of the TABLE of CONTENTS.

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BOOK I.

I. The learned and illustrious Writer whose Life we undertake to give,

derived the name of Grotius from his great-grandmother, married to

Cornelius Cornets. This was a Gentleman of Franche-Compté, who travelled

into the Low-Countries about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and

coming to Delft, got acquainted with a Burgomaster who had an only

daughter: He took a liking to her, asked, and obtained her in marriage.

The name of this magistrate was Diederic de Groot, or Diederic the

Great; his family was of the first distinction in the country; and had

produced several persons of great merit[2]. It is said the name of

Great was given to one of Diederic's ancestors, above four hundred years

ago, for a signal service done his country; and it has been observed[3]

that all who bore the name of De Groot distinguished themselves by their

zeal for the public.

Diederic de Groot had several important employments, in which he

acquitted himself with great honour. The name of his only daughter was

Ermengarda de Groot: Her father, on giving his consent to her marriage,

insisted that the children should bear the name of De Groot; and

Cornelius Cornets agreed to it in the marriage contract. There were

several branches of the Cornets: one settled in Provence, as we are

informed by[4] Grotius.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Acad. Leid. ed. 1614.

[3] Vita Grotii ap. Batesium, p. 420.

[4] Ep. 264. ad Peyresc. p. 91.

II. Cornelius Cornets had by his marriage with Ermengarda de Groot a son

named Hugo de Groot, distinguished by his knowledge of the Greek and

Latin, and his skill in the Hebrew. He died in 1567, fifth time

Burgomaster of Delft. He married Elselinga Heemskerke, of one of the

ancientest noble families in Holland, and by her had two sons,

Cornelius, and John de Groot.

III. Cornelius de Groot, eldest son of Hugh, was born at Delft on the

25th of July, 1544. He studied with much success at the University of

Louvain, at that time very famous. The Greek and Hebrew he knew

perfectly, and was well acquainted with the Mathematics. The Platonic

Philosophy pleased him extremely, and he retained a liking to it all his

life: he had read all the books of the sect, had commented their works,

and knew them almost by heart.

The Law wholly took him up afterwards: he went to study it at the

faculty of law at Orleans, the most celebrated for that science, and

took the degree of Licentiate. Returning home he followed the Bar; some

time after, he was nominated Counsellor and Echevin: William prince of

Orange made him Master of Requests.

The University of Leyden being founded in 1575, Cornelius de Groot

resigned his post in the magistracy, to follow his ruling inclination of

being useful to youth; and did not think it beneath him to accept of a

Professor's place in the new University: he first taught Philosophy, and

was afterwards made Law-professor; an employment that pleased him so

much, he preferred it to a seat in the Grand Council at the Hague, which

was several times offered him, but which he constantly refused. His

reputation was so great, the Grand Council often consulted with him on

affairs of importance. Six times he was honoured with the dignity of

Rector, a place of great honour and authority: the members of the

University, and all who are enrolled in the Rector's book, depend on his

jurisdiction; before him their causes, civil and criminal, are brought,

and from his sentence there is no appeal: a revisal of it is all that

can be demanded. Cornelius de Groot died without issue in the year 1610,

on the same day of the month of July on which he was born. He left

several Law Tracts which have never been printed.

IV. John de Groot, brother to Cornelius and second son of Hugh, studied

under the famous Justus Lipsius, who esteemed him much: in some letters

of that learned man to John de Groot he speaks of him with great

commendation. There is one, written in 1582, in which Lipsius tells him,

"You have loved the Muses, they have loved you, they will love you, and

I too with them will love you." We have still preserved by his son[5] a

translation in verse, made by him in his youth of some Greek verses of

Palladas. He also wrote a Paraphrase on the Epistle of St. John; which

Hugo Grotius mentions in one of his Letters[6].

Four times he was Burgomaster of Delft, and Curator of the University of

Leyden: this last was a place of great consequence at that time. There

are only three Curators in the University of Leyden; one is taken from

the body of the nobility, and nominated by them; the two others are

chosen by the States of the Province from among the cities of Holland,

or the Courts of Justice.

The Curators with the Burgomasters of Leyden have the direction of

whatever regards the welfare and advantage of the University; they chuse

the Professors, and have the care of the finances and revenues for

payment of their salaries.

John de Groot filled the place of Curator with great dignity and honour.

Daniel Heinsius wrote some verses in his praise, in which he styles him

the Apollo and Protector of the Muses.

This dignity did not hinder him from taking the degree of Doctor of

Laws. In the remaining part of his life he attached himself to the Count

of Hohenloo, who made him his Counsellor.

In 1582 he married Alida Averschie, of one of the first families in the

Country; by whom he had three sons and a daughter. He died in the month

of May 1640. In the same year his wife lost her eyesight; she lived till

the beginning of the year 1643[7].

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Stobæus, Tit. 98. p. 413.

[6] Ep. xxii. p. 751.

[7] Ep. 499. p. 898. Grotii Ep. 638. p. 948.

V. Of the marriage of John de Groot with Alida Averschie was born the

celebrated Hugo de Groot, better known by the name of Grotius: he was

the first fruit of their coming together. Almost all who have mentioned

his birth[8] fix it on the tenth of April 1583. The President Bouhier

pretends they place it a year too late; and that he was born on the

tenth of April 1582. To prevent the authority of such a learned man,

which has already seduced several writers, from misleading others, we

shall shew that by departing from the general opinion he has fallen into

an error. Grotius writes to Vossius on Easter Sunday 1615[9], that on

that day he reckoned thirty-two years: He dates another letter[10] to

Vossius the twenty-fifth of March 1617; Easter-eve, "which, he observes,

begins my thirty-fifth year." April 11, 1643, he says he had completed

sixty years[11]. On Easter-day 1644 he reckons sixty-one years[12]. He

acquaints us in his Poems[13], that he was fifteen when he went first to

France: he went there in 1598; and speaking of Easter 1614 he informs

us[14] he was then one-and-thirty. From all these different calculations

it is manifest that Grotius was born in 1583.

It must be owned, however, that the proof on which the President Bouhier

builds his opinion, would be decisive, if there were no error in the

text of a[15] letter written by Grotius to his brother, April 14, 1640,

in which he says, "I have completed my fifty-eighth year:" but the other

passages of Grotius just cited demonstrate that the editors of this

letter, instead of _incepi_, I have begun, read _implevi_, I have

completed: which Grotius could not have written without contradicting

himself.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] Athenæ Batavæ, p. 205. Life of Grotius prefixed to his works. Le

Clerc, Hist. de Hollande, l. 12. t. 2. See the critical Remarks on

Bayle's Dict. ed. 1734.

[9] Ep. 55. p. 18.

[10] Ep. 95. p. 41.

[11] Ep. 648. p. 952.

[12] Ep. 697. p. 965.

[13] Page 213.

[14] Poemata, p. 217.

[15] Ep. 491. p. 896.

VI. It was therefore on the tenth of April in the year 1583, that

Grotius was born, at Delft. It was Easter-Sunday that year: and he

always observed the anniversary of that feast as his birth-day[16].

He came into the world with the most happy dispositions. Nature bestowed

on him a profound genius, a solid judgment, and a wonderful memory.

Several authors report[17] that being employed to review some regiments

he retained the name of every soldier. He was but eight years old, when,

in 1591, he wrote some elegiac verses, very pretty for that age:

afterwards he thought them not good enough to publish. M. le Clerc

informs us, that he had seen a copy of them in the possession of a very

able man, who purposed to write the life of Grotius.

Nothing contributed more to his amazing progress, than the excellent

education he received. He was so happy, as to find in his own father a

pious and able governor, who formed his mind and his morals. He did not

confine himself to making his son a man of learning, he purposed making

him a good man. The young Grotius, like Horace, has celebrated his

gratefulness for so good a father in some verses still extant. He often

declared in the course of his life,[18] that he could never sufficiently

acknowledge his obligation to his father and mother for the principles

of piety they instilled into him. We learn from his letters[19], that

his preceptor was one Lusson, whom he calls an excellent man; and seems

to have been greatly affected with his death: which is all we know of

him.

He was scarce past his childhood[20] when he was sent to the Hague; and

boarded with Mr. Utengobard, a celebrated clergyman among the Arminians,

with whom he kept up the most tender friendship till his death, in

return for the care he had taken of his education. Before he was twelve,

he was sent to the famous university of Leyden to perfect himself: and

continued there three years with the learned Francis Junius, who was so

kind to superintend his behaviour. Joseph Scaliger, the ornament of the

university of Leyden, who enjoyed the most brilliant reputation among

the learned, and whom his worshippers regarded as the Dictator of the

republic of Letters, was so struck with the prodigious capacity of young

Grotius, that he condescended to direct his studies. In 1597 he

maintained public theses in Mathematics, Philosophy, and Law with the

highest applause. Hence we may judge with what ardour he applied to

study. He tells us himself that he spent a part of the night in it.[21]

The device which he adopted[22] shews that he had reflected on the

swiftness of time, and the necessity of employing it well.

The reputation of this learned youth spread every-where; and learned men

spoke of him in their works as a prodigy. So early as the year 1597

Isaac Pontanus calls him a young man of the greatest hopes; Meursius, in

1599, declared he had never seen his equal. James Gilot, in a letter

written from Paris to Meursius in 1601, affirmed the capacity of young

Grotius bordered on prodigy; the famous Poet Barlæus said the childhood

of Grotius astonished all the old men. Daniel Heinsius maintained that

Grotius was a man from the instant of his birth, and never had

discovered any signs of childhood. He was scarce eleven when John Dowza

bestowed the highest encomiums on him in some verses that might deserve

to be copied entire: he can scarce believe that the great Erasmus

promised so much as the young Grotius: and foretels that he will soon

excel all his cotemporaries, and be fit to be compared with the most

esteemed of the Antients.

At this early age, Grotius ventured to form plans, which required very

great learning; and he executed them to such perfection, that the

Republic of Letters was struck with astonishment. But as he did not

publish these works till after his return from France, we shall defer

giving an account of them till we have first spoken of his journey

thither, and displayed the situation of affairs in Holland, in whose

government Grotius had soon a share.

FOOTNOTES:

[16] Ep. 490. p. 895.

[17] Borremansius. Crenius Anim. Hist. t. 1. p. 20. Du Maurier.

[18] Ep. 490, p. 895.

[19] Ep. 500. p. 884.

[20] Apol. c. 20.

[21] In natalem patris, p. 199.

[22] _Hora ruit._

VII. He came into the world precisely at that time when the affairs of

the United Provinces were in the greatest disorder. It was the year[23]

that the duke of Anjou wanted to surprize Antwerp; and that the

greatest lords, in despair of being able to resist the formidable power

of the king of Spain, were seeking to obtain a pardon. To add to their

distress, William prince of Orange, the greatest support of the infant

Republic, was murdered the year following, 1584, at Delft. His talents,

his experience, and his reputation were the principal resource of the

Malcontents. The confusion, in which he left affairs, grieved him so

much, that his last words were, _Lord, have pity on this poor people_.

Every thing was prepared, when he died, for proclaiming him Count of

Holland. The provinces of Zealand and Utrecht did not oppose it: only

the cities of Amsterdam and Goude made some difficulty: however, the

thing was so far advanced, that the States of Holland sent a deputation

to those two cities, to acquaint them, if they refused any longer to

give their consent, the States would nevertheless consummate the affair.

The deputation had been gone a month, when the prince was assassinated

on the tenth of July.

The States in this kind of anarchy requested Henry III. of France to

receive them for his subjects; but the embarrassments the League gave

him hindered his accepting their offer. On his refusal they had recourse

to Queen Elizabeth, who concluded a treaty with them, by which she

engaged to furnish five thousand foot, and a thousand horse, under an

English general, and to pay these troops during the war on condition of

being reimbursed when it was over: and it was stipulated that for

security of the payment some towns, particularly Flushing in Zealand,

and the Brille in Holland, should be put into her hands, to be restored

to the States when the money was repaid. The Queen of England at the

same time published a manifesto, setting forth, that the alliance

between the Kings of England and the Sovereigns of the Low Countries was

not so much between their persons as between their respective States:

from whence she concluded that, without violating her alliance with the

King of Spain, she might assist the people of the Low Countries

oppressed by the Spaniards.

The Earl of Leicester was appointed to command the succours sent by the

Queen to Holland. The States, to express their gratitude to England,

declared him Governor and Captain-General of the United Provinces. No

sooner did he see himself invested with this great power, than he began

under-hand to form projects destructive of the liberty of the country he

came to defend: it has been said, he designed to make himself Sovereign

of the Provinces of which he was only Governor. He soon became odious to

every one; and after a campaign, in which he performed no considerable

exploit, returned to England to take measures for facilitating the

execution of his ambitious designs.

The States, who had no longer any confidence in him, gave, in 1587, the

command of their own army to Count Maurice of Nassau, son of the Prince

of Orange. He was then only eighteen: but he quickly justified by many

signal successes the hopes they had conceived of him. The Earl of

Leicester, returning to Holland, resolved to employ force to accomplish

his design of making himself Sovereign: he wanted to get possession of

several places at once; but his scheme for surprizing Leyden being

seasonably discovered, all correspondence between the States and him was

entirely broken off. The Queen recalled him, and sent in his room Lord

Willoughby, who was to command only the English. The States thereupon

appointed Count Maurice of Nassau Captain-General: the Grand Pensionary

Barnevelt, who had distinguished himself by his firmness in opposing

Leicester, contributed greatly to this nomination.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] Ann. Grotii L. 4. p. 81.

VIII. The United Provinces had bravely defended their liberty for

several years: it was a subject of astonishment to all Europe, that such

a small State should be able to resist the formidable power of King

Philip II. Henry IV. having triumphed over the League, had nothing more

at heart than the restoring peace and order to his kingdom that had been

exhausted by a long series of misfortunes, and found it impossible to

bring about this without making peace with Spain. He communicated his

intentions to the Dutch[24] above a year before there was any talk of

negotiating: for though he had not been their adviser to take up arms,

he wished they might make their peace at the same time he did: but the

States would have no peace on the conditions on which Spain pretended to

grant it: the French king's resolution, of consequence, put them in a

great consternation, because they foresaw the whole force of Philip II.

was coming to fall on them. They took a resolution to send to Henry, in

1598, Count Justin of Nassau and the Grand Pensionary Barnevelt, to

intreat him to continue the war, and not make a separate peace.

The Dutch Ambassadors, in conjunction with Lord Cecil, Ambassador from

England, omitted nothing to determine the King to conclude a new treaty

of perpetual alliance with Holland and England against Spain. The King

prayed them to consider, that the state of his affairs required him to

make peace; but, for the rest, it would not hinder him, in case the

Queen of England and the States did not chuse to be comprehended in the

treaty, from doing them service; that the peace itself would enable him

to assist them with money, without leaving Spain any room to complain,

as he could pretend that he only repaid what money they had lent him in

his greatest wants.

The congress of Vervins, already begun, was still continued. Henry

sincerely desired a general peace: and accordingly ordered Mess. de

Bellievre and de Silleri, his plenipotentiaries, to obtain from the

Archduke Albert a truce of four months between Spain and Holland; hoping

that means of reconciliation might be found in that interval. The

Archduke at first refused it: and this denial had well nigh broke off

the congress: he consented at last to a truce of two months: but the

Dutch would not accept it, finding the term too short. The only

advantage which the States drew from this embassy was a promise from the

King to assist them, in four years, with two millions nine hundred

thousand florins; as Barnevelt informs us.

Grotius, who had a strong inclination to see France, seized the

opportunity of the Dutch ambassadors journey: he accompanied the Grand

Pensionary, for whom he had the highest esteem, and justly regarded as

one of the principal supports of the infant Republic.

The learned Youth was advantageously known in France before. M. de

Buzanval, who had been ambassador in Holland, introduced him to the

King, by whom he was graciously received: that great prince presented

him with his picture and a gold chain. Grotius was so transported with

this present, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with the chain

given him by Henry, to be engraved. He gives the history of this Embassy

in the seventh book of his _Annals_: but is so modest not to mention

himself. He reflects, however, with pleasure, in some part of his[25]

Poems, on the honour he had of speaking to such a great King. "I had the

honour to kiss the hand of that Hero, who owes his kingdom only to his

valour."

Grotius took advantage of this journey to get himself created Doctor of

Laws.

FOOTNOTES:

[24] Mem. de Bellievre & de Silleri, T. 2. p. 348.

[25] In Pasch. 1612.

IX. After having been near a year in France, he returned to Holland. He

had the greatest pleasure in his journey: one thing only was wanting to

his satisfaction, a sight of the celebrated M. de Thou, the person among

all the French whom he most esteemed. He had fought to get acquainted

with that great man; but did not succeed. As soon as he returned to

Delft, he wrote him[26] that he had been a year in France; had the

pleasure of seeing a fine kingdom, a great king, very valuable noblemen,

but had the mortification of not seeing him; that he would endeavour to

repair this misfortune by his letters; and that he took the liberty to

present him with a book he had just dedicated to the Prince of Condé.

This Letter was extremely well received by the President; and from that

time to the death of M. de Thou, notwithstanding the disproportion of

their age and fame, a most intimate correspondence subsisted between

them.

Grotius sent him, July 4, 1600,[27] the _Epithalamium_ he had written on

the Marriage of King Henry IV. with Mary of Medicis. Mention was made in

it of the Massacre on St. Bartholomew's day: this was an invidious

subject; but the author, after consulting Scaliger, thought he could not

dispense with recalling the remembrance of that horrid scene. He was in

doubt whether he ought to publish this piece: he asked the President de

Thou's advice; and till he had his answer, shewed the verses to none.

Whether it was that M. de Thou advised him to suppress them, or that he

took this step of himself[28] because there were several facts in the

_Epithalamium_ not strictly true, it is not to be found in the

collection of his _Poems_. He intended to dedicate some Work to the

President, as a public testimony of his profound esteem for that

excellent Magistrate, whom he regarded as the greatest Man of his

age[29].

M. de Thou soon perceived the great merit of young Grotius; and had the

highest affection for him[30]. They corresponded by Letter whilst the

President lived: Grotius sent him memoirs[31] for his _History_, and

hints relating to the lives and deaths of illustrious men in the United

Provinces.

It was a thing infinitely pleasing, and at the same time extremely

honorable to a youth between seventeen and eighteen, to be most

intimately connected with one of the greatest men of his time, already

advanced in years, who filled a post of much eminence, and whom all

Europe beheld with admiration. The friendship and esteem of such a

personage is the highest encomium.

M. de Thou gave Grotius, towards the end of his life, sincere proofs of

the concern he took in his quiet and welfare. That great Historian, who

had experienced the fiery zeal of some Divines, beheld with pain his

friend engaging in controversies which would render him odious to a

powerful party. As if he had foreseen what was soon to happen, he

advised him to drop these dangerous disputes. Grotius wrote him in

answer, that he had entered into them only through necessity, to serve

his Country and the Church; that he thought himself obliged to obey

those who wished he would write on those matters; that, for the rest, he

would avoid, for the future, all disputes which were not absolutely

necessary. This Letter is the last we have of the valuable

correspondence between those illustrious men: the President de Thou died

soon after. Grotius wrote his _Elogium_ in verse, addressed to Francis

Augustus de Thou his son, and in this Poem, which was composed at the

time he escaped from Antwerp to go to Paris, he appears to regret much

that he had not the felicity to see his illustrious Father. It is looked

on as one of the best Grotius ever wrote.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] Ep. 1. p. 1. April 1, 1599.

[27] Ep. 2. p. 1.

[28] Ep. 3. p. 1.

[29] Poemata, p. 262. Ep. 24. p. 7.

[30] Ep. 1581. p. 711. Ep. 325. p. 115.

[31] Ep. 3. p. 1. Ep 4. p. 1.

X. Grotius, who had resolved to follow the Bar, pleaded his first cause

at Delft in the year 1599, at his return from France. The study of law

and poetry employed one part of his time; he spent the other in

publishing the works he had prepared for the press. The first he gave to

the public was _Martianus Capella_. This is one of those obscure

authors, who are commonly not read till we have nothing else to learn:

the title of his work is, _Of the marriage of Mercury and Philology, in

two books; to which are annexed seven other books on the liberal arts_.

The author was an African, and his style, like that of most authors of

his nation, obscure and barbarous; which makes it not easy to be

understood. Before this there was no good edition of his works. John

Grotius had put into his son's hands a manuscript of Capella: Hugo

shewed it to Scaliger; and this learned man, whose counsels were

commands to the young Grotius, engaged him to study that author, and

publish a new edition of him.

Though Grotius was then but fourteen, the difficulty of the undertaking

did not discourage him: he read all the works that had relation to the

matters Capella treated of; and at length acquitted himself of the task

enjoined him by Scaliger with such abilities and success, as, to use Mr.

Baillet's words, astonished the whole world.

The work appeared in 1599. It would have been published before, but for

his journey to France, and some delays occasioned by the bookseller.

Grotius also informs us, that he would have printed it sooner, had he

been less taken up with the study of the law.

To judge of Grotius' labour it will be sufficient to read what he says

in the preface. "We have collated _Capella_ with the several authors who

have treated the same subjects: in the two first books with those who

have written of the sentiments of the ancient Philosophers, Apuleius,

Albricus, and others too tedious to name, on Grammar we have compared

him with Grammarians: what he has said on Rhetoric, with Cicero and

Aquila; on Logic, with Porphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus, Apuleius; on

Geography, with Strabo, Mela, Solinus, Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on

Arithmetic, with Euclid; on Astronomy, with Hygin, and the rest who have

treated that subject; on Music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius, Boëthius."

Rightly to understand _Capella_ requires an acquaintance with all the

Sciences. The principal use of his book is to shew how far the knowledge

of the Ancients extended. Grotius, when in France, had often the honour

of paying his court to the young Prince of Condé, at that time

presumptive heir of the crown: he was so well pleased with his genius,

and learning, which was above his years, that he dedicated his _Capella_

to him. The dedication is dated December 29, 1598.

Men of the greatest learning publickly expressed their surprise to see a

child of fifteen produce a work that would have done honour to the most

celebrated Man of Letters. Scaliger made a very high encomium on the

young author in some fine verses which are much to Grotius' honour. The

President de Thou was very well pleased with _Capella_. [32]Casaubon

declared that whatever high idea he might have of Grotius' labour, the

success exceeded his hopes. [33]Vossius, in fine, after assuring Grotius

that he had very happily restored _Capella_, compares the editor to

Erasmus; and affirms that the whole world could not produce a man of

greater learning than Grotius[34].

The more we consider this work, the greater difficulty we have to

believe it to have been executed by a boy. We would sometimes be

inclined to think the great Scaliger had a hand in it; but this is only

a conjecture: that Grotius was assisted by his father is very certain;

he tells us so himself.

Some perhaps will be glad to know how Grotius managed with the

booksellers: for even little details that relate to famous men yield a

pleasure. He never took money for the copy, though, he tells us, some

people of good fortune were not so delicate: but he asked a hundred

books on large paper handsomely bound, to make presents to his friends;

it being unjust, he said, that while he served the public and enriched

the booksellers, he should injure his own fortune.

FOOTNOTES:

[32] Ep. Gr. 3. p. 1.

[33] Ep. Caus. 1030.

[34] De Hist. Lat. lib. 3

XI. The same year, 1599, Grotius published another work which discovered

as much knowledge of the abstract sciences in particular, as the edition

of _Martianus Capella_ did of his learning in general.

Stevin, Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Nassau, had by his orders

composed a small treatise for the instruction of pilots in finding a

ship's place at sea. He formed a table of the variations of the needle,

according to the observations of Plancius, a famous geographer, and

added directions how to use it.

Grotius translated into Latin this work, which he could not have

understood without knowing the Mathematics, and particularly Mechanics;

Statics, and the art of working a ship, and of finding her place at sea,

being branches of that science.

This translation he dedicated to the Republic of Venice by a letter

dated April 1, 1599; in which he says, that having been in France about

a year before, with the Ambassadors of the States, he there saw Signior

Contarini, Ambassador of Venice; that a comparison happening to be made

in conversation between the Republics of Holland and Venice, he

immediately resolved to dedicate to the Venetians the first work he

published that might be agreeable, or worthy to be presented to them;

that an opportunity now offer'd of fulfilling this resolution, and that

he dedicated to them the translation of Stevin's work because Prince

Maurice had recommended it to the colleges of the Admiralty to be

studied by all officers of the Navy; and as the Republic of Venice

attentively cultivated Navigation, this book might be as useful to her

as to Holland.

XII. The year following, that is to say, 1600, Grotius published the

Treatise which Aratus, of Sola in Cilicia, composed in Greek on

Astronomy, two hundred and some odd years before the birth of Christ.

It is known by the name or the _Phænomena of Aratus_. The title fully

shews what Grotius gives in this book. It contains the Phænomena of

Aratus in Greek with Cicero's Latin interpretation, the places where

Cicero's Translation is wanting being supplied; a Translation of the

same Phænomena, ascribed to Germanicus; the fragment of Aratus's

Prognostics, and the forms of the constellations as found in a

Manuscript; with Remarks upon the whole, the Paraphrase of Festus

Avienus, and marginal notes.

This work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West Friesland: the

author in the dedication promises them others more considerable. The

book is a prodigy of science and erudition: it discovers a great

knowledge of Physics, and especially of Astronomy. The Latin verses made

by Grotius to supply those of Cicero that were lost, are not inferior to

the lines of that great man, in the opinion of the Abbé d'Olivet, an

excellent judge, who likewise thinks the supplement a very good

commentary on Aratus's work. The corrections made by Grotius in the

Greek are most judicious; and his notes shew he had read several of the

Rabbi's, and had some tincture of the Arabic.

Scaliger[35], M. de Thou, and Lipsius, speak of this edition with the

highest praise. Lipsius, in thanking Grotius for his Aratus, says that

notwithstanding his childhood he looks on him as his friend: he

congratulates him, that, tho' so very young, he had by force of genius

and labour accomplished what few could do in the flower of their

age[36].

Casaubon[37] tells us, every one was surprised at such an extraordinary

production. Bonaventura Vulcanus, who took occasion from Grotius's

publishing this book, to write his elogium in verse, says in the

conclusion, that Apollo had opened to him his sanctuary, and that he was

himself an Apollo.

Grotius's modesty would not permit him to leave us ignorant that he had

been assisted by his Father in this work. It may be proper to observe,

that a library in Germany contains a copy of Grotius's edition of the

Phænomena of Aratus, collated with an ancient manuscript by the learned

Nicholas Heinsius, who has added some Notes[38].

FOOTNOTES:

[35] Ep. Scal. 375. Ep. Gr. 2.

[36] Ep. Lips. ad Belgas, Cent. 3. p. 83.

[37] Ep. 130.

[38] Fab. Bib. Gr. lib. 3. c. 18.

XIII. These grave and profound studies did not hinder Grotius from

cultivating Poetry. He had made some verses in his childhood which were

thought very pretty: he continued this manner of writing in the midst of

his greatest occupations, and with such success, that he was looked on

as one of the best Poets in Europe.

The Prosopopoeia[39] in which he makes the city of Ostend speak, after

being three years besieged by the Spaniards, is reckoned one of the best

pieces of verse since the Augustan age. Public fame gave it at first to

Scaliger because he was considered as the greatest poet of that time.

The celebrated Peyresc[40] hinted it to that learned man, who made

answer, he was too old not to be the aversion of the Virgins of Helicon;

and that the verses were not written by him, but by Grotius, a most

accomplished youth. Notwithstanding this declaration, Mathieu, in the

_Life of Henry IV._ ascribes them to Scaliger. They were thought so

excellent, several men of learning set about translating them into

French, particularly Du Vair, afterwards Keeper of the Seals; Rapin,

grand Provost of the Constabulary, and Stephen Pasquier. Malherbe

himself, the Oracle of the French Parnassus, did not think it beneath

him to put this Epigram into French verse: and Casaubon translated it

into Greek.

Grotius did not confine himself to writing small pieces of verse: he

rose to tragedy. We have three written by him. The first was called

_Adamus exsul_. He sent it to Lipsius, who liked it[41]; and it was

printed at Leyden in 1601. The author was afterwards dissatisfied with

it, and would not suffer it to appear in the collection of his Poems

published by his brother[42]. _Christus patiens_ was his second tragedy.

It was printed at Leyden in 1608, and much approved. Casaubon greatly

admires its poetic fire[43]. Sandes translated it into English verse;

and dedicated it to Charles I. It was very favourably received in

England; and in Germany it was proposed as the model of perfect Tragedy.

The subject of his third Tragedy was the story of Joseph; and its title

_Sophomphaneas_, which, in the language of Egypt, signifies the Saviour

of the world. Vossius assures Meursius it is the most perfect thing in

its kind the age has produced[44]: Vondel, a celebrated poet of Holland,

translated it into Dutch: and Grotius expressed a high sense of Vondel's

friendship, in condescending to translate his works, when he could write

much better of his own[45].

The most learned critics, many of whom were good versifiers, agreed that

Grotius excelled in Poetry. Scaliger acknowledged his epigrams were

admirable[46]. Casaubon being informed that Grotius had written some

verses on the death of Theodore Beza, says, "he heard with infinite

pleasure that so great a man had his elegy written by so great a

poet[47]." Baudius calls him the darling friend of the Muses, and

acquaints us that Scaliger thought some of his small poems equal to the

best of the ancients[48]. Gerard Vossius speaks of him as the greatest

poet of his age, and the prince of poetry. In fine, M. Baillet, who had

examined the many opinions given of Grotius, assures us, that all who

read his poems approved of them; that those of fine taste, and who could

judge of epigrams, found many of his admirable, some discovering the

subtilty of his genius, and the fertility of his imagination; others,

the happy turn which he could give to his thoughts and expressions.

Even his enemies did not presume to deny him the praise of an excellent

Poet; and Salmasius, in a letter written with design to lessen Grotius's

reputation, and dictated by jealousy, injustice, and spleen, allows

however he was a great Poet. "But," he adds, "every one in this country

prefers Barlæus; and many, even Heinsius." Balzac, who in other things

did justice to Grotius, wished he had employed his poetic talents only

on proper subjects. "I never saw," says he, "the Swedish Ambassador, but

I have long esteemed his genius: and if he had not put the _Institutes_

into verse, and published some other pieces of the same nature, I should

esteem him still more." But it is proper to observe that these were the

amusements of his childhood, and never intended to be made public.

Grotius had a meaner idea of his poetical talents, than even the rivals

of his glory. "As to merit in poetry (he writes to the President de

Thou) I yield it to every one."

It was William Grotius who published the collection of his brother's

poems. Some of them, and these not the best, had been printed before in

Germany very incorrect: which induced William to look over his brother's

papers, extract the poems, and publish them with those already printed.

This Collection is dedicated to Vandermile, son-in-law of the Grand

Pensionary Barnevelt, Deputy to the States General, Curator of the

university of Leyden, and the great friend of Hugo Grotius. The

dedication is dated September 1, 1616. A Letter of Grotius, written the

14th of December in the preceding year, informs us he was very averse to

his brother's project. He foresaw that he would one day be reproached

with this edition; which accordingly happened, particularly when,

endeavouring to reconcile the two Religions, he incurred the hatred of

Rivet and some other ministers, who seeking to destroy his reputation,

declaimed against his epithalamiums, and found fault with his

introducing the false divinities in the manner of the ancient poets, and

his speaking of war rather as a zealous citizen, than a pacific

Christian. These reproaches touched him: and in the latter part of his

life he wished only his sacred poems had been preserved[49]. But,

notwithstanding the peevishness of those Divines, Grotius's Poems had a

great run, were printed in England, and several times reprinted in

Holland.

FOOTNOTES:

[39]

Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis,

Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinæ

Nunc quoque fata timent, alieno in littore resto.

Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem.

Sævit hiems pelago, morbisque furentibus æstas;

Et nimium est quod fecit Iber crudelior armis.

In nos orta lues: nullum est sine funere funus;

Nec perimit mors una semel. Fortuna, quid hæres?

Qua mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?

Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto

Quæritur, et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est.

[40] Gassendi's Life of Pyresc, lib. 2. p. 79.

[41] Ep. 99. Feb. 3, 1602.

[42] Ep. 87. ad Vossium, p. 34.

[43] Casaub. Ep. 597. p. 313.

[44] Ep. 313. p. 317.

[45] Ep. 527. p. 204.

[46] Scaligerana p. 178. ed. 1695.

[47] Ep. 1089.

[48] Ep. Baudii, 100. Cent. 3. Scal. Poemata, p. 359.

[49] Discus. Apolog. Rivetiani, p. 740. Ep. 504, p. 885. Ep. 558. p.

924. Ep. 664. p. 956. Ep. 736. p. 974.

XIV. The United Provinces still bravely maintained their liberty against

the efforts of Spain, who since the peace of Vervins had collected her

whole force against them. The glory they acquired by this illustrious

defence determined them to make choice of an Historian who might

transmit with dignity to after-ages the signal exploits of this

memorable war. Several learned men made great interest for the place;

among others Baudius, the famous Professor of Eloquence in the

university of Leyden: but the States thought young Grotius (who had

taken no step to obtain it) deserved the preference: and what is still

more singular, Baudius himself did not find fault with their choice,

because he looked upon Grotius to be already a very great man.

XV. His high reputation was on the point of procuring him, about the

same time, a very honourable settlement in France. King Henry IV.

sensible that he ought to have a man of the greatest merit at the head

of his Library, had, at the recommendation of M. de Villeroi, while

Gosselin his librarian was yet living, fixed upon Casaubon, who at that

time had the greatest name for literature. This affair was carried on

mysteriously: The King desired to see Casaubon in private: he told him,

that he intended to make him his librarian; and that Gosselin could not

live above a year; adding, with the frank and noble air which so well

became that great Prince: "You shall see my fine books, and tell me what

they contain; for I don't understand them myself."

Gosselin lived three years after this conversation, till 1603. The

Jesuits being informed Casaubon was to be set over the King's Library,

represented to his majesty the inconveniences of confiding a treasure of

that nature to the most obstinate of all heretics. This made some

impression on the king: nevertheless he was afraid of a clamour were it

known that he refused an employment promised to a Protestant on account

of his religion. He consulted with some persons; and they advised him to

send to Holland for Grotius, whom he knew, and appoint him his

librarian; which would make the Public ascribe the change to some

private discontent, and not to religion. Casaubon, apprised of what was

doing, remained perfectly quiet: but the President de Thou, thinking the

King's honour concerned in keeping his word, warmly solicited in his

favour, and, after the affair had been suspended some weeks, Casaubon

was at length nominated. Grotius had had no part in this whole

proceeding: accordingly Casaubon was so far from being offended with

him, that, writing to Daniel Heinsius, December 29, 1603, he assures him

if the place could have made Grotius's fortune, he wished he had got

it, because he loved him, and admired his prodigious genius.

XVI. Grotius was at that time principally employed as an Advocate. He

tells us that to make himself master of the forms of law, he carefully

studied the practical part, transcribing precedents of Petitions,

Prosecutions, and Defences. He pleaded his first cause when he was but

seventeen, with universal applause, which he maintained whilst he

continued at the Bar. We learn the method he followed in his pleadings

from a letter to his son Peter advising him to imitate it. "That you may

not, says he, be embarrassed by the little order observed by those

against whom you speak, mind one thing, of which I have found the

advantage. Distribute all that can be said on both sides under certain

heads, which imprint strongly in your memory; and whatever your

adversary says, refer it to your own division, and not to his[50]."

Grotius's great attention was to avoid prolixity and confusion in his

pleadings[51].

The employment of an advocate, though he acquired infinite honour by it,

did not however please him. The reasons of his dislike we have in a

letter to Daniel Heinsius, dated July 21, 1603. "Besides that law-suits

are improper for a peaceable man, what doth he derive from them? They

procure him hatred from those against whom he pleads, small

acknowledgments from his clients, and not much honour with the Public.

Add to this, that the time spent in things so little agreeable, might be

employed in acquiring others much more useful. I should have been a

better philosopher, more master of the Greek, better acquainted with the

manners of the Ancients, with the Poets, and Philologists, if I had

practiced less as an Advocate."

FOOTNOTES:

[50] Ep. 1134. p. 512.

[51] Ibid.

XVII. His brilliant success at the Bar, which he treats as ungrateful,

procured him, however, a very considerable promotion. The place of

Advocate-general of the Fisc for Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it

was unanimously conferred on Grotius. This is an employment of great

distinction and authority, the person invested with it being charged

with the preservation of the public peace and the prosecution of

offenders. It was in 1607 he took possession of this important office,

which he filled with so much reputation, the States augmented his

salary, and promised him a seat in the Court of Holland.

XVIII. John Grotius, on his son's being made Advocate-general, began to

think of a wife for him; and fixed upon Mary Reigersberg, of one of the

first families in Zealand, whose father had been Burgomaster of Veer:

the marriage was solemnised in July, 1608. The greatest encomium of the

new-married lady is, that she was worthy such a husband as Grotius. The

most perfect harmony subsisted between them, and Grotius held her in the

highest esteem[52]. This alliance gave occasion to a number of poems.

John Grotius wrote his son's Epithalamium; Daniel Heinsius composed a

Poem on that subject, which, in the opinion of Grotius, was the best of

the kind that ever had been written. Grotius himself celebrated his

nuptials in some Latin verses, approved of by Scaliger, and translated

them into Dutch: he also wrote some in French on that occasion.

FOOTNOTES:

[52] Ep. 423. p. 876.

XIX. At the time of his marriage he was employed in a work of great

importance, which was not published till the year following. This was

his _Freedom of the Ocean, or the Right of the Dutch to trade to the

Indies_; dedicated to all the free nations of Christendom, and divided

into thirteen Chapters. The author shews in the first, that by the law

of Nations navigation is free to all the world: In the second, that the

Portuguese never possessed the sovereignty of the countries in the

East-Indies with which the Dutch carry on a trade: In the third, that

the donation of Pope Alexander VI. gave the Portuguese no right to the

Indies: In the fourth, that the Portuguese had not acquired by the law

of arms the sovereignty of the States to which the Dutch trade: He shews

in the fifth, that the ocean is immense and common to all; that it is

absurd to imagine that those who first navigate a sea ought to be judged

to have taken possession of it; that a vessel which cuts the waves of a

sea, gives no more right to that sea, than she leaves marks of her way

in it; that, besides, the Portuguese are not the first who sailed in the

Indian sea, since there are facts which demonstrate it was neither

unknown to the Ancients, to the Spaniards, nor to the Carthaginians, nor

even to the Romans. The sixth chapter proves, that the right of

navigation in that sea cannot belong exclusively to the Portuguese by

virtue of Alexander VI's donation, because donation cannot take place in

things which enter not into trade; and that, besides, the Pope is not

master of the sea. In the seventh chapter it is shewn, that the Eastern

sea, or the right of navigation in it, cannot belong to the Portuguese

by prescription, since prescription being only by the civil law it

cannot operate against the law of nature, by virtue of which, navigation

in that sea is free to all the world; that, moreover, prescription doth

not take place in things that cannot be alienated, such as the sea, the

use of the sea, and things common to all men: add to this, that the

opposition of other nations, and their navigation in that sea would have

hindered the prescription. It is proved in the eighth, that by the law

of nations the commerce between nations is free, and cannot be

prohibited without injustice. In the ninth it is shewn that the trade to

the Indies doth not belong to the Portuguese, exclusive of other

kingdoms, because they first took possession of it, since the title of

first occupant takes place only in that which is corporeal. The tenth

proves, that the Pope could not grant the Portuguese an exclusive trade

to the Indies: the eleventh, that this trade does not belong to them by

prescription: the twelfth, that nothing is more unjust than the claim to

an exclusive trade set up by the Portuguese. The author concludes his

work with the thirteenth chapter, exhorting the Dutch to continue their

trade to the Indies in time of war, of truce, or of peace.

This work was printed without Grotius's knowledge, and published without

his consent. He appears not to have been quite satisfied with it: "My

intention (says he in a letter to Camerarius, May 20th, 1637) was good;

but the work favours too much of my want of years." They wrote against

him in Spain: "I know (he writes his brother, April 1, 1640) that a

treatise was written some time ago, at Salamanca, against mine _Of the

Freedom of the Ocean_, but it was suppressed by the King of Spain."

Another appeared, in 1625, at Valladolid, entitled, _De justo imperio

Lusitanorum Asiatico_, by one Francis Seraphin de Freiras. _The Freedom

of the Ocean_ was refuted in England by the famous Selden in his work

entitled _Mare clausum, seu de dominio maris_. Grotius thought the

Spanish author's book not ill done, and deserving of an answer[53]; and

was pleased with the politeness shewn him by Selden[54]. But at the time

these Answers appeared Grotius was so dissatisfied with the Dutch, he

did not think himself obliged to employ his time for people void of

gratitude. "Let them seek among my Judges (said he by way of irony on

their ignorance) for one to answer the Spaniard[55]." As to Selden's

book, Grotius seemed not to mind it; he looked on himself as no longer

concerned in the controversy. "I wholly forget what I have been, says

he, when I see those to whom I have done so great services, remember me

only to hurt me." These sentiments of an indifference bordering on

hatred he did not entertain till after the Dutch had done every thing to

make him uneasy, as we shall see in the sequel.

FOOTNOTES:

[53] Ep. 144. p. 796.

[54] Ep. 364. p. 858.

[55] Ep. 144. p. 796.

XX. The year after the publication of the treatise _Of the Freedom of

the Ocean_, Grotius printed his work _De antiquitate reipublicæ Batavæ_,

divided into seven chapters. In the first the author shews what is an

aristocratical government: In the second he gives the history of the

ancient Batavi, whose government, he says, was aristocratical, under the

command of a head, who was sometimes styled King. He explains, in the

third, the state of the Republic of the Batavi in the time of the Roman

empire; and building on a passage of Tacitus he pretends they were

allies, and not subjects of the Romans. In the fourth he enquires into

the government of the Batavi after the fall of the Roman empire; from

which æra till the establishment of the Counts of Holland we know very

little of that nation. The author treats, in the fifth chapter, of the

government of Holland in the time of the Counts. The first elected to

that dignity was named Diederic, of Friesland, and was Count of the

whole nation: He was not a vassal of the Empire, and, as Philip of

Leyden observes, he was Emperor in his County. He was not so absolute as

a Monarch, and though the Dutch in chusing their Counts generally

followed the order of primogeniture, they never set up a Prince without

first requiring of him an oath, to conform to the laws: so that he

reigned rather by the consent of the people, than by right of

succession. The power of the Counts was limited by law; and the taxes

were always imposed by the States. In the sixth chapter the author shews

that Philip II. King of Spain, endeavouring to change their form of

government, occasioned the grand war which procured Holland her liberty.

Grotius explains, in his seventh and last chapter, the form of

government established in Holland after the Dutch threw off the Spanish

yoke. The work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West-Friesland,

March 16, 1610.

The States were extremely pleased with it: they returned their thanks to

the author, and made him a present[56]. He afterwards added notes,

serving for proofs of the several facts: these were carried away with

his other papers at the time of his arrest; but the Elzevirs, intending

to publish a new edition of it, acquainted Grotius, who was at pains to

get the notes returned; and they are now printed at the end of the

Elzevir edition. His love to his country led him to advance several

things in this work, which he afterwards owned to be mistakes[57]; in

particular, that the Batavi had always been free, and not subject to the

ancient Franks[58].

While this book was in the press, Grotius, and his father, who commonly

assisted him in his writings, translated it into Dutch[59].

FOOTNOTES:

[56] Apolog. C. 1.

[57] Ep. 635. p. 947.

[58] Grotii manes, Conringius, Pope, p. 947.

[59] Ep. 662. p. 834.

XXI. Elias Oldenbarnevelt, Pensionary of Rotterdam, and brother to the

Grand Pensionary of Holland, dying in 1613, the city of Rotterdam

offered that important place to Grotius, whose name was so famous,

foreigners sought to draw him to them by offers of honours and lucrative

posts, which love to his Country made him constantly reject. It was some

time before he yielded to the desires of Rotterdam. By the ferment of

mens minds he foresaw that very great commotions would speedily shake

the Republic; this made him insist with the gentlemen of Rotterdam that

he should never be turned out of his place of Pensionary: and on their

promising accordingly, he accepted the employment, which gave him a seat

in the assembly of the States of Holland, and afterwards in that of the

States General.

Hitherto Grotius had had very little connection with the Grand

Pensionary; but from this time contracted an intimate friendship with

him, which gave him the greater pleasure as he was most desirous of the

counsels of a man of so much experience, who had been himself nine years

Pensionary of Rotterdam, and above thirty years Grand Pensionary of

Holland (in which employment he had done his Country most essential

services) and who was famous not only in Holland, but in foreign

countries, for his many embassies, and acknowledged prudence and

abilities.

The great intimacy between them gave rise to a report, that the Grand

Pensionary, who was sensible of Grotius's great merit, and who loved

him, designed to have him made Grand Pensionary. We have this particular

from Grotius himself[60], who assures us he never desired that high

office, the rather as his health would not then permit him to discharge

the many functions belonging to it. For by the Grand Pensionary the

States see, hear, and act; and though he has no deliberative voice, and

is the lowest in rank, his influence is the greatest. He manages

Prosecutions, receives Dispatches, and answers them, and is as it were

Attorney-General of the States: before he be called to be

Grand-Pensionary, he is nominated Advocate of the States.

FOOTNOTES:

[60] Apol. C. 19.

XXII. There was at that time a high dispute between the English and

Dutch concerning the right of fishing in the northern seas. Two vessels

had sailed from Amsterdam to Greenland to kill walrus, a sea-animal,

larger than an ox, with the muzzle of a lion, the skin covered with

hair, four feet, and two large teeth in the upper jaw, flat, hard, and

so white that in colour and value they equal those of the elephant: some

even give them the preference, because, besides their exceeding

whiteness, they are not subject to grow yellow. These two vessels having

caught twenty-two walrus, were met by some English vessels bound to

Russia, who hail'd them, and demanded whether they had pasports from the

King of Great Britain to fish at Greenland? The Dutchmen answered, that

the Sea was free, and they had pasports from Count Maurice their

Stadtholder. "That is not enough, said the English[61]: and to let you

know that that sea belongs to the King our master, if you will not give

us instantly the walrus you have taken, with your boats, nets, and

instruments for killing them, we'll send you to the bottom." The two

Dutch vessels, unable to resist, were obliged to obey. Returning to

Holland, they made their complaint; and the affair being laid before the

States, it was resolved that Grotius, who had written on the subject and

was more master of it than any one, should be sent to England to demand

justice: But, says the _Mercure François_, he found the old proverb

true: The strongest are masters of the sea, and such never care to make

restitution: so that he could obtain no satisfaction.

This denial of justice from the English determined the Dutch not to go

to Greenland for the future without a force sufficient to revenge

themselves on the English, or to have nothing to fear from them.

The dispute growing serious, to prevent any acts of hostility, and to

know on what grounds they went, a conference was held in 1615 between

the Commissaries of England and Holland, in which the debate turned

chiefly on the whale-fishery. Grotius, who was one of the Commissaries

from the Province of Holland, gives the history of this conference in a

Letter to Du Maurier, dated at Rotterdam, June 5, 1615. The Dutch

Commissaries put the English to silence, by demonstrating, that neither

the land nor the sea of Greenland belonged to them, and that they had no

right to hinder the Dutch to navigate and catch whales in that sea, of

which none could claim the property. That the land did not belong to

them, because till the year 1596 no mortal had set foot on it; that the

Dutch discovered it the year before, and gave it the name it still

retains, as may be seen in all the modern geographers, on the globes,

and carts. The English wanted to reply that Hugh Willoughby discovered

it in 1553: but the Dutch shewed even by the Journal of his voyage, that

setting out from Finland he landed on the Island which bears his name,

at a great distance from Greenland; that he died of hunger and cold,

with all his companions, on the coast of Lapland, where the Laplanders

found him, next summer, and from whence his Journals were sent to

England. The English, not knowing what to answer, said, it was a high

indignity to their master, to dispute a right of which he had hitherto

been in peaceable possession; and that their instructions imported, they

should break off the conference unless the Dutch would acknowledge

England's claim to Greenland. What was still more diverting (continued

Grotius) they added, that they had not then their titles, but would shew

them to Caron, the Dutch Agent in England, and, they flattered

themselves, on seeing them, he would yield the point. They like better

(adds he in the conclusion) to deal with him, than dispute with us,

because they will take his silence, as they have done already, for

submission.

FOOTNOTES:

[61] Mercure François, an. 1613.

XXIII. If Grotius had ground to be dissatisfied with the

disingenuousness and injustice of the English Ministry in his

negotiation concerning the Fishery, he had at least reason to be pleased

with the politeness of King James, who, Casaubon informs us, gave

Grotius a most gracious reception, and was charmed with his

conversation. But the greatest pleasure he received by this voyage was

the intimate friendship he contracted with Casaubon. They knew one

another before by character, and highly esteemed each other. They were

made to be intimate friends: in both the most profound erudition was

joined with the most perfect probity. They had still another sympathy to

knit faster the band of this union: both ardently wished to see all

Christians united in one faith and desired nothing more, than to be

employed in that great work. They have left behind them testimonies of

the satisfaction they found in each other's acquaintance. "For my part,

says Grotius in a letter to John Frederic Gronovius[62], I reckon it one

of the greatest felicities of my whole life to have been loved by a man

as illustrious for his piety, his probity, and his candor, as for his

extensive learning. It was by his counsels or those of persons he

approved that I conducted myself in the most difficult times."

"I respect no less, says he in another letter, his frankness and his

probity, than his uncommon erudition. His letters sufficiently prove

what great friendship he had for me."

We find in fact that they contain evidences of the highest esteem for

Grotius. To Daniel Heinsius he writes, April 13, 1613, "I am very well;

and cannot say enough of my felicity in enjoying the friendship of such

a great man as Grotius. O that incomparable man! I knew him before: but

fully to comprehend the excellency of his divine genius, one must see

him, and hear him converse. His countenance speaks probity, and his

discourse discovers the deepest learning and the most sincere piety.

Think not that I only am his admirer; all learned and good men entertain

the same sentiments for him, particularly the King."

Casaubon writes to the President de Thou, April 20, 1613, to acquaint

him what pleasure he had received by seeing Grotius. "I must let you

know, says he, that I have seen here Hugo Grotius. He is a man of

admirable probity and learning[63]."

They had long conversations together on religion. Casaubon ardently

desired a reunion of the Protestants with the Roman Catholics[64]: and

would have set about it, had he staid longer in France, as he informed

Descordes, who repeated it to Grotius. He greatly respected the opinions

of the ancient church[65], and was persuaded its sentiments were more

sound than those of the Ministers of Charenton. Grotius and he had

imparted their thoughts to each other before the voyage to England: for

Casaubon congratulates him, January 8, 1612, on his desiring nothing but

peace and a coalition; and communicated Grotius' sentiments to King

James; who approved of them. This shews that Grotius thought it was

wrong to depart from the discipline and forms of the ancient church:

Casaubon was of the same mind; and his Letter to M. de Thou is a

demonstrative proof that these two excellent men did not differ in

matters of Religion. "I esteem him highly, says he[66], on account of

his other great qualities; for he judges of the modern subjects of

religious controversy like a learned and good man; and in his veneration

for antiquity agrees with the wisest."

The last Letter which we have from Casaubon to Grotius comprehends all

these sentiments in few words[67]: "I heartily pray God to preserve you

ever: and as long as I live, I shall hold you in the highest esteem, so

much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and your admirable

learning."

FOOTNOTES:

[62] Ep. 1168. p. 530.

[63] Ep. 883 p. 531.

[64] Ep. Grotii 610.

[65] Ep. Grotii 613.

[66] Ep. 531.

[67] Ep. 890.

XXIV. After his return from England, Grotius happened to be one day at

the Assembly of the States of Holland and West-Friesland when an affair

of consequence was under consideration. The States had granted

commissions to several Privateers, some of which made depredations on

the friends of the Republic, and, afterwards quitting the country,

scowered the seas, refusing to return though summoned. Some people of

Pomerania who had been ill used by these Corsairs, applied to the States

for redress. The Question therefore was, Whether the States were

answerable for the act of those privateers, either as having employed

bad men in their service, or neglected to require security from them on

giving them commissions. Grotius' advice being asked, his opinion was,

that the States were only bound to punish the offenders, or deliver them

up, if taken; and, for the rest, to make satisfaction to the sufferers

out of the effects of the pirates. We learn from himself on what he

grounded his opinion[68]. The States, said he, were not the cause of

those unjust practices, nor had any part in them: so far from it they

have prohibited, by express ordonnances, the injuring of our friends.

They were not obliged to ask security from the privateers, since,

without granting formal commissions, they might permit all their

subjects to plunder the enemy, as was formerly practised; and the

permission they granted to those privateers was not the cause of the

damage they did to our allies, since any private person may, without

such permission, fit out vessels, and sail on a cruize. Besides, it was

impossible to foresee that these privateers would turn out wicked; and

there is no taking such precautions as to employ only honest men. When a

prince's troops, whether by sea or land, contrary to his order, injure

his friends, he is not responsable for it; as appears from what has been

acknowledged by France and England. To make one answerable for the acts

of those who are in his service, even when no fault of his gave any

occasion to them, would be to decide the question not by the law of

nations, but by the civil law; and even the rule is not general in the

civil law.

The States were determined by this opinion.

FOOTNOTES:

[68] De jure belli et pacis, lib. 2. c. 17. § 20.

XXV. The multitude of affairs with which Grotius was oppressed, and the

continual journeys he was obliged to make, left him no time for

cultivating Polite Literature. In the midst of his occupations Du

Maurier, the French Ambassador in Holland, and his particular friend,

having resolved to begin a course of study, applied to Grotius for

directions. We shall here give an extract from his answer[69], because

it may be of use to grown persons desirous of acquiring literary

accomplishments.

He shortened his method as much as he could out of regard to Du

Maurier's age, dignity, and affairs. He advises him to begin with Logic,

not that of Aristotle, which is too long, and contains many things of no

great use: an abridgment was sufficient, such as Du Moulin's, the most

esteemed at that time. "But your assistant, says he, must read the best

that has been written on the subject, and communicate to you what is

most remarkable: much may be learnt in an hour or two spent in this

manner." The same method he would have observed in the other sciences,

and even with regard to books; that is to say, the person under whom Du

Maurier studies must read the best writers on every subject; and extract

what is most essential, to be repeated to him. After Logic he directs

him to the study of Physics, which he would not have carried too far;

and recommends some plain and short abridgement: he could think of none

at that time but _Jacchæus_. He is of opinion, that as in Logic the

rules of syllogism are chiefly to be attended to, so in Physics the

enquiry into the nature and functions of the soul is of most importance.

After Physics he advises him to proceed to Metaphysics, of which he

might get some notion from Timplerus' book, which is neither long nor

obscure. The study of Moral Philosophy is to be begun with Aristotle,

whose books to Nicomachus are the best. "Your reader, says he, must give

you in a small compass what the ablest interpreters have said. It is

also necessary to be acquainted with the sentiments of the different

sects of Philosophers; for without that knowledge you will be much at a

loss in reading the Ancients, and profit little by them." To unbend

after this serious study, some other short and agreeable books that have

a relation to it may be read: such as _Ecclesiasticus_, the _Wisdom of

Solomon_, _Theognis_, _Phocilides_, the _Golden Verses ascribed to

Pythagoras_, _Epictetus's Enchiridion_, _Hierocles_, and the

_Commentaries of Arrian_; not omitting the _Characters of Theophrastus_.

What the Poets have written on Morality may also be perused; with some

select Tragedies of Euripides, _Terence's Comedies_, and _Horace's

Epistles_. Young people and grown persons admire different things in

these writings: the beauty of the style pleases the first: the others

learn by them to know men. To these works may be added _Cicero's

Offices_, a piece not enough esteemed, purely because it is in the hands

of every one; some of _Seneca's Epistles_, the Tragedies that go under

his name; and the best of Plutarch's smaller pieces. After having gone

through _Aristotle's Politics_, the excellent extract by Polybius of

Republics is to be read; with the _Harangues of Mecænas and Agrippa to

Augustus_, in Dion; and _Sallust's Letter to Cæsar_. _Plutarch's Lives

of Pericles_, _Cato_, _the Gracchi_, _Demosthenes_, _and Cicero_, must

not be omitted: much may be learned too from _Cicero's Letters to

Atticus_, if they were translated by one well acquainted with the Roman

History of that period.

After this would be the proper time for reading _Aristotle's Rhetoric_:

for, as is well remark'd by that great man, who possessed all the arts

and sciences in an eminent degree, from Morals and Politics must the

arguments be drawn that are to convince mens understandings; that is to

say, it is impossible to be truly eloquent without extensive knowledge.

The better to perceive the use of the precepts it would be proper to

read with attention some Orations of Demosthenes and Cicero,

particularly those which relate to public Affairs, such as the

_Philippics_, the _Olinthiacs_, the Oration _pro lege Manilia_, that

against the _Agrarian Law_, and some others. The next thing, to be

applied to is _Jus publicum_, that is to say, the knowledge of the

different forms of government, the Conventions between Nations, and, in

fine, whatever regards Peace and War. The treatises of Plato and Cicero

_On Laws_ shew in what manner the principles of this law are to be

deduced from morality. It will not be unprofitable to read likewise, or

at least to run over the second book of _St. Thomas Aquinas_, especially

what he says of Justice and Laws: The _Pandecta_, particularly the first

and last book, the first and the three last books of _Justinian's

Codex_, point out the use to be made of those principles. The Lawyers

who have best handled the questions relating to the Law of Nations and

_Jus publicum_, are Vasquès, Hotoman, and Gentilis. After the

acquisition of these several branches of knowledge, the study of History

will be extremely useful, by the application which may be made of the

examples to the precepts. History is to be begun with an abridgement of

universal history; such as _Justin_, _Florus_, and the abridgement of

_Livy_. But in reading History a man ought to please his own taste: for

they all contain many useful things: and we retain best those we read

with pleasure. In general, we ought not to begin with the most ancient,

but with such as, being nearer our own times, have greater relation with

what we know already: we may afterwards go back to what is more distant.

It is proper to observe, that there is more advantage to be reaped from

reading the Greek historians who have written the history of Rome, than

the Latin, who have treated the same subject; because Foreigners give

more attention to the public manners and customs, than the Natives.

M. du Maurier received this Letter with the highest satisfaction; he

permitted several copies to be taken of it, and it was printed by the

Elzevirs in 1637, in a collection of several Methods of Study, under the

title of _De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo_.

Grotius acquaints us[70] that it was published with out his consent.

FOOTNOTES:

[69] Ep. 54. p. 17.

[70] Ep. 740. p. 976.