THE BATTLE OF CANNÆ[80]

(216 B.C.)

When the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to face,

and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were daily

taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and

uneasiness; the people dreading the result, owing to the disasters

which had now befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing

and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were

utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in

everybody's mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies

and miracles: in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows,

sacrifices, supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in

times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and

look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or

beneath their dignity.

When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun

was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius[81] got the army in motion from

both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of

battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up

those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line,

selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he

stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them

in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than

usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than

its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing,

and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole

army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a

little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought

his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed

them in advance of his main body; which he led out of their camp,

and, getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite

the enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the

Iberian and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them

half the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and

Celtic foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right

wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line, he

advanced with the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so

arranged the other companies next these in regular gradations that the

whole line became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth toward its

extremities: his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the

battle, and to commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.

The armor of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed them with a

selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The shield of the

Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were

quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly

effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that

requires some room. And the companies coming alternately--the naked

Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with

purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and

terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten

thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand,

including the Celts. Æmilius[82] commanded on the Roman right, Gaius

Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gnæus Servilius, the Consuls

of the previous year, on the center. The left of the Carthaginians

was commanded by Hasdrubal,[83] the right by Hanno,[84] the center by

Hannibal in person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman

line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the

north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience either of

them.

The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard of

the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed

troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry

got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true

barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and

retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man

to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when

the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed

most of their opponents on the ground--because the Romans all

maintained the fight with spirit and determination--and began chasing

the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no

quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and

closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines

stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently overpowered by

the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the

rear, thus breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with

spirit, and easily cut their way through the enemy's line; since the

Celts had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up

from the wings toward the center and the point of danger. For the two

wings did not come into action at the same time as the center: but the

center was first engaged because the Gauls, having been stationed on

the arc of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long

before the wings, the convex of the crescent being toward the enemy.

The Romans, however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily

closing in toward the center and the part of the enemy which was

giving ground, advanced so far that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on

either wing got on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the

left, charged from the right upon the Roman flank; while those who

were on the left wing faced to the right, and, dressing by the left,

charged their right flank, the exigency of the moment suggesting to

them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had

planned, that the Romans were caught between two hostile lines of

Libyans--thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they

fought, tho no longer in line, yet singly or in maniples, which faced

about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.

Tho he had been from the first on the right wing, and had taken part

in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Æmilius still survived. Determined

to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that the decision

of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the

center of the line he led the charge himself, and personally grappled

with the enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his

soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for

he too had taken his place on the center from the commencement. The

Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the

cavalry on the Roman left; and tho, from the peculiar nature of their

mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they

yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and

charging them first on one side and then on another. But when

Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came

from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied

cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.

At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and

discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more

effective and formidable to troops that had once been forced from

their ground, he left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened

to the part of the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought

his men up to support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions

on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron

upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the

Libyans, and dismayed and deprest those of the Romans. It was at this

point that Lucius Æmilius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered

with wounds: a man who did his duty to his country at the last hour of

his life, as he had throughout its previous years, if any man ever

did. As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first

in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the

enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually

falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at

last were all killed on the field; and among them Marcus Atilius and

Gnæus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had shown

themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. While this

struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian horse were pursuing

the fugitives, most of whom they cut down or hurled from their horses;

but some few escaped into Venusia, among whom was Gaius Terentius, the

Consul, who thus sought a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his

conduct in office had been disastrous to his country.

Such was the end of the battle of Cannæ,[85] in which both sides

fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less than

the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six thousand

horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about

three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in the

neighborhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in

fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who

were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped to the

towns of the surrounding district; all the rest died nobly, to the

number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this occasion,

as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to their

superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war it is

better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority in

cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the

side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred

Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse....

The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the

consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their

victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian

coast which is called _Magna Græcia_. Thus the Tarentines immediately

submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited

Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning

their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have

high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.

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